[Congressional Record (Bound Edition), Volume 163 (2017), Part 1]
[House]
[Pages 1053-1060]
[From the U.S. Government Publishing Office, www.gpo.gov]




  A RESPONSE TO PRESIDENT TRUMP'S INAUGURAL ADDRESS AND NEW DEAL FOR 
                           AFRICAN AMERICANS

  The SPEAKER pro tempore (Mr. Kustoff of Tennessee). Under the 
Speaker's announced policy of January 3, 2017, the gentlewoman from the 
Virgin Islands (Ms. Plaskett) is recognized for 60 minutes as the 
designee of the minority leader.


                             General Leave

  Ms. PLASKETT. Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members 
have 5 legislative days to revise and extend their remarks on the 
subject of my Special Order hour.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. Is there objection to the request of the 
gentlewoman from the Virgin Islands?
  There was no objection.
  Ms. PLASKETT. Mr. Speaker, I yield to the gentleman from the great 
State of Louisiana (Mr. Richmond), who is the chairman of the 
Congressional Black Caucus.
  Mr. RICHMOND. Mr. Speaker, I thank Congresswoman Plaskett.
  Mr. Speaker, the CBC has led the charge in proposing solutions for 
the underserved and disadvantaged communities throughout this country.
  In his first remarks as President, Donald Trump claimed to champion 
this cause in his remarks, which proved to be petty and beneath the 
Office of President of the United States. On day one, in his first 
official acts in the office, one of his first official acts was to 
remove from the whitehouse.gov Web site a page detailing a broad set of 
civil rights commitments and accomplishments under President Obama.
  It is fitting that President Trump, as one of his very first actions 
in office, would take down the public pledge to defend the civil rights 
of all Americans. This is a continuation of the divisiveness that 
defined his campaign where he proposed a Muslim ban, mass deportation, 
and a nationwide stop-and-frisk program. This is consistent with a 
President who would nominate Jeff Sessions, a man unanimously opposed 
by the civil rights community, as Attorney General.
  President Trump didn't stop with changing the Web site. It has been 
reported that the Department of Justice is seeking to delay a hearing 
meant to focus on the relief required for Texas' discriminatory voter 
identification law. The U.S. Court of Appeals for the Fifth Circuit 
ruled last year that the law had a discriminatory effect and that 
provisions must be made to allow those who lack the specific ID that 
the law requires be able to cast a vote. Every judge who has considered 
the Texas law found it discriminatory, but it still has been used in 
elections there.
  Unfortunately, President Trump has given no indication that he is 
willing to stand up to protect the voting rights of all Americans. 
Since being elected, he has ignored proven instances of intentional 
voter suppression and chosen instead to spread alternative facts about 
voter fraud.
  As one of its first substantive acts, the Trump administration 
suspended a mortgage insurance rate cut put in place by the Obama 
administration to give relief to homeowners. According to the Federal 
Housing Administration, the cut would have saved the average homeowner 
$500 this year. This reversal will make it more difficult for middle 
class Americans trying to purchase a home and eliminate relief for 
homeowners struggling to make their mortgage payments.
  According to the National Association of Realtors, this will prevent 
30,000 to 40,000 new home buyers from purchasing homes in 2017. This 
move will disproportionately affect African American homeowners who are 
more likely than White homeowners to rely on FHA mortgage insurance.
  Mr. Speaker, we know exactly who Donald Trump is and have an inkling 
about what he intends to do, but what we plan on doing is educating the 
President about the needs of underserved communities. So I will just 
take a moment to address a few of his points in his new deal for the 
African American community, which is truly a bad deal in terms of 
economic equality. It is a raw deal in terms of public education, and 
it is a hollow deal in terms of voting and civil rights.
  On behalf of the caucus, the CBC, the Congressional Black Caucus, I 
would like to inform him that 39 percent of African Americans actually 
live in suburbs compared to 36 percent who live in inner cities. The 
remaining 25 percent live in small metropolitan areas or rural 
communities.
  For more than 45 years, the Congressional Black Caucus has worked to 
improve conditions for African Americans from all walks of life. 
Collectively, our members represent 78 million Americans, 17 million of 
whom are African American. Our districts are rural as well as urban. 
Some of our members represent majority minority districts, while others 
do not.
  Mr. Speaker, tonight you will hear from several members of the 
Congressional Black Caucus who will point to specific pieces of 
legislation that we have championed and that we have authored that 
would address many of the issues facing inner-city communities, facing 
poor communities, and facing communities all across this country no 
matter the race or makeup of those communities.
  What I would like to reiterate and stress is the fact that we don't 
just talk about a problem, but we offer solutions. We have sent to you, 
Mr. President, a letter outlining all of the 10 points in your new deal 
with concrete solutions and legislation that we have authored that we 
think will go further and is a more comprehensive way of approaching 
the problems in those communities.
  We also sent you another document that details more than your 10 
issues, but highlights issues that are faced by American families all 
across this country and our policy proposals that will solve them. We 
would just encourage you to step out of the White House and to listen 
to people who have done this for a long time and who live in those 
communities and who have offered viable solutions.
  So I would just say that we don't need more talk or more rhetoric. 
What we need is action, and we need action from 1600 Pennsylvania. We 
need action from the White House, and we would urge you to look at the 
proposals that we have that offer a better solution.
  Ms. PLASKETT. Mr. Speaker, I thank the chair of the Congressional 
Black Caucus, my friend and colleague, the Honorable Cedric Richmond, 
for his leadership in our caucus as well as his continued fight on the 
issues impacting Black Americans and other minority communities in 
underserved American communities in this great Nation.
  I would also like to thank my colleague, the Honorable Marc Veasey of 
Texas, for joining me and sharing this evening's Special Order hour and 
my many colleagues of the Congressional Black Caucus who are here to 
speak on this most important issue. Mr. Speaker, we are here tonight as 
Representatives of America's minority communities to respond directly 
to President Trump's inaugural address, and specifically to his new 
deal for African Americans.
  During President Trump's campaign, he promised to address issues 
confronting African Americans, and he gave a 10-point plan outlining 
that. We have studiously reviewed the issues outlined in the plan and 
have concrete suggestions for him in accomplishing those goals.
  While I acknowledge President Trump's willingness to confront these 
issues, I find the points in his new deal do not go far enough in 
substance to adequately address the needs of African American 
communities and rely heavily on assumptions that African American 
communities are primarily in the inner cities. Just as the chairman 
spoke of earlier this evening, let's not

[[Page 1054]]

continue with this fallacy and stereotyping of the dynamic diversity of 
African Americans in this country. African Americans live in the Rust 
Belt. They live in rural areas across this country, in suburbs, and 
they live in territories.
  My home district of the U.S. Virgin Islands has a population of 
100,000 American citizens and permanent residents. It is a majority 
minority, and it, too, has experienced the same slow recovery as many 
of the economically dispossessed communities across America. The issues 
of African Americans cannot be solved in just 10 bullet points directed 
to a small portion of the African American community.
  Mr. Speaker, we are here this evening, in large part, to send a 
message, suggestions, thoughts, ideas, and support to President Trump 
that, if he is serious about addressing the issues in disadvantaged 
communities, it would be wise to tap into the decades of experience 
held by the members of this caucus. The answers to those 10 points are 
very nuanced, and we have been working on them for decades, and we are 
happy to support positive improvements in our underserved communities.
  For almost a half century, this caucus has advocated to improve the 
lives of millions of Americans in both rural and urban communities--
African Americans and all Americans. The 49 members of this caucus who 
sit in both Houses of Congress and the members before us tonight have 
offered policy solutions for decades that would help not only those 
African American communities, but underserved areas nationwide.

                              {time}  2030

  We will continue to lead by offering solutions to improve the lives 
of all Americans in search of a better opportunity. We are hopeful to 
give you an idea of some of those this evening.
  Mr. Speaker, I yield to the gentleman from Texas (Mr. Veasey), my 
able colleague, for his remarks on this matter.
  Mr. VEASEY. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentlewoman from the Virgin 
Islands who is helping to lead tonight's Special Order hour.
  I, again, want to highlight how President Trump's inaugural address 
served as a preview of what the African American community can expect 
over the next 4 years.
  This past Friday, thousands of Americans from all over the country 
traveled to Washington, D.C., to witness the new President and what 
type of message he was going to deliver. Unfortunately, instead of 
starting his Presidency with a bold, new agenda that would benefit all 
Americans, what we heard was an inaugural address that reminded us that 
the America he wants to build will leave many of the constituents of 
those of us who serve as members of the Congressional Black Caucus 
behind.
  In his speech, President Trump said that a nation exists to serve its 
citizens. But for far too many, a different reality exists. He also 
painted another grim picture of mothers and children trapped in poverty 
in inner cities and rusted out factories scattered like tombstones 
across the landscape of our Nation; an education system flush with 
cash, but which leaves our young and beautiful students deprived of 
knowledge; and crimes and gangs and drugs that have stolen the lives of 
too many and robbed the country of so much of its unrealized potential.
  Those are problems that need to be addressed. I don't think that 
anybody will disagree with that. We need to make sure that our children 
have access to good public schools and good, quality education. We need 
to make sure that, as the nature of work changes in this country, 
people are ready to get those new jobs. We must make sure that we 
invest in our communities so that they prosper.
  But yet, very little of what President Trump proposed would actually 
address the root cause of any of those problems. Not even his new deal 
for Black Americans provides real solutions for the problems that he 
outlined in his inaugural address. Instead, we see the same recycled, 
broken promises.
  Since the creation of the Congressional Black Caucus, we have been 
fighting to uplift our communities. We have bold ideas to help 
transform the lives of those individuals that were mentioned and real 
ideas that can get going.
  I thank the gentlewoman as we prepare to have other speakers from the 
Congressional Black Caucus share their remarks.
  Ms. PLASKETT. I appreciate the remarks that the gentleman has given, 
particularly about the grim view that was given of African Americans 
during the inauguration that didn't really expound on the great 
diversity that is here.
  We have someone from another part of our country who is now going to 
speak. I yield to the gentlewoman from California (Ms. Lee), one of our 
senior great leaders of the Congressional Black Caucus, former 
chairwoman of the Caucus from California, who is going to give us her 
remarks and her thoughts on this topic this evening.
  Ms. LEE. Let me first thank Congresswoman Plaskett for her tireless 
leadership to protect our progress, but also for her vigilance and hard 
work on behalf of her district and the territories. I thank her and 
Congressman Marc Veasey for cosponsoring our Special Order, making sure 
that the drum is being beat very loudly throughout the country with 
regard to what is taking place here in Washington, D.C.
  For more than 45 years, the Congressional Black Caucus has been the 
conscience of the Congress. Since its founding, we have fought for 
robust legislative action to lift our constituents and the African 
American community, I guess, in a way, to ensure equal justice under 
the law so that everyone, including African Americans, will be able to 
live the American Dream.
  Now, make no mistake about it: we will continue to fight for justice 
and equality under President Donald Trump.
  The President's inaugural address, quite frankly, was appalling. In 
my nearly 20 years in the House, I cannot recall a darker, more 
pessimistic view of our Nation from an incoming President.
  The President's inaugural address distorted the truth about our 
communities. He used dog whistles to paint a frightening picture of our 
neighborhoods and stoke fear.
  Let me be clear: America is not the downtrodden, helpless Nation 
President Trump described. Yes, we have much more work to do to ensure 
equal justice under the law and to address the legacy of slavery, Jim 
Crow, and segregation. But this means public investments in housing, 
education, jobs, not budget cuts and corporate tax breaks that just do 
the opposite and also dismantle the safety net.
  Within hours of taking office, the President already began to unravel 
the progress of the last 8 years. With the stroke of a pen, the 
President stuck a dagger in the heart of the Affordable Care Act that 
will take away health care for millions and pull the rug out from under 
low-income families seeking to buy homes.
  These destructive policies are an attack on the most vulnerable in 
our society. It is clear that these executive orders will 
disproportionately harm communities of color, the African American 
community, and the poor.
  Repealing the Affordable Care Act is just the tip of the iceberg. We 
have seen the Trump administration planning a full scale attack on the 
most marginalized community in our society.
  Last year, after continually insulting the African American 
community, Trump's so-called new deal for Black America really did just 
add insult to injury. Rather than helping struggling families, this 
agenda would gut Social Security, repeal the Affordable Care Act, and 
abolish the safety net. We know that these cuts now will just lead to 
more poverty. This approach is dead wrong.
  Instead of stepping on the most vulnerable to benefit special 
interests, President Trump should follow the CBC's lead by supporting a 
national strategy to eliminate poverty and extend economic opportunity 
to all Americans.
  He can start by supporting our Half in Ten Act, which would reduce 
poverty in half over 10 years. And if the

[[Page 1055]]

Trump administration really wants a new deal to benefit African 
Americans, they should look to our assistant leader Jim Clyburn's 10-
20-30 antipoverty plan, which would direct at least 10 percent of funds 
in designated accounts to spent in communities experiencing persistent 
poverty--those with a poverty rate of at least 20 percent over the last 
30 years.
  These are just a few of the proposals that we have to address poverty 
and lift up our communities. What we won't do is allow President Trump 
to roll back progress or push more families over the edge into poverty.
  We should be identifying the root causes of poverty and developing 
policies to lift Americans up. Instead, President Trump has shown he 
would rather line the pockets of billionaires and advance those failed 
trickle-down economics.
  In President Trump's new deal for African Americans let me just read 
you very quickly what he said with regard to illegal immigration. He 
said: ``We will restore the civil rights of African-Americans, 
Hispanic-Americans, and all Americans, by ending illegal immigration.''
  Our response is that the CBC will not buy into the divisive rhetoric 
that blames immigration for the social and economic problems in African 
American communities. Our members support comprehensive immigration 
reform. President Trump will not roll back the clock on our progress or 
doom another generation to the crippling effects of poverty.
  Let me be clear: this 10-point plan really is a slap in the face to 
African Americans everywhere. As co-chair of the CBC's Working Group on 
Poverty and the Economy, along with Congressman Cleaver and chair of 
the Democratic Whip Task Force on Poverty, Income Inequality and 
Opportunity, we will continue to work to make sure that the vital 
resources for low-income Americans, African Americans, and those 
struggling to make ends meet are there.
  We will make sure that the country understands that the Congressional 
Black Caucus continues to fight for a real deal for the African 
American community, for our entire Nation, and that means lifting 
people out of poverty, creating good-paying jobs, and moving forward on 
the progress that has been made.
  I thank the gentlewoman for her leadership.
  Ms. PLASKETT. Mr. Speaker, I was really very interested in the 
discussion the gentlewoman had and about the work that you have done to 
alleviate poverty both in the Democratic Caucus as well as the 
Congressional Black Caucus, particularly her words about not allowing 
immigration to be divisive and used as a means to separate Americans 
and not being able to realize the American Dream. America is big enough 
to have immigrants under a comprehensive immigration plan that will 
allow all of us to be able to lift it up.
  I want to thank the gentlewoman for her leadership on that and 
particularly the fight that she has been fighting for so many years 
when it comes to alleviating poverty in the United States.
  Mr. Speaker, I yield to the gentlewoman from Michigan (Mrs. 
Lawrence), but more specifically from the great city of Detroit, where 
she has been a strong voice for the people of Detroit, a strong voice 
for surrounding areas, and her work on Flint, Michigan, and its water 
crisis, and other areas of people who are in the inner city that need 
support in so many areas, to speak on the issues that are the topic for 
today.
  Mrs. LAWRENCE. I thank the Congresswoman, my colleague, for her 
leadership.
  Mr. Speaker, the Congressional Black Caucus, the conscience of the 
Congress, stands strong to promote unity and fight against divisive 
rhetoric.
  Trump's inaugural speech included a lot of pledges and promises: 
pledges of ``allegiance to all Americans,'' promises to the American 
people, saying, ``I will never let you down.''
  He even quoted the Bible, saying: ``. . . how good and pleasant it is 
when God's people live together in unity.''
  But pledges and promises fall flat when tweets, speeches, and now 
actions are followed by reckless executive orders, thoughtless 
nominations for our Nation's leaders, and attacks on the American 
healthcare system.
  The American people were let down when President Trump nominated 
unqualified and out-of-touch candidates such as Senator Jeff Sessions, 
Betsy DeVos, and Tom Price.
  How can you pledge allegiance to all Americans while threatening to 
leave so many without options and access to healthcare coverage? This 
is not unity. It is hypocrisy. We need to focus on facts and not 
``alternative facts.''
  I have a question: Do we have a replacement for the Affordable Care 
Act? Is it a fact that a repeal without a replacement will leave over 
30 million people uninsured? Yes, that is a fact.
  Is it a fact that Betsy DeVos, if confirmed, will be the first 
Secretary of Education without any prior experience in public schools, 
including early childhood education and higher education?
  Is it a fact that Jeff Sessions has been nominated as the Attorney 
General but was denied Federal judgeship over accusations of racism?
  I support efforts that will bring more jobs to the American people. I 
fully support efforts to improve our country's transportation and 
infrastructure. But only time will tell if President Trump will follow 
through with the promises he has made to the American people on 
inauguration day. Only time will tell if he will continue to act, 
speak, and tweet in a manner that builds walls and not bridges.
  Mr. Speaker, the Congressional Black Caucus intends to be a voice to 
create bridges and work toward real solutions to the real challenges 
that face African Americans, minorities, and the unheard and 
disenfranchised. We will be watching, and we will be listening. We will 
continue to fight for equality, liberty, and justice for all.
  Ms. PLASKETT. I thank the gentlewoman for those words and thoughts on 
these issues.
  Mr. Speaker, I yield to the gentlewoman from Texas (Ms. Jackson Lee), 
who has been a stalwart for social justice, a stalwart on the Judiciary 
Committee, and is going to speak on the issue that is here before us 
this evening, the CBC Special Order hour, ``A Response to President 
Trump's Inaugural Address and New Deal for African Americans.''
  

  Ms. JACKSON LEE. I thank the gentlewoman from the Virgin Islands and 
the gentleman from Texas for their service to the Nation and for 
leading the Congressional Black Caucus Special Order. It is always 
important for the voices of the Congressional Black Caucus and the 
chairman of the Congressional Black Caucus, Mr. Richmond of Louisiana, 
to be heard. Both Ms. Plaskett and Mr. Veasey have accepted the 
challenge and the call. I want to express to them my greatest 
appreciation for the leadership that they are showing.

                              {time}  2045

  I want to start my remarks again by saying that it may be hometown 
pride, but I like the headline of the Houston Chronicle that says 
``Powerful Together.'' The numbers have not yet been fully calculated, 
but we know upwards of a million and maybe over a million persons 
around the Nation, and then they added individuals from foreign 
countries far and wide. I would take by this title that represents, Mr. 
Speaker, the peaceful protests--I want to say that again; in fact, I 
might want to say it two times: peaceful, peaceful protests, nonviolent 
protests--that occurred on Saturday, expressing the view of what 
America is really about.
  I say that to my colleagues, they are about what the Congressional 
Black Caucus is about, and I believe our chairman made the point that 
we come from very diverse districts, representing people of many racial 
backgrounds, religious backgrounds, as well as economic backgrounds, 
that we are the voice of reason and the conscience of this Congress. We 
fight against poverty, but we have Ph.D.'s, lawyers, judges, and we 
have businesspersons. They, by and large, Mr. Speaker, are charitable 
individuals who believe in social justice.

[[Page 1056]]

  That is why we come with a sense of privilege, if you will, to be 
able to speak about what America truly is. Yesterday at the Community 
of Faith, under the leadership of Bishop James Dixon, I gathered for a 
prayer for the Nation. Mr. Speaker, I did not dissect it. I did not 
eliminate the White House. I did not point out Members of Congress, 
call them by name. I said a prayer for the Nation, and that included 
the White House and individuals in the Congress and the Senate. We had 
international representation. We had the Consulate General of Pakistan. 
We had imams. We had individuals who worship on Saturday Sabbath. We 
had people who spoke Spanish, people who spoke, obviously, English. And 
we gathered to pray for the nation. That is what I think is represented 
in the message or the title of the ``New Deal for Black America,'' it 
needs prayer because it is not reflective. Although well-intentioned, I 
am not sure who may have advised the administration, but it does not 
speak to the wideness of diversity of the African American population, 
African American communities in this Nation.
  So I want to speak very briefly on questions of health care and 
justice. I would like to say that in the safe communities of which the 
administration or the President has offered his new deal, he says: ``We 
will make our communities safe again. Every poor African-American child 
must be able to walk down the street in peace. Safety is a civil right. 
We will invest in training and funding both local and federal law 
enforcement operations to remove the gang members, drug dealers, and 
criminal cartels from our neighborhoods. The reduction of crime is not 
merely a goal--but a necessity.''
  In that there is no mention of ending gun violence or looking at 
sensible gun safety regulations or laws, of which we have asked. I 
introduced Gun Violence Reduction Resources Act, which really answered 
Republicans' cry for enforcing the law, to add to the ATF, to enforce 
the penalties against those who use guns wrong. In particular, the 
perpetrator in Mother Emanuel should not have been able to get the gun, 
but he was because the gun dealer was so easy and quick to sell it, 
even though he had not gotten an affirmation by ATF, that is the one. I 
would argue it was because they did not have enough personnel.
  He also seems to categorize that every poor child has to walk down 
the streets. We want every child to walk down--as I said, our community 
is very diverse. He then says: ``Equal Justice Under the Law. We will 
apply the law fairly, equally and without prejudice. There will be only 
one set of rules--not a two-tiered system of justice. Equal justice 
also means the same rules for Wall Street.''
  So I quickly want to offer these points before I yield the floor. 
Number one, we are not all impoverished, but I join my colleagues in 
ending poverty. African Americans want the same thing as Barbara Jordan 
said when asked, ``What do your people want?''
  ``It is the same thing that all America wants.''
  Yes, we do want opportunities, but we do have to be more forceful for 
issues that are relevant.
  We have seen nothing in Mr. Trump's statement of a new deal for Black 
America to deal with sentencing reduction and ending mandatory 
minimums. We see nothing about working with police departments that 
have found themselves falling upon bad times and having a plague of bad 
actors, even though we respect and honor police. And so the Law 
Enforcement Trust and Integrity Act that John Conyers and myself 
introduced has to do with correcting the issue of training and the 
improper inaction of police and community.
  I would offer to say that the nominee for the Attorney General is 
completely opposed to addressing any questions of bad behavior on 
behalf of bad actors and bad officers. In fact, he opposed consent 
decrees like the one in Ferguson and Baltimore that were only positive, 
welcomed by the police departments to help them do a better job at 
policing the community.
  Prison reform to change the matrix of prison, gun violence prevention 
that I have already mentioned, and healthcare access that are truly 
crucial to all of us.
  Let me also indicate a changing of the matrix of juvenile justice. We 
want to reauthorize the Juvenile Accountability Block Grant Program 
Reauthorization Act, but, more importantly, we want to change how we 
are dealing with juveniles. We want to change from the idea of them 
being, if you will, punished versus incentivized.
  Finally, let me offer to say that two Senators in the other body have 
offered a new matrix on health care. I understand there are some 
proposals here. I would say that we see that we can't have unity. We 
don't have any replacement. What is being offered by the Senators is 
health savings accounts, which we know are not realistic. So I would 
offer to the President that there are many ways of looking at serving 
all of America, including African Americans. It is not listening to 
your own voice. It is helping us change the matrix for juveniles, 
changing the matrix for those who are incarcerated, mandatory minimums, 
the way police and community work, at the same time respecting them, 
but, more importantly, it is listening and working with Members who 
have real life experiences in some of the issues that will make this 
country continue to be the greatest country in the world.
  I thank the gentlewoman for her courtesies.
  Ms. PLASKETT. I thank the Congresswoman from Texas. I want to thank 
her for all the work she has been doing not just in terms of 
incarceration reform, but pointing out to us that the safety of 
children also includes gun violence in their communities. That is so 
very important. And, of course, the real tireless work that she has 
done in terms of juvenile justice.
  Mr. Speaker, Congresswoman Sheila Jackson Lee has been at the 
forefront of changing the dynamic in how we see juveniles and the 
things that lead them into incarceration or lead them into problems 
with the law, and the solutions that are on the table. This is what we 
are speaking about this evening, giving real solutions and concrete 
legislation that has already been drafted and worked on by members of 
the Congressional Black Caucus that President Trump can use in carrying 
out the 10-point plan that he has.
  I yield to the Congresswoman from Wisconsin (Ms. Moore), who also 
would like to speak on this topic and who has been doing tireless work 
in her district of Wisconsin and throughout the United States for 
communities, for children, for working mothers, for women who are 
attempting to move ahead, to receive a part of the economic justice, 
who has really been concerned about so many of the things that we are 
talking about this evening.
  I yield to her to speak to us this evening.
  Ms. MOORE. I thank the Delegate and the Congresswoman from the Virgin 
Islands and her counterpart, the gentleman from Texas (Mr. Veasey), for 
really supporting this Congressional Black Caucus hour so that we can 
discuss the pledges and proposals that President Trump has made as the 
new deal within the Black community.
  Mr. Speaker and Madam Chairwoman of this Special Order, I would like 
to engage in a kind of colloquy with the gentleman from Pennsylvania 
(Mr. Evans), who has been a State appropriator before he joined this 
body for some 25 years. I hate to date him. He has been a member of the 
prestigious appropriations committee. So, therefore, he was tasked with 
taking Federal funds and making those appropriations and those 
decisions at the State level. I wanted him to help evaluate some of the 
proposals that now President Trump has made regarding his new deal for 
Black America.
  One of the proposals that President Trump has made is to allow the 
conversion of funds for poverty programs to be converted from those 
programs into microloans that he would then provide to the poor. I am 
feeling a little confused and perplexed as to how this would work. I 
fear that this is part of kind of the double speak or alternative facts 
about the roots of and the solutions to poverty.

[[Page 1057]]

  As the gentleman now serves on the Committee on Small Business here 
in the House, and he has been an appropriator, I am wondering, number 
one, if converting funds from, say, the Temporary Assistance to Needy 
Families Act, which is comprised of mostly poor women and children or 
Social Security disability insurance, which is set aside for those 
folks with significant disabilities, or perhaps SNAP and food stamps, 
those people who are temporarily out of the workforce waiting to go 
back, find another job, but need to sort of eat that month--I am 
wondering how, in his experience, converting programs set aside for 
poor people would a poor person use a microloan.
  I have two questions. I want the gentleman to sort of respond to what 
poor people would do. Presumably they would create their own jobs with 
these microloans. How big, perhaps, would these microloans have to be 
in order for them to establish their own businesses so that they would 
be off welfare?
  In fact, on any given day, there are 3 million children who live in 
extreme poverty, off of less than $3 a day. So I guess I would wonder 
how converting those funds--what those children who are not capable and 
eligible to work would do with such a proposal.
  I yield to the gentleman from Pennsylvania.
  Mr. EVANS. Mr. Speaker, I think that the points that the gentlewoman 
is raising are very legitimate in terms of the experience that I have 
had. And the experience that I have had, always the question is: Is 
there enough availability of capital in any startup of any particular 
business?
  The experience has shown that this idea of microloans hasn't been 
sustainable or sufficient in terms of what it would mean. And as a 
result, Mr. Speaker, I think that this is like kind of a pig in a poke, 
giving people some sense, but really it doesn't give them a sustainable 
sense of whether you have the necessary long-term investment that is 
necessary. So I think that this is like smoke and mirrors. And the 
gentlewoman is correct in what she is saying in terms of this is not 
something that will give them a sustainable effort.
  Ms. MOORE. I thank the gentleman for that because I thought maybe it 
was just me who thought that. Here we are, we live in a country with 
the largest economy, with arguably the strongest, greatest 
technological economy, and I wonder what these poor women who are on 
welfare would do?
  He says he wants to get them off of welfare. Would they sell fruit on 
the street? How would that work in Detroit or Milwaukee?
  We are not talking about women who live in countries where microloans 
may work very well in those limited economies.

                              {time}  2100

  I am also wondering how those people who are structurally unemployed 
would benefit from these microloans.
  What this does, Madam Chairperson of this initiative, is that what 
this really is saying is that this is really perpetuating the 
persistent myth of people who are poor as the shiftless, lazy welfare 
queens of poverty pimps, and that the solution is to take away the 
safety net and force them to do some kind of work, whether that work is 
sustainable enough for them.
  And so I would say, as a member of the Congressional Black Caucus, 
that we ought to have welfare reform that really honors our commitment 
as Americans to make sure that we provide some kind of safety net for 
the majority of the poor who are, in fact, children. There are, in 
fact, people who are not capable, or should not be responsible, for 
providing for themselves through our very sophisticated economy.
  I would say, Mr. Speaker, that if we really want to help get people 
off welfare, we should not start the debate by taking away reproductive 
freedom from women. One of the major reasons that women fall into 
poverty is the lack of access to birth control, health care, that would 
enable them to plan their families, plan their pregnancies. And to say 
that you are going to help people get off welfare and to snatch away 
funds from Planned Parenthood or their ability to control their 
reproduction is a nonstarter in truly helping the truly poor.
  I think that President Trump's quest to help those who are truly poor 
will only come if the President and his team will actually listen to 
the voices of the poor, actually listen to solutions that have been 
tried and tested, like providing educational opportunity and upward 
mobility to poor people; by respecting women's reproductive rights to 
choose; by really creating a sense of Congress that any goal of welfare 
reform ought to be to protect children; that any welfare reform ought 
to make sure that women are free from domestic violence, sex 
trafficking, and human trafficking, and that they be protected; and 
that during these periods they not be cut off from public support.
  Mr. Speaker, I thank Ms. Plaskett for this opportunity to speak to 
the American people.
  Ms. PLASKETT. Mr. Speaker, I yield to the gentleman from Pennsylvania 
(Mr. Evans) and ask if he has additional thoughts on this after having 
that colloquy with Ms. Moore.
  Mr. EVANS. Yes. And, Mr. Speaker, I thank Ms. Plaskett for the 
opportunity to offer some comments. The fact that the Congressional 
Black Caucus has taken this lead, I applaud our leadership, Chairman 
Richmond.
  I join with my colleagues this evening to speak to the plan our new 
President has penned as the ``new deal for African Americans.'' This 
plan, unfortunately, does not meet the needs of our communities and 
focuses on the same assumptions that have not worked for our 
communities over the years.
  In his inaugural address, President Trump stated: ``The establishment 
protected itself, but not the citizens of our country. Their victories 
have not been your victories; their triumphs have not been your 
triumphs; and while they celebrated in our Nation's Capital, there was 
little to celebrate for struggling families all across our land.'' That 
was stated by President Trump.
  Well, while individuals were celebrating last week, actions were 
taken for people all over our Nation to lose their healthcare coverage, 
and the Federal Housing Administration mortgage insurance rate was cut 
an hour after President Trump took office, which would have reduced 
insurance premiums for borrowers each year. This does not help the men, 
women, and children of our great Nation.
  In the new deal for Black America, President Trump asserts that there 
will be tax reform to create jobs and lift up people and communities. 
Just in my community alone, Mr. Speaker, at Temple University Hospital, 
which has 8,000 jobs, there are jobs that will be lost due to the 
repeal of the Affordable Care Act, which President Trump signed an 
executive order to dismantle the day he was sworn in as our President. 
This is counter to any notion of job creation.
  As our chairman so eloquently stated in the letter expressing the 
views of the caucus on January 19, the new administration should target 
investment to those communities that need it the most and support 
programs that support small- and medium-sized businesses and address 
the access to capital crisis in the African American entrepreneur 
community.
  In President Trump's inaugural address, he stated ``a new national 
pride will stir our souls, lift our sights, and heal our divisions.'' I 
assert that we already have a national pride. It is the pride that 
those in our communities feel when there is unity when they understand 
that individuals here in Congress are fighting for them. It is the 
pride that communities feel when they understand that groups such as 
the Congressional Black Caucus zealously represented and advocated to 
improve their lives over the course of the existence of the caucus, 
those in rural and urban communities.
  An additional point in the new deal for Black America asserts 
financial reform to expand credit to support new job creation and 
specifically calls out the Dodd-Frank reforms set forth and protected 
through the leadership of

[[Page 1058]]

Ranking Member Waters. These financial reforms and protections are 
absolutely essential to protect our communities.
  With the racial wealth gap reaching an unfortunate and historical 
level, with White households maintaining 13 times the wealth of African 
American households, we must work to ensure the protections of Dodd-
Frank remain in place. Additionally, as Representative Richmond shared, 
programs such as the Small Business Administration's Microloan Program, 
which provides capital and assistance to minority-owned business, must 
be bolstered.
  I have spoken directly with my constituents about the need for access 
to capital; thus, my statement is not hypocritical or speculative in 
nature. There is an actual need in our communities so that our small 
businesses can grow and flourish.
  Our new President asserts:

       We are transferring power from Washington, D.C., and giving 
     it back to you, the American people.

  I assert that the American people have always had the power. I see 
this power as I walk through my district as through my community, as I 
walk through Ogontz Avenue in West Oak Lane, part of my district, down 
Girard Avenue in North Philadelphia, Lancaster Avenue on the Main Line, 
and Baltimore Avenue in West Philadelphia. The faces in my community 
let me know that the power has always belonged to the people. It is now 
up to all of us to do what is in the best interest of our communities, 
to work collectively and address the issues that plague our 
communities.
  Ms. PLASKETT. Mr. Speaker, I thank my colleague from Pennsylvania, 
Dwight Evans. I know that he is new to this Congress, but he has worked 
for so many years on the issues that we are talking about today. I look 
forward to our continued collaboration in supporting so many 
communities throughout our country.
  Mr. Speaker, I yield to the gentlewoman from Ohio (Mrs. Beatty), who 
has been a stalwart voice on so many of the issues that the 
Congressional Black Caucus has brought here this evening and is here, 
Mr. Speaker, to share some of her thoughts on the things that have been 
spoken about earlier today.
  Mrs. BEATTY. Mr. Speaker, I thank my colleague, Congresswoman Stacy 
Plaskett, for leading tonight's Special Order hour, joined by her 
cochair, Congressman Marc Veasey, and also my classmate.
  Let me say to our chairman of the Congressional Black Caucus, Mr. 
Speaker, I want to thank Congressman Cedric Richmond for bringing this 
Special Order hour here tonight. So much has been said already. But let 
me say how honored I am to join my colleagues as we address and talk 
about ``A Response to President Trump's Inaugural Address and New Deal 
for African Americans.''
  Like so many of my colleagues tonight, Mr. Speaker, and the countless 
Americans who are watching at home, I remain deeply concerned and 
troubled about several of the statements that Mr. Trump made and also 
about the stances of Mr. Trump's Cabinet members, comments about 
minorities and women and immigrants, and, of course, comments about our 
own colleague Congressman John Lewis.
  Unfortunately, Mr. Speaker, in Trump's inaugural address, he did 
nothing to ease those concerns or to unite us. On the contrary, all I 
heard on Friday was another campaign speech of more of the same 
divisive rhetoric and recycled ideas from his campaign trail, ideas 
like the new deal for Black America that he mentioned on the campaign 
trail, a proposal that you have heard a lot about tonight that embraces 
the same trickle-down economic assumptions that didn't work for African 
Americans in the past and certainly won't work today.
  Mr. Speaker, during his campaign speech, Trump talked about gangs 
roaming the streets and how African American communities are being 
decimated by crime. He went so far as to say, overwhelmingly, the 
majority of Black people living in inner cities in the United States 
are ``living in hell.''
  Well, Mr. Speaker, I want President Trump to know that I am Black. I 
grew up in the United States inner city, but I didn't live in hell. And 
here I stand now, educated in the public schools, attended a 
historically Black university and college, and I am a Member of the 
United States Congress.
  Mr. Trump said: ``We are one Nation--and their pain is our pain. 
Their dreams are our dreams, and their success will be our success.''
  He was referencing mothers and children strapped in poverty in our 
inner cities. He was referencing rusted out factories scattered like 
tombstones across the landscape of our Nation, and an education system 
flush with cash but leaving our young students deprived of knowledge.
  Well, Mr. Speaker, I want to see his plans for public education. I 
want to see his plans for inner-city students. I want to see his plans 
flush with all that cash that he talked about going into our public 
schools. I want us to unite to help eradicate the cycle of poverty and 
eliminate the too-often traveled pipeline from underperforming schools 
to overcrowded prisons.
  I want to see Mr. Trump's plan on criminal justice reform. I want a 
fair Attorney General vetted and confirmed because they will stand up 
every single day for equal rights of all Americans, for freedom of 
speech, for freedom to vote, and much more--not an Attorney General who 
lacks the ability to represent disenfranchised groups, not someone who 
fails to champion the least of us.

                              {time}  2115

  I have not seen those things in nominee Sessions.
  Lastly, I want Cabinet members who will be champions for our 
seniors--people like my 92-year-old mother. I want Cabinet members who 
will stand up for minorities and minority businesses. See, we need 
greater assistance in minority businesses and funds for minority 
business. I want Cabinet members who will build on and strengthen our 
healthcare system--yes, to make it greater, not to take away health 
care from 30 million people. Let me just say that I want to plan for 
workforce development programs and reentry training programs for those 
laid-off factory workers. I want to see plans for mothers and families 
because we certainly know, when women succeed, America succeeds.
  Yes, Mr. Speaker. I dare ask that women get equal pay for equal work. 
I don't want recycled, failed policies that will do nothing to heal our 
communities. I am proud to be a member of the Congressional Black 
Caucus. We are the conscience of the Congress.
  Let me end by saying that there are so many programs. We have a task 
force on poverty, led by Congresswoman Barbara Lee. I won't repeat the 
program that Assistant Democratic Leader Clyburn has already 
introduced--the 10-20-30 plan.
  Let me again thank my colleagues for bringing their powerful voices 
to this floor.
  Mr. Speaker, it is incumbent upon all of us to join the members of 
the Congressional Black Caucus, the entire House Democratic Caucus, and 
all Americans of every color--in standing up to President Trump and 
continuing to let him know, as our preamble of the Constitution says--
to form a more perfect Union for all Americans.
  Ms. PLASKETT. I thank the gentlewoman.
  Mr. Speaker, I yield to the gentlewoman from Texas (Ms. Jackson Lee).
  Ms. JACKSON LEE. I thank the gentlewoman.
  Mr. Speaker, I was struck by some information that I just received. 
This is a summary of the new deal for Black America. Nowhere in the new 
deal for Black America is a commitment to protecting voting rights. One 
of the Achilles heels of the nominee for the Attorney General is he 
does not have a history of protecting voting rights.
  Particularly, I want to acknowledge President George W. Bush because 
the Congress--both the House and the Senate--worked extensively with 
him in the reauthorization of the Voting Rights Act of 1965, including 
section 5, which is preclearance. Lo and behold, the Shelby case 
imploded section 5. We

[[Page 1059]]

no longer have it in a potpourri--a flourishing, a garden of weeds--of 
voter ID laws, one by which my colleague Mr. Veasey, who was a 
plaintiff, was promoted.
  The last point that I want to make is, in addition to not having 
anything on voting rights, we just had breaking news that the White 
House has indicated that the President would have had the popular vote 
if he had not had happen to him 3 to 5 million illegal votes cast. This 
is being reported. Likewise, what is being reported is there is 
absolutely no evidence that there were 3 to 5 million illegal votes 
cast in the 2016 election. I think we need to have focus on voting 
rights and on the protection of those who vote.
  Ms. PLASKETT. I thank the gentlewoman.
  Mr. Speaker, I yield to the gentleman from Texas (Mr. Veasey).
  Mr. VEASEY. I thank the gentlewoman.
  Mr. Speaker, I thank all of the Members who have participated 
tonight. We are about to run short on our time here, but there are just 
so many other areas that need to be addressed, and the Congressional 
Black Caucus is going to continue to address those when we talk about 
safe communities; when we start talking about great education and some 
of the issues that we see with the nominee for the Secretary of 
Education that threaten to really cripple and hurt our public schools; 
when we talk about equal justice for all. How are we going to work with 
the Justice Department to try to foster some of the good initiatives 
that President Obama put forward in dealing with community policing? It 
is all of those things, Mr. Speaker.
  Ms. PLASKETT. And education and workforce development.
  Mr. VEASEY. Absolutely. Education and workforce development with our 
changing workforce--STEAM jobs and STEM jobs.
  Ms. PLASKETT. Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.
  Mr. CONYERS. Mr. Speaker, within hours of taking the oath as 
President of the United States, Donald Trump signaled that his much 
touted ``New Deal for Black America'' is just the same ``old deal'' of 
discrimination, voter suppression and establishment entitlement. In 
politics, as in life, actions always speak louder than words. And the 
speed of his repudiation of the inclusive agenda of the Obama 
administration shouts his intention to turn back the clock on civil 
rights for a broad swath of our nation.
  Since the Supreme Court suspended the application of Section 5 of the 
Voting Rights Act in the Shelby County Case, African American 
communities around the nation have fought the passage of discriminatory 
voter identification laws as part of a scheme to suppress the vote. The 
states of Texas and North Carolina have been particular battlegrounds, 
where important victories were achieved in the federal courts. The work 
of civil rights advocacy groups received important support from the 
Voting Section of the DOJ Civil Rights Division in reversing some of 
the most aggressive state-passed voter suppression plans.
  As many have feared, the election of Trump threatens to produce a 
radical change in support for voting rights from the White House. 
Unlike even President George W. Bush, who signed the reauthorization of 
Section 5 of the VRA, Trump has exhibited an hostility to voting rights 
not seen since the Civil Rights era.
  By Friday afternoon, lawyers for the Department asked for a delay in 
the hearing scheduled for tomorrow on the Texas voter ID case, citing 
the change in presidential administrations. The motion noted that 
``Because of the change in administration, the Department of Justice 
also experienced a transition in leadership, . . . and requires 
additional time to brief the new leadership of the Department on this 
case and the issues to be addressed at the hearing before making any 
representations to the Court.'' It is generally expected that DOJ will 
reverse course in the case.
  This case is a bellwether of what can be expected from a Trump DOJ on 
civil rights. Given the size of Texas and the precedential impact of 
the case, the stakes in this litigation could not be higher for the 
minority community.
  The voting law at issue in the case, known as SB 14, set strict 
requirements for permissible ID to vote. While it included such 
identification as a driver's license, passport and a concealed handgun 
license, it excluded identification like federal government or student 
IDs.
  In July, the Court of Appeals for the 5th Circuit in New Orleans 
ruled that the law violated Section 2 of the Voting Rights Act because 
it disproportionately affected minorities. The Department of Justice 
had previously argued that the law violated the Voting Rights Act and 
was intended to directly impact the abilities of minorities to vote, as 
more than 600,000 minorities lacked the ID necessary under state law to 
vote.
  The belief that the Civil Rights Division will change position and 
will be under attack is well founded. Last Thursday, it was reported 
that the Office of Community Oriented Policing Services, Violence 
Against Women Grants and the Legal Services Corporation would be target 
for elimination and the Civil Rights Division would have its funding 
cut as part of Trump plan for reducing the size of the federal 
government.
  Most troubling, it was also reported that John M. Gore, an attorney 
who led the legal teams on several key cases attacking civil rights, 
would be the head of DOJ's Civil Rights Division as the Deputy 
Assistant Attorney General for Civil Rights.
  Gore was one of the defense attorneys who argued in court on behalf 
of North Carolina's legally dubious and discriminatory anti-transgender 
bill HB2. The bill blocks transgender people from using public 
bathrooms that align with their gender identity. The bottom line here 
is that Gore was on the side of discrimination in the country's most 
high-profile LGBTQ rights case of the past year. (Many will recall that 
this legislation generated a huge economic backlash against the state, 
including the relocation of major sporting events).
  His record of being a legal champion for discriminatory causes 
appears to be a highlight of Gore's legal career. One of his main areas 
of expertise appears to be defending redistricting plans against claims 
of civil rights violations, with his online bio boasting of a number of 
successful such defenses.
  One of the most high-profile civil rights cases Gore has litigated in 
recent years is the Florida Purge case. This case brought many of us to 
the floor to denounce yet another attempt at voter suppression that was 
designed to alter the balance of state politics. The state of Florida 
was found to have violated the National Voter Registration Act with a 
systemic purge of voters it suspected of being non-citizens. As the New 
York Times wrote of Florida's voter restriction attempt:

       The program to identify and remove noncitizens from the 
     rolls prompted a national outcry and several lawsuits in 2012 
     because it was riddled with mistakes and was being pushed 
     through months before the election. A number of people on the 
     lists, which were sent by the state to county election 
     supervisors, were, in fact, citizens (including the two lead 
     plaintiffs in the lawsuit).

  Just as we opposed the nomination of Sen. Jeff Sessions to serve as 
Attorney General, we must similarly build a record against John Gore to 
head the Civil Rights Division. We simply cannot entrust our legacy 
civil rights statutes to any person who has shown a lack of sensitivity 
and balance in protecting the interests of justice in our society.
  Though Trump's inaugural speech invoked an image of my home City of 
Detroit, I fear what his vision will mean for my community and vow to 
continue the struggle for jobs, justice and peace. He stated that ``the 
time for empty talk is over. Now arrives the hour of action.'' I take 
him at his word and his actions send an unmistakable message: His 
action is to appoint a defender of discrimination to head the Civil 
Rights Division. His action is to retreat from an agenda on Community 
Oriented Policing. His action is to undermine affordable healthcare. 
His action is to appoint cabinet officials who fail to represent the 
mosaic that is America.
  The Congressional Black Caucus took to this floor tonight to outline 
our response to the President's Inaugural Address & New Deal for 
African-Americans. While our views may not find much in common, I 
believe we can agree on this: the time for talk is indeed over and the 
hour for action has arrived. This caucus will not stand idly by while 
an administration attempts to turn back the clock. The greatness of 
America is found in its diversity, inclusiveness and empathy. That is 
why we are the beacon on the hill. Whether we fly, walk or crawl, we 
are committed to moving this nation forward and will not turn back.
  

  Ms. EDDIE BERNICE JOHNSON of Texas. Mr. Speaker, on Friday, President 
Donald Trump addressed the nation during his inaugural address by 
laying out his priorities for the new administration and his future 
vision for our country. Among his priorities is to incentivize private 
investments in infrastructure through tax incentives and public-private 
partnerships.
  Tax incentives and public-private partnerships are simply two 
elements that I believe should be part of a larger, more comprehensive 
infrastructure plan. A truly comprehensive

[[Page 1060]]

plan will include direct spending and invests real dollars in both 
rural and urban communities So far, the only portions of President 
Trump's infrastructure plan that have been made public include $100 
billion in tax breaks to private investors. I believe that President 
Trump is deeply misguided in relying solely on tax breaks to 
miraculously spur investments in our decaying transportation network. 
We need to include a healthy mix of direct spending, tax incentives, 
public-private partnerships, and sensible public policies if we are to 
sufficiently address the infrastructure needs across the country.
  Our highways, railways, and airways serve as the arteries that drive 
the U.S. economy. As our nation's population continues to grow and 
become more diverse, the growth of our transportation infrastructure 
needs to keep pace. Texas is projected to account for nearly fifteen 
percent of all the national population growth through 2030. Yet, it has 
become increasingly difficult to make the investments that we need to 
properly maintain and build up the state's infrastructure due to 
dwindling federal funding for transportation projects. President 
Trump's plan in its current form falls drastically short of the 
necessary steps that we must take in order to modernize our crumbling 
infrastructure.
  Mr. Speaker, it has been and continues to be my intention to give 
President Trump a fair chance at proving to the American people that he 
is serious about bringing real solutions to our nation's problems to 
the table. I strongly encourage this administration to present a well-
rounded infrastructure plan that goes beyond merely hand-outs to 
corporations, and also includes the direct spending that is so 
desperately needed.

                          ____________________