[Congressional Record (Bound Edition), Volume 163 (2017), Part 11]
[House]
[Pages 15760-15763]
[From the U.S. Government Publishing Office, www.gpo.gov]




                        WORLDWIDE REFUGEE CRISIS

  The SPEAKER pro tempore (Mr. Rutherford). Under the Speaker's 
announced policy of January 3, 2017, the Chair recognizes the gentleman 
from Texas (Mr. Castro) for 30 minutes.


                             General Leave

  Mr. CASTRO of Texas. Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all 
Members may have 5 legislative days in which to revise and extend their 
remarks and include extraneous material on the subject of my Special 
Order.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. Is there objection to the request of the 
gentleman from Texas?
  There was no objection.
  Mr. CASTRO of Texas. Mr. Speaker, as with any moment in the history 
of our Nation, in the world, there are tragedies and disasters which 
sear the conscience and call us to action not only because we are 
American, but because we are human.
  Some of these tragedies are man-made, others are the work of nature. 
Some hit close to home, such as the hurricanes that devastated Texas--
my home State--Florida, and Puerto Rico, taking many lives and 
inflicting billions of dollars in damage. Some are the work of one man, 
like the shooter in Las Vegas, who took 58 lives.

                              {time}  2045

  Like many in this Chamber, I have spoken up on these tragedies close 
to home.
  Tonight, I would like to speak to a humanitarian crisis far away from 
us; that is, the ethnic cleansing of the Rohingya Muslims in Burma.
  Since late August, 500,000 Rohingya have been forced out of their 
nation. The Rohingya, after being driven out of Burma, have sought 
refuge in Bangladesh, Malaysia, Indonesia, Thailand, and India. Some 
have even come as far as the United States of America.
  These victims had been driven out of the country their ancestors have 
called home for hundreds of years through a systematic campaign of 
murder and rape and the destruction of entire villages and communities.
  It can be challenging for host governments to care for these 
displaced populations, which can lead to additional instability, 
especially in countries with low incomes or with governments already 
under stress to provide services to their citizens. We see this pattern 
worldwide.
  The refugees from the war in Syria have fled to Lebanon and Turkey, 
to Iraq, and across the Mediterranean to Europe. Over a million Syrian 
refugees are in Lebanon, which is over one-sixth of that nation's 
population. Over 3.2 million refugees have found their way to Turkey, 
and 600,000 in Jordan. Almost 1 million have sought refuge in Europe.
  There are similar crises in the Central African Republic, Iraq, South 
Sudan, and Yemen. Millions of people have fled conflicts and 
instabilities in these regions, usually finding refuge in neighboring 
countries vulnerable to instability.
  The United States, our own country, has already been affected by 
instability. In recent years, gang-related violence in Central America 
has driven hundreds of thousands of people both to the north and to the 
south. We remember the tens of thousands of primarily women and 
children who made their way to the United States and were able to find 
refuge here. Tens of thousands more, though, remained in Mexico, where 
the resources to care for these children are scarce.
  These crises have global consequences, and failure to address them 
early will eventually affect the United States. The United States 
cannot afford to treat these crises as events ``over there'' or just 
far away. This affects us in a very real way.
  These events highlight how important the concept of democracy and 
inclusive governance are. Democratic countries with inclusive 
governments respect the rights of citizens and address the concerns of 
even the most vulnerable and least empowered.
  This is why U.S. foreign assistance matters so much. We invest in the 
rest of the world and build the capacity of states and societies to 
govern in a more democratic and inclusive manner. We also empower 
regional diplomacy through our engagement, allowing regions to address 
any such instability in a single country collectively.
  Like many others in the global community, I welcomed Aung San Suu 
Kyi's rise to power in Burma a few years ago in 2015. Her election 
ended decades of military rule when the Burmese military government 
held elections and promised civilian rule.
  This kind of democratization, enabled by the persistent diplomacy of 
President Obama and Secretary Clinton, is a precious and rare event in 
the world and occurs only now and then.
  Last year, after the Burmese military drove tens of thousands of 
Rohingya out of the country, Aung San Suu Kyi moved to establish the 
Rakhine Advisory Commission under former U.N. Secretary General Kofi 
Annan.
  This was an important step towards addressing the concerns of the 
Rohingya, which includes disenfranchisement, statelessness, and 
widespread discrimination.
  The situation today looks far different and far less flattering to 
Counselor Suu Kyi. This year, the crisis is much more devastating, with 
hundreds of thousands displaced.
  I wanted to be able to show you some of these images of the 
catastrophe the Rohingya face. These are, of course, just a few, but as 
I said, they sear the conscience and call us to action.
  This year, the crisis, as I mentioned, is much more devastating, with 
hundreds of thousands displaced. Like many others in Congress, I have 
been disappointed in the lack of moral leadership Aung San Suu Kyi has 
demonstrated.
  When hundreds of thousands of people are driven out of the country, 
their villages burned, people slaughtered, women and children raped, I 
would expect a Nobel Peace Prize-winning leader of a country to take 
action. Counselor Suu Kyi rose to power because her moral leadership 
and her persistence in the face of adversity inspired millions. It is 
deeply saddening and disappointing to witness her lack of action today.
  Mr. Speaker, I would like to yield to the gentlewoman from New York 
(Ms. Tenney), my colleague.
  Ms. TENNEY. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman from Texas for 
yielding and for bringing up this very important issue.
  I just want to make a few comments, and I just want to say, what 
makes the

[[Page 15761]]

United States exceptional among all nations is the moral courage and 
leadership we have displayed throughout our history.
  So many times, in the face of great terror and significant moral 
crisis, the United States has acted as a force for good. We have 
supported our allies to restore order where there was once chaos. Where 
people have been suffering famine and drought, we have stepped up to 
provide food and water. Time and again, the world has faced crises, and 
the United States has stepped up to defend the moral good.
  The crisis in Myanmar presents yet another challenge for the global 
community, but in this moral crisis is yet another opportunity for our 
Nation to once again lead.
  As we speak, the Rohingya people are suffering undue hardship and 
violence under a government that has failed to uphold the values 
inherent to a vibrant democracy.
  It has been reported that an average of 2,000 Rohingya are fleeing 
the country each day. Denied basic rights for decades, the Rohingya 
people have been subject to systematic discrimination as a religious 
minority in a predominantly Buddhist country. The state has gone so far 
as to completely deny citizenship to the Rohingya people since 1982.
  Serious accusations of ethnic cleansing and genocide have been 
leveled against the government, which has failed to respond 
appropriately to the calls for calm and peace.
  While the government has the right to defend itself against any form 
of insurgency, common, agreed-upon rules of warfare dictate that all 
civilians be protected. This rule is sacred and must not be broken. 
Despite this, reports of abuse against civilians are running rampant in 
Myanmar.
  More than 200 villages have been destroyed, many burned to the ground 
by government forces. Communities are being wiped away as hundreds, 
possibly even thousands, of civilians are slaughtered. The crisis 
demands our immediate attention.
  Just recently, the House Foreign Affairs Committee held a hearing, 
and Chairman Royce stated plainly: ``This is ethnic cleansing.''
  Mr. Speaker, I must agree.
  Every conflict is complex, and this one is no different, but it must 
be made clear that under no conditions should the rights of innocent 
civilians be abridged. To the Government of Myanmar, we must make it 
equally as clear that their behavior will not be tolerated.
  I recently met with constituents from Myanmar in my district office. 
Utica, the largest city in New York's 22nd Congressional District, is 
home to a vibrant refugee community. We are home to the largest Bosnian 
refugee population in the Nation, a population that was also fleeing 
ethnic cleansing in their own home country of the former Yugoslavia.
  My constituents shared with me their personal stories and deep 
despair over the violence in their home country. They asked that I do 
all I can to make their voices heard, and tonight I am proud to speak 
on their behalf.
  They shared with me horrific pictures of violence and death, of 
torture of children, of young people, of women, of men, of families. It 
was simply just appalling.
  Mr. Speaker, when our Nation faces moral challenges, it is in our 
nature not to back down. I must insist that this time be no different. 
I call on my colleagues to stand up and speak out and to act on this 
important issue.
  Mr. Speaker, I thank my friend from Texas and my colleague for 
highlighting this very important issue. I urge all of my colleagues to 
understand this is a tragedy of major proportions that is happening in 
our world today.
  Mr. Speaker, I thank my friend from Texas again for bringing this 
issue to the floor.
  Mr. CASTRO of Texas. Mr. Speaker, I thank Representative Tenney for 
joining me at this late hour to speak on this issue.
  Ms. TENNEY. Mr. Speaker, this is so important. I really am grateful 
to my friend from Texas for doing this.
  Mr. CASTRO of Texas. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentlewoman from New 
York for her comments.
  This humanitarian crisis in Burma, or Myanmar, requires international 
attention and action, as Representative Tenney said. The actions of the 
Burmese State in ethnically cleansing hundreds of thousands of Rohingya 
demonstrate this need for international action.
  The most immediate need is to facilitate access by NGOs and 
international organizations in the Rakhine State. There are tens of 
thousands of Rohingya internally displaced within the Rakhine State.
  Violence against Rohingya, including the burning of villages, 
continues despite international condemnation. Just yesterday, a full 
month and a half after the beginning of this crisis, 11,000 Rohingya 
reportedly crossed over into Bangladesh.
  Access by international groups would allow the rest of the world to 
deliver assistance to the Rohingya still within Rakhine and to help 
prevent further violence.
  The United States, in partnership with our allies around the world, 
must also assist Bangladesh in providing for the hundreds of thousands 
of Rohingya they lost. This includes food, water, shelter, and 
medicine. We cannot allow this humanitarian catastrophe to escalate 
further.
  We know a political settlement to repatriation is possible. 
Bangladesh and Burma have arrived at such agreements in the past. The 
United States and our allies must support the U.N. High Commissioner 
for Refugees and the Bangladeshi Government's effort to identify all 
Rohingya who have arrived.
  Given the Burmese Government's reluctance to acknowledge Rohingya as 
Burmese citizens, leaving them stateless, identification by the United 
States would assist in repatriation by defining who originates from 
Rakhine State.
  The Rohingya have suffered violence and forced displacement for 
decades. Hundreds of Rohingya villages have been burned to the ground, 
and they can no longer return to their homes, because in many cases, 
those homes no longer exist.
  The full extent of the catastrophe is not yet known, as thousands of 
Rohingya remain unaccounted for. More Rohingya have fled Myanmar in the 
past 2 months than remain in Rakhine State. Would the Rohingya want to 
return if given a chance? What would need to be done to create the 
conditions required for such a return?
  Tackling the underlying issues that led to the violent displacement 
of the Rohingya will take decades to resolve, the most important of 
which will be a military that lacks transparency or oversight; that is, 
the Burmese military.
  Burma's Government and military currently face a dozen separate 
insurgencies against forces claiming to represent minority communities. 
While the Burmese Government has taken steps to reach a cease-fire and 
political agreements with a number of these groups, continued fighting 
in various parts of the country undoubtedly contributes to the 
military's independence and free rein.
  Allowing the Rohingya to be comfortable in Burma will require 
assurances by the Burmese Government to respect the rights of Rohingya 
to live on the land they have lived on for hundreds of years. This can 
only come with citizenship for the Rohingya, and greater democracy, 
where the government is responsive to the needs of the population and 
respects the human rights and civil liberties of ethnic and religious 
minorities.
  Developing a political settlement towards greater accountability in 
the Burmese Government and citizenship for the Rohingya will be 
difficult and may take years.
  Important actions the United States can take include limiting our 
support for the Burmese military, given their complicity in these 
crimes. For example, Congress considered expanding support for the 
Burmese military this year. That will not occur, given the actions of 
the Burmese military.
  I also believe sanctions on individuals found to be complicit in 
ethnic

[[Page 15762]]

cleansing, including local military commanders, are warranted.
  Designating military commanders in Rakhine State as Specially 
Designated Nationals, SDNs, would send a powerful message that these 
crimes will not be tolerated anywhere in the world, including in Burma.
  On the other hand, I would like to recognize the immense generosity 
the people and Government of Bangladesh have shown during this crisis. 
Over 500,000 people, most of whom are women, children, and the elderly, 
have fled to Bangladesh since August 25. The Government of Bangladesh 
has accepted these people and worked to provide for them within the 
limits of their abilities, while supporting international efforts to 
address the root causes of the crisis.

                              {time}  2100

  Bangladesh, a country not much larger than Iowa, with a population of 
more than 150 million, faces significant challenges in taking care of 
this refugee population. The 500,000 Rohingya join hundreds of 
thousands who have arrived in Bangladesh during previous such forced 
migrations.
  Bangladesh has done an admirable job, but the limits on the 
Bangladeshi Government to provide for these refugee populations are 
real, and the nation requires international assistance. This includes 
assistance from the United States, the United Nations, Europe, and 
Japan. Countries in the region must also step up and provide support 
for the refugee populations in Bangladesh, especially China and India, 
which maintain close relationships with both Bangladesh and Burma.
  As I mentioned previously, we are in an age of accelerated news, and 
with social media, we are in an age of knowing. Things that were once 
far away that were hardly seen or known directly or firsthand can now 
be seen over the internet, on Facebook, on Twitter, on other social 
media. The pace at which news comes at us now can give us a case of 
whiplash, and governing in this body and trying to deal with even the 
things that just affect the United States of America, such as the 
hurricanes that have hit Texas and Florida and Puerto Rico, can 
sometimes feel overwhelming. There can be a temptation to hunker down, 
to look no further than our own borders, to try to solve the problems 
that confront us not only as Americans but as fellow human beings.
  These days, with everything going on in our own Nation, sometimes it 
doesn't seem like there is a time to take our focus off of our 
challenges and speak about other things, some of them far away. But it 
is important that we think about, that we remember, that we reflect, 
and that we try to solve the problems and challenges of other peoples.
  It is often said that the United States can't be the policeman of the 
world, and I believe that is true. But there are things that call our 
conscience that do move us to action where I believe that we do have a 
responsibility to act as the leader among nations in the world.
  The crisis in Burma, the ethnic cleansing that has victimized the 
Rohingya people, is one of those instances, and I wanted to speak about 
it today.
  Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.
  Mr. McGOVERN. Mr. Speaker, I join my colleagues tonight in calling 
the attention of Congress to the horrific ethnic cleansing against the 
Rohingya people that is underway in Burma.
  On August 25th of this year, an illegal armed militant group known as 
the Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army attacked police outposts in Rakhine 
state, Burma, killing twelve people. I condemn this attack in the 
strongest possible terms.
  Forty-five years ago, Pope Paul VI said ``If you want peace, work for 
justice.'' Especially in today's world, I do not believe that armed 
insurgency is the best path to justice, nor to peace.
  But let me be clear: the Burmese government's response to the August 
25th attack over the last several weeks has been so disproportionate 
that one is at a loss to describe it.
  The military has carried out a massive scorched earth campaign in 
which hundreds of Rohingya villages and tens of thousands of homes have 
been burned and destroyed. There are many highly credible reports of 
people, including children, being shot in the back as they ran, and of 
rapes, torture and ill-treatment.
  As many as half a million Rohingya have fled to Bangladesh and at 
least another 27,000 are displaced within Burma.
  That is on top of the tens of thousands of Rohingya who fled after a 
previous armed militant attack a year ago. Most of the Rohingya 
population of Rakhine has now been forced out of the state. 120,000 of 
those who remain live in IDP camps.
  Stunningly disproportionate? Unimaginably, brutally, barbarically 
disproportionate? Flagrantly, in-your-face, try-to-stop-me 
disproportionate? I am left without words.
  Do I regret the killing of 12 policemen on August 25th? Absolutely. 
Do more than half a million people deserve to be punished for it? 
Absolutely not.
  And please do not talk to me about a ``growing terrorist threat'' in 
Burma.
  The Rohingya in Burma are stateless and subject to the most profound 
discrimination. They are poverty-stricken, denied access to education 
and work, and their movements within the country are restricted--and 
all of this was true before the militant attacks.
  The Burmese government has allowed the conditions for radicalization 
and extremism to fester within their country. The current military 
campaign is only making things worse.
  What should we be doing?
  First, all available leverage should be brought to bear on the 
Burmese military to end its violent campaign against the Rohingya 
people. Its actions to date are entirely removed from any concept of 
rule of law and make a mockery of the government's obligation to 
protect its people.
  Second, the government must ensure full and unfettered humanitarian 
access to Rakhine state. Given the dimensions of the crisis, this means 
letting in experienced aid organizations in addition to the Red Cross.
  It also means ending the threats, allegations and misinformation 
against humanitarian staff that have sparked fear among humanitarian 
workers, especially national staff, and contributed to an environment 
in which targeted attacks against humanitarian staff have taken place. 
Enough already.
  Third, the Burmese government must grant access to the fact-finding 
mission authorized by the UN Human Rights Council last March, after 
last ``clearance operation'' the military conducted from October 2016 
to February of this year. Now more than ever, we need an objective 
international presence on the ground.
  Fourth, a roadmap to ending this crisis already exists. It's found in 
the Final Report of the Advisory Commission on Rakhine State led by 
former UN Secretary General Kofi Annan.
  International actors, including this Congress, must do all we can to 
make sure that the Burmese government implements the recommendations 
included in that report--especially the ones that have to do with 
ending statelessness and poverty. Otherwise, we should not be surprised 
if the situation in Burma just gets worse and worse.
  Finally, we need to be clear-eyed about the nature of the Burmese 
government.
  I have been among those in Congress who have welcomed the political 
transition in Burma that began with the 2015 elections. But the events 
of the last few weeks raise very serious questions about the extent to 
which that transition is real.
  As events have unfolded in Burma in recent weeks, a lot of criticism 
has been focused on Aung San Suu Kyi, the Nobel Laureate and de facto 
leader of the civilian government. Her defenders have responded that 
the military still has a lot of power, and that she has to walk a very 
fine line.
  But if that is true, what kind of ``democratic'' government are we 
talking about?
  If the military is still in charge--if the civilian government is 
powerless to stop ethnic cleansing--then we need to recognize that.
  If not, then let's be clear about the requirements of moral 
leadership. Standing by in silence--even worse, downplaying the 
seriousness of what is happening to the Rohingya people because of 
political convenience--is not the leadership we expect from Aung San 
Suu Kyi.
  Those who want to claim the mantle of human rights leader must defend 
the human rights of all people.
  Mr. ENGEL. Mr. Speaker, I want to thank Representative Castro for 
calling for this special order to discuss the ethnic cleansing of the 
Rohingya people from Burma.
  It's a heartbreaking humanitarian disaster and day-by-day the 
situation continues to deteriorate.

[[Page 15763]]

  Just today, Bangladesh Border Guards are reporting that more than 
11,000 Rohingya refugees entered Bangladesh from Burma.
  These refugees are the result of the unprecedented level of violence 
in Burma's Rakhine State.
  Because of this bloody conflict, more than half a million Rohingya--
60 percent of whom are children--have fled as refugees across the 
border into Bangladesh.
  This is the swiftest exodus of any population since the 1994 Rwanda 
genocide and Serbia's 1999 ethnic cleansing in Kosovo.
  The Burmese military has claimed that this brutal crackdown is the 
response to a clash that took place on August 25th, in which border 
security forces faced off against Rohingya insurgents reportedly using 
knives, small arms, and small explosives.
  But this isn't a legitimate counterinsurgency or counterterrorism 
operation. The Burmese military and border security forces have 
specifically targeted Rohingya using medieval tactics: slash and burn, 
rape, indiscriminate killing. Twenty-one square kilometers of villages 
systematically burned to the ground.
  As I see it, the only person in Burma who could put an end to the 
violence, clear the way for humanitarian aid, and allow for a full 
accounting of what has occurred is Min Aung Hlaing, Commander in Chief 
of the Burmese military. Unfortunately, the intentions of the military 
are clear: to remove the Rohingya people from Burma.
  Welcoming these refugees, thankfully, is the Government of 
Bangladesh, which is now hosting nearly a million Rohingya refugees.
  And while Bangladesh opens its doors, I consider it an embarrassment 
that the United States is closing ours. The Trump Administration has 
lowered our yearly cap on refugees from all over the world to 45,000 
per year--the smallest number ever. As this crisis grew worse, 
Bangladesh took in that many people every four days.
  This policy harms American leadership in the world. It undermines our 
ability to speak credibly about refugees, human rights, or living up to 
basic international humanitarian principles. It diminishes our standing 
in a part of the world where China is only too happy to fill the void.
  The United States has allocated $38 million to assist with the 
crisis. That number seems grossly inadequate considering the scale of 
the humanitarian nightmare now facing the Government of Bangladesh and 
the Rohingya who have found refuge there.
  We need to do more, and that starts by shining a light on this 
tragedy. So I'm grateful to Mr. Castro, I'm grateful to all my 
colleagues who are putting this issue front and center. I hope that the 
Administration will give this crisis the focus and resources needed. 
This is a situation that calls for American leadership, and I'll keep 
making the case in Congress that we can and must do more.

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