[Congressional Record (Bound Edition), Volume 162 (2016), Part 9]
[House]
[Pages 12360-12366]
[From the U.S. Government Publishing Office, www.gpo.gov]




                       CONGRESSIONAL BLACK CAUCUS

  The SPEAKER pro tempore. Under the Speaker's announced policy of 
January 6, 2015, the gentleman from New York (Mr. Jeffries) is 
recognized for 60 minutes as the designee of the minority leader.

[[Page 12361]]




                             General Leave

  Mr. JEFFRIES. Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members 
have 5 legislative days in which to revise and extend their remarks and 
include any extraneous material on the subject of this Special Order.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. Is there objection to the request of the 
gentleman from New York?
  There was no objection.
  Mr. JEFFRIES. Mr. Speaker, it is with great honor that I rise today 
once again to help coanchor, along with my distinguished colleague 
Representative Joyce Beatty, this Congressional Black Caucus Special 
Order hour where, for the next 60 minutes, we have an opportunity to 
speak directly to the American people on issues of great importance to 
the Congressional Black Caucus, to the House of Representatives, to the 
districts that we represent collectively, as well as to the United 
States of America.
  It is a very special week for us, and we are going to spend some time 
during the next 60 minutes discussing the trajectory of the 
Congressional Black Caucus, which has been serving in this body for the 
better part of the last 45 years.
  The Congressional Black Caucus was formally established on March 30, 
1971, by 13 pioneering Members who had a vision of making sure that, 
within this great Article I institution, there was a body that could 
speak directly to the hopes, the dreams, the needs, and the aspirations 
of the African American people and all those underrepresented 
communities throughout America. We are going to talk a bit about that 
journey, about the accomplishments, and about the challenges that still 
remain.
  I want to yield now to the gentlewoman from Texas (Ms. Eddie Bernice 
Johnson), one of the very distinguished members of the Congressional 
Black Caucus, who happens to be the ranking member of the Science, 
Space, and Technology Committee and has ably represented the 30th 
Congressional District in Texas, anchored in Dallas, for almost 25 
years. It has been an honor and a privilege for me and for others to 
work with her, to learn from her, and to be mentored by her.
  Ms. EDDIE BERNICE JOHNSON of Texas. Thank you very much. Mr. Speaker, 
I would like to congratulate the leaders of the Special Order tonight, 
Congresswoman Joyce Beatty and Congressman Hakeem Jeffries.
  Mr. Speaker, as a proud member of the Congressional Black Caucus, I 
am proud to recognize the contributions of the CBC and its members 
after 45 years of service to the United States Congress and our Nation 
and, really, the world.
  The CBC was founded March 30, 1971, with the chief objective of 
bringing awareness to the issues facing Black America and addressing 
the concerns of longstanding inequality in opportunity for African 
Americans.
  We have an original member who is retiring this year, the Honorable 
Charles B. Rangel. The most senior Member in this House is one of the 
original members, the Honorable John Conyers.
  Today, the Congressional Black Caucus has grown to become a 
fundamental institution within Congress. From voting rights and gun 
violence to poverty in America and justice reform, the CBC engages on 
multiple fronts to address the plethora of issues facing our Nation and 
the world.
  To date, we have had a string of able leaders chair the CBC, and I am 
proud to have been one of them from 2001 to 2003. Currently, as co-
chair of the CBC Technology and Infrastructure Investment Task Force 
and a member of numerous other CBC task forces, I am proud of the 
progress that we have been able to achieve through our coordination and 
cooperation with the Members of the Congress, stakeholders, and the 
community. History has proven that the importance of the CBC endures 
even today as we face new challenges to voting rights and experience 
new strife within our communities.
  Mr. Speaker, the Congressional Black Caucus serves as a key voice in 
Congress for people of color and vulnerable communities. Together, the 
CBC and its allies have paved the way for new progress as we face the 
challenges of the 21st century. Our promise that was first made in 1971 
to give the voiceless a voice is continually fulfilled through the 
CBC's work, and I look forward to keeping up with our fight to preserve 
liberty and equal justice for all. We have come from promise to 
progress.
  Mr. JEFFRIES. I thank the distinguished gentlewoman from the great 
Lone Star State for her eloquent words and observations and, of course, 
for her leadership not just in the Congress, but for her past 
leadership as a distinguished former chair of the Congressional Black 
Caucus.
  It is now my honor and my privilege to yield to the distinguished 
gentlewoman from the great State of Ohio (Mrs. Beatty), my classmate, 
who is one of the most distinguished Members of the House of 
Representatives. She had an incredible career before she arrived here 
in the Congress as a leader in the Ohio Legislature, as a successful 
small-business woman, as a university administrator at The Ohio State 
University, and in so many other ways, and then, of course, has taken 
the House of Representatives by storm since her arrival as part of the 
class of 2012.
  Mrs. BEATTY. I thank the gentleman. Mr. Speaker, to my colleague, I 
am so honored to be here tonight speaking in this Chamber and to the 
American people about the Congressional Black Caucus: 45 years of 
leadership, from promise to progress.
  You have heard my distinguished colleague and coanchor of our Special 
Order hour, Congressman Hakeem Jeffries, tell and share with us the 
history of our beginning of the Congressional Black Caucus back on 
March 30, 1971. We have heard the distinguished gentlewoman from Texas 
share with us about our members who had the foresight and the vision. 
What she didn't tell you was that she was the first African American 
nurse to be elected and to serve in this Congress.
  Somewhere along the line, Mr. Speaker, I am sure in our rich history 
someone made the promise that, in the future, we would have a Shirley 
Chisholm, the promise that some little girl would be able to come to 
this Congress and serve, and that became a reality with Shirley 
Chisholm. I am sure some mother said the promise should be that a woman 
should lead us as a nurse, and then came Congresswoman Eddie Bernice 
Johnson.
  You see, Mr. Speaker, the Congressional Black Caucus has been 
committed to advancing equity and access and equal protection under the 
law for Black Americans. And while we were established March 30, 1971, 
it was on that day that a Congressman by the name of Charles C. Diggs, 
Jr., a Democrat from the great State of Michigan, presented the 
statement to the President of the United States, which included more 
than 60 recommendations for executive action on issues for Black 
America and set the foundation for the promise and the progress of 
African Americans.
  We heard my distinguished colleague talk about the hopes and the 
needs and the dreams. Those were the promises. And that is why it is so 
important for us to come today and talk about the progress that we have 
made.
  Even though you will hear us say 1971, when the Congressional Black 
Caucus was established, we can trace our legislative history back 
further through the civil rights efforts of the 1960s, which included 
such landmark victories as the Civil Rights Act of 1964 and the Voting 
Rights Act of 1965, which we still champion today. Those legislative 
policy victories of the past demonstrate that when people speak with a 
singular, powerful voice, Mr. Speaker, we can have a government that 
works for us; we can fulfill our country's pledge and promise of 
liberty and justice for all.
  It was through that statement that the Congressional Black Caucus 
began its history of advocacy on behalf of the African American 
community. Since then, for the last 45 years, the Congressional Black 
Caucus has been the voice for people of color and at-risk communities 
in our different districts. We have been and remain committed to 
utilizing the full constitutional power, statutory authority, and 
financial resources of the government to ensure

[[Page 12362]]

that everyone has the opportunity to achieve the promise of the 
American Dream, Mr. Speaker.
  From promise to progress gave us the first African American to hold 
the distinction of dean of this House, the most senior Member of 
Congress; and the first African American to swear in the Speaker of the 
United States House of Representatives was Congressional Black Caucus 
member Congressman John Conyers.
  From promise to progress has given us a motivating book, ``Blessed 
Experiences: Genuinely Southern, Proudly Black,'' a story of 
inspirational words on how an African American boy from the Jim Crow-
era South was able to beat the odds, Mr. Speaker, to achieve great 
success and become, as President Barack Obama describes him, ``One of a 
handful of people who, when they speak, the entire Congress listens,'' 
assistant Democratic leader and the third highest ranking Democrat in 
the House of Representatives, Congressman James E. Clyburn.
  The 21st president, national president of the largest African 
American female sorority serves here with us, Congresswoman Marcia 
Fudge from the 11th Congressional District of my State.

                              {time}  2030

  From promise to progress, Mr. Speaker, has given us the first Black 
woman elected to Congress from Alabama and the only Democrat in 
Alabama's seven-member congressional delegation. That is Congresswoman 
Terri Sewell. Her first piece of successful legislation recognized the 
four little girls who tragically lost their lives during the bombing of 
the 16th Street Baptist Church.
  Mr. Speaker, I hope you can see why it is important for us to be here 
and to talk about the many promises and, more significantly and of 
greater importance, the progress that we have made. We are one of the 
largest Member organizations in the United States House of 
Representatives, making up 23 percent of the House Democratic Caucus 
and 10 percent of the entire United States House of Representatives.
  Mr. Speaker, when I think of where the Congressional Black Caucus is 
today, I think of the shoulders that we stand on. Fifty-one years 
later, I think of Bloody Sunday where on March 7, 1965, some 600 
peaceful participants in a voting rights march from Selma, Alabama, to 
the State capital in Montgomery were violently attacked by Alabama 
State Troopers with nightsticks, tear gas, whips, and dogs, as they 
attempted to cross the Edmund Pettus Bridge. These brave men and women, 
Mr. Speaker, were led by civil rights champion, Congressman John Lewis 
from the Fifth District of Georgia. What a great example of promise to 
progress.
  Last year, I had the distinct honor of joining nearly 300,000 others, 
including 90 bipartisan lawmakers, distinguished guests, civil rights 
activists, and former Presidents of these United States as we marched, 
commemorating the 50th anniversary of Bloody Sunday over that Edmund 
Pettus Bridge, marching ourselves from Selma to Montgomery, Alabama, 
from promises to progress.
  Let me say or remind you again--and I want America to know--there 
were 90 bipartisan Members. That means Democrats and Republicans. I 
could say bicameral--Democrat and Republican Senators and Members of 
this great body that we serve in. Certainly, as we marched and they 
joined us, they were making a commitment to the progress from those 
promises that were made 50-some years ago.
  We come here tonight, my colleague and I, representing the 
Congressional Black Caucus because we want you, Mr. Speaker, and 
America to know that when we reflect on our history, it is our culture, 
it is our passion, and it is our reason and resolve for standing here 
and standing up for the issues and the legislation that we believe in, 
that we write and we support. We think it is important for you to have 
a better understanding why so often we come here and ask that we join 
together.
  Mr. Speaker, when I think of our history, I reflect on names like 
Frederick Douglass, a historic social reformer and statesman; Shirley 
Chisholm, as I mentioned earlier, the first African American woman 
elected to the United States Congress; and, yes, Rosa Parks, the mother 
of the modern civil rights movement.
  You see, Rosa Parks embodied courage, and she inspired me as a mentor 
when she refused to give up her seat on a Montgomery, Alabama, bus to a 
White passenger on December 1, 1955. Some would say she was tired, but 
I say to you that she was tired not from her day's work as a 
seamstress, but she was tired from the injustices. I have followed her 
whole career and was so inspired by her that I wrote the first 
legislation when I served in the Ohio House of Representatives in this 
country to honor her on that December 1. Every day since then, I go 
back to the district and we honor her. You see, she sat down against 
the odds for something she believed in. I have carried that with me 
over the years, realizing that there could be a day, but never dreaming 
that it would be here in this Congress that I, too, would be willing to 
sit down for something that I believed in.
  Mr. Speaker, there have been so many issues that I have done that 
because I want us to have the progress from the promises that I make to 
my district. The progress, whether it is gun safety, whether it is the 
progress of making sure that every child has enough food when they go 
to bed, whether it is making sure that there is an affordable college 
education for every child that is able to go, whether it is making sure 
that there is equal pay for equal work, those are just a few of the 
things that I wanted to make sure that we talked about.
  Mr. Speaker, it is so important for us to tell our story, our 
history, and our culture. Hopefully, tonight is more than us just 
talking. Hopefully, tonight will help Members and the public understand 
our history and our passion.
  This week, lastly, let me say how honored I am to be in Washington, 
D.C., when more than 10,000 people will come to our Congressional Black 
Caucus Foundation Annual Legislative Conference where we will talk 
about the issues and we will educate emerging leaders and civil rights 
leaders, not just all individuals of color. There will be individuals 
of all backgrounds, races, and ethnicities that will join us in our 
commitment to fulfill those promises on the progress that we would like 
to have.
  We will open the National African American Museum. What an honor it 
will be to see the great achievements and contributions for those who 
have so courageously pushed the boundaries and moved our country 
forward in the name of justice and equality.
  When I think about moving forward, I cannot help but reflect on the 
44th President of these United States. Like many of us--and, Mr. 
Speaker, maybe even like you--he worked his way through school with the 
help of scholarship money and a student loan. Yet, maybe it was the 
progress and the promise of progress that a Martin Luther King, Jr., 
wanted when he said that he hoped his four children would not be judged 
by the color of their skin, but the content of their character. Maybe 
that is why a young Barack Obama pushed forward, went back to his 
community, and worked and gave service, which is the word that he likes 
to use so much. It was the service back to the movement and to his 
community in Chicago; that gave us the progress of having our first 
African American President, a scholar, someone who has had many firsts.
  So I say to you that it is indeed my honor that I can stand here on 
this floor with my colleague as we move forward, the progress as we 
move forward on the promises of our colleagues.
  Mr. JEFFRIES. Mr. Speaker, I thank the distinguished gentlewoman from 
Ohio for laying out both the history of the Congressional Black Caucus 
as well as documenting what current membership continues to do and 
breaks new ground here in the House of Representatives on behalf of the 
people that they are charged to represent in this august body, as well 
as on behalf of the great Nation that we are all privileged to serve.
  As Representative Beatty mentioned, there were 13 individuals who

[[Page 12363]]

had the vision and the foresight to found the Congressional Black 
Caucus back in March of 1971. The actual founding took place at a 
meeting between those 13 Members and President Richard Nixon, where the 
President was presented, by the newly formed Congressional Black 
Caucus, a statement of requests, goals, objectives, and demands related 
to the plight of African Americans here in these United States of 
America. The Congressional Black Caucus was founded on the premise that 
it was necessary to speak truth to power, given the unique plight of 
African Americans in this country.
  As was mentioned by Representative Beatty, there are two founding 
members who still serve in the House of Representatives; Representative 
John Conyers from Detroit, Michigan, and, of course, Charlie Rangel, 
the Lion of Lenox Avenue, the first African American ever to chair the 
Ways and Means Committee in this institution, a prolific legislator 
here in the House who has announced earlier this year his intention to 
retire.
  I am proud to serve a district that was once represented in part by 
the Honorable Shirley Chisholm, the first African American woman ever 
elected to the House of Representatives in a district in Brooklyn in 
1968. She came here indicating that she was unbought and unbossed, and 
that tradition has been continued by people like Maxine Waters, Marcia 
Fudge, Joyce Beatty, and so many others who represent their district 
with passion and with integrity.
  The question has been asked: Why is there a need for a Congressional 
Black Caucus? We have come a long way in America. We have made a lot of 
progress. The 44th President of the United States of America happens to 
be African American. Why is there a need for a Congressional Black 
Caucus?
  That question was asked in 1971, of course. I think it takes an 
understanding of the unique journey of African Americans in this 
country to understand why the Congressional Black Caucus was first 
founded in 1971 and why it still remains relevant today.
  This country was founded, of course, on high-minded principles of 
liberty and justice for all and the notion that all men are created 
equally and were endowed with certain inalienable rights by the great 
democratic republic that was birthed by the Founding Fathers of this 
Nation.
  As many have observed, notwithstanding the tremendous nature of the 
principles embedded in the birth of this country, there was also a 
genetic defect on the question of race. That genetic defect first took 
the form, of course, of chattel slavery, which was one of the worst 
crimes ever perpetrated against humanity, resulting in the loss of tens 
of millions of individuals killed during the middle passage and the 
systemic oppression of African Americans, the kidnap, the rape, the 
enslavement here in the United States of America. This happened at the 
same time when the country was founded on these great, high-minded 
principles.
  Of course, the question of slavery was finally resolved with the 
victory of the North in 1865. The North, of course, was fighting the 
South in the Confederacy. The Confederacy has been put to rest, 
although some people still want to uplift the Confederate battle flag. 
That is an issue for another day.
  Slavery was put to rest. Then in an effort to correct the defect in 
our democracy, the 13th Amendment ending and outlawing chattel slavery 
was passed and added to the Constitution; the 14th Amendment, equal 
protection under the law; and the 15th Amendment related to the right 
to vote for African Americans. The so-called reconstruction amendments 
took place.

                              {time}  2045

  But then, thereafter, something interesting happened. We were on the 
pathway to fulfilling the great promise of a colorblind society in 
America, but then the North pulled out of the South, the Reconstruction 
era ended, and it was replaced systematically with a system of Jim 
Crow, enforced segregation of the races, and the suppression of African 
Americans largely in the Deep South, notwithstanding the high-minded 
principles that were just embedded in the United States Constitution 
related to the 14th Amendment and the Equal Protection Clause and the 
15th Amendment and the right to vote. Those were just words on a piece 
of paper, as far as many people were concerned in the Deep South who 
were perpetuating Jim Crow segregation.
  That Jim Crow segregation, of course, was accompanied by a lynching 
epidemic that claimed the lives of thousands of individuals, race riots 
directed at successful African Americans and African American 
communities, and so many other things that were documented in this 
country.
  Why is there a need for a Congressional Black Caucus? The country was 
founded under these great high-minded principles, but, at the same time 
on this journey, we have gone from slavery, a brief period of 
Reconstruction, into the Jim Crow era.
  As Representative Joyce Beatty so eloquently documented, in terms of 
the legislative efforts of African American Members who were here in 
partnership with people of goodwill of all races, Democrats and 
Republicans, we passed the 1964 Civil Rights Act here in this Congress 
endeavoring to end Jim Crow segregation, passed the 1965 Voting Rights 
Act here in this Congress to try to bring to life the 15th Amendment, 
largely ignored in many parts of this country, and then of course in 
1968 passed the Fair Housing Act.
  Then an interesting thing happened. You have a President who is 
elected in the aftermath of the assassination of Robert F. Kennedy, 
Jr., the Senator from New York, and Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr., the 
great civil rights leader on what he terms a Southern strategy of 
trying to capitalize on White backlash against the progress that has 
been made by African Americans.
  I am trying to figure out what was the nature of the backlash? The 
progress that was made was a Civil Rights Act to try to deal with the 
Jim Crow segregation that some people put into place in the aftermath 
of the end of slavery, and the 1965 Voting Rights Act that was put into 
place in order to try to bring to life the fact that there were people 
intentionally ignoring the 15th Amendment to the United States 
Constitution. Why is there a need for a Congressional Black Caucus?
  So we moved from slavery into Jim Crow, and that is all dealt with 
for a brief period in the 1960s in terms of the Civil Rights Act and 
the Voting Rights Act, the Fair Housing Act, but then we enter into 
this interesting period where Richard Nixon is elected on a strategy 
that played to the racial fears and anxieties of some in America. I 
don't want to get in trouble by putting a percentage onto it, but 
played into the anxieties and fears of some in America. History often 
repeats itself.
  And so the Congressional Black Caucus in 1971 made the decision that 
they were going to place a list of demands on the table for Richard 
Nixon to deal with, given this history. Little did they know--or 
perhaps they suspected--that in that same year what I would call the 
third defect that America has had to grapple with in terms of the 
African American community as compared to its high-minded aspirations 
was about to be visited on communities of color, and that was mass 
incarceration.
  It was in that year in 1971 where Richard Nixon declared a war on 
drugs by stating that drug abuse was public enemy number one. At the 
time in America, there were less than 350,000 people incarcerated in 
this country. Today, there are more than 2.1 million, the overwhelming 
majority of whom are Black and Latino. We know that African Americans 
are consistently incarcerated at levels much higher than others in the 
United States, notwithstanding a similar level of criminality as it 
relates to the crime that was committed, the activity that was engaged 
in, and the conduct that was prosecuted. The disparities are 
objectively clear.
  Mass incarceration has been devastating for African American 
communities all across this country, and it is shameful that America 
incarcerates more people here in the United States than any other 
country in the world. We incarcerate more people than Russia and China 
combined. This overcriminalization is something that I am

[[Page 12364]]

hopeful we can deal with in this Congress before this President leaves 
and then continue to work with the next President of the United States 
of America.
  So people ask the question: Why do we need a Congressional Black 
Caucus? We have gone from slavery, a brief interruption with the 
Reconstruction Amendments into Jim Crow for another 100 years, 14th 
Amendment and 15th Amendment are ignored in large parts of the country, 
and then we get an interruption. Some progress was made with the 1964 
Civil Rights Act, the 1965 Voting Rights Act, and the 1968 Fair Housing 
Act. Then we get Richard Nixon. And the Congressional Black Caucus is 
founded at the same time.
  For the last 45 years, we have been dealing with mass incarceration. 
But notwithstanding the intensity of the systematic issues put upon the 
African American community, we have seen tremendous progress during 
that same period of time because of Members like William Clay, Sr., a 
founder from St. Louis, or Louis Stokes from Cleveland, Ohio, and 
Augustus Hawkins from Los Angeles, people who understood that when 
Abraham Lincoln asked the question, how do we create a more perfect 
Union, and he asked that question in the context of the Civil War that 
was raging at the time, that America is a constant work in progress. 
And year after year, decade after decade, century after century, we can 
improve upon who we are, but there is still a lot more that needs to be 
done.
  Thankfully, we have seen increases in educational attainment, 
increases in employment over the last 8 years in the African American 
community since the height of the Great Recession, and we have seen a 
return of some of the homeownership that was lost during the recession, 
but there are still a lot of things that need to be done. And so a 
Congressional Black Caucus which has grown from the 13 original 
founding members to 46 members today, 45 in the House of 
Representatives, 1 of whom is a Republican, and a 46th member who 
serves in the United States Senate.
  We stand on the shoulders of these founding members, proud of what 
has been accomplished like the effort led by Ron Dellums which resulted 
in legislation to push back against the racist apartheid regime in 
1986, a bill that was vetoed by Ronald Reagan, and then overridden by 
Democrats and Republicans in the House and the Senate, the first 
foreign policy bill overridden in the Congress passed by Ron Dellums 
that led the effort related to South African apartheid.
  So many issues have been championed by the founding members. John 
Conyers held a series of hearings on the issue of police brutality. It 
is ironic that right now, along with Chairman Bob Goodlatte, they are 
leading a bipartisan task force on police community relations to deal 
with what I view, at least, as an epidemic of police violence directed 
at unarmed African American men across this country, but John Conyers 
was involved in that effort in the early 1970s.
  And so there is a lot of things that we have been able to work on 
during this 45-year journey. Tremendous progress has been made, despite 
the efforts to paint the community as overrun by some out there in this 
country as a thriving Black middle class. A successful group of 
entrepreneurs, professionals, lawyers, doctors, engineers, scientists, 
and so many others have shown what can be done based on their promise 
and their potential despite the obstacles that exist as we move toward 
a more colorblind society. But we, of course, are not there yet.
  That is why we are of the view that, despite the fact that we have 
made tremendous progress in America, we still have a way to go. There 
is still a need, an urgent need for a Congressional Black Caucus, which 
has often stood up not just on behalf of African Americans but has 
stood up on behalf of those who are the least, the lost, and the left-
behind in the United States of America, regardless of color.
  That is why the Congressional Black Caucus has been known over these 
four decades as the conscience of the Congress, and it has been an 
honor and a privilege for me, during my two terms, to serve in this 
august body.
  I want to yield for a moment to my colleague, Representative Joyce 
Beatty, and perhaps ask the question: What are some of the issues that 
you think are pressing as it relates to the Congressional Black Caucus 
moving forward, and what do you say to critics who make the argument, 
why is there a need for African Americans in the Congress to get 
together at this point on behalf of the communities we were elected to 
represent? Is there still a need for a Congressional Black Caucus in 
2016?
  Mrs. BEATTY. Mr. Speaker, let me just say thank you to Congressman 
Jeffries for that question. If I think of one of my favorite quotes by 
Shirley Chisholm, Mr. Speaker, she said: ``You don't make progress by 
standing on the sidelines . . . you make progress by implementing 
ideas.''
  That is what the Congressional Black Caucus does. We don't just come 
here on the floor and talk about our rich history. We meet, and we 
strategize, and we go back home to our districts, and we come back, and 
we write legislation, so there is definitely a need. And I think it 
will be witnessed all across this country this week when the thousands 
of thousands of individuals come here because they will have an 
opportunity to see Congressman Charlie Rangel or Congresswoman Maxine 
Waters or Congresswoman Robin Kelly because of the issues and what they 
stand for, and that is why there is a need.
  When I think of our commitment and conviction, Mr. Speaker, I 
remember when Congresswoman Robin Kelly said: I won't stand up for 
moments of silence again until we do something about the shootings and 
the deaths. She had the courage to walk up to the well and say: I am 
not being disrespectful, but I want us to really stand for something.
  So, yes, I want us to have gun safety. I want us to have legislation 
because we have bipartisan legislation. I want us to bring that to the 
floor, so I can say in my district, I am standing up for families, I am 
standing up for safety.

                              {time}  2100

  You mentioned prison reform. I want us to look at how we can come 
together as Democrats and Republicans, Mr. Speaker, and pass some 
bipartisan legislation.
  When I think of the Congressional Black Caucus and what we represent, 
when you add it all up together, we cover some 21 States, the District 
of Columbia, and the Virgin Islands, and we represent some 31 million 
people. Over half of our Congressional Black Caucus membership are 
lawyers, people who have studied the laws and understand the procedures 
and the rules and the regulations.
  So, yes, there is a need for us to continue the journey. There is a 
need for us to listen to one another. You see, Mr. Speaker, we don't 
come here tonight to just talk about us as 46 members of the 
Congressional Black Caucus. We come here to leave you with a message 
and to speak to America to say: Just think of what we could do if we 
worked together. Just think about when you go back home to your 
district and you say you want us to be safe and you want us to have 
equal and fair rights; you talk about wanting your children and 
families to be healthy and educated.
  So, you see, we have the same message, it seems, until we come to the 
floor. That is why we come here tonight with strong messages--because 
we want to make sure that you understand that we believe that we could 
work together.
  This week--again, I will say it repeatedly, because it is so 
important to us--we will have brain trust sessions, Mr. Jeffries, that 
will talk about how long we have been in this fight for progress for 
health care, how long we have been in this fight for criminal justice. 
We will also have workshops like financial literacy and financial 
services. If we don't come together to educate our communities and our 
people, if we don't come together to share with you, I believe that we 
won't be able to understand one another.

[[Page 12365]]

  So the answer is yes and yes: yes, there is a lot of work to continue 
to be done; and yes, we need to continue to have a Congressional Black 
Caucus.
  Mr. JEFFRIES. I mentioned during my remarks that we have been on this 
journey of the 15th Amendment to the United States Constitution to try 
to guarantee the right to vote, regardless of race, coming out of the 
oppression of chattel slavery. And then we moved, Representative 
Beatty, from the 15th Amendment to this Jim Crow period and the 1965 
Voting Rights Act to try to bring to life what is a fundamental tenet 
of American democracy, which is the ability of the people to represent 
those who will represent them in government--government of the people, 
by the people, and for the people.
  But yet, as a result of a recent Supreme Court decision, Shelby 
County v. Holder, the 1965 Voting Rights Act, section 4 and section 5, 
the preclearance provisions, have been eviscerated because of, in my 
view, an inappropriate reading of that statute relative to the United 
States Constitution.
  So the Congressional Black Caucus continues to fight to uplift for 
all Americans the ability to participate in our democracy. The shame is 
that voting in this country seems to have become a partisan issue, 
notwithstanding the fact that the Voting Rights Act has a great 
bipartisan tradition. It was passed with the support of Democrats and 
Republicans because, of course, we know at the time there were 
Dixiecrats in this Congress--Democrats, by registration, in the Deep 
South who fought hard against voting rights. So it took Republicans on 
the other side of the aisle in both the House and the Senate in order 
to get the legislation passed.
  It is interesting to me that, every year, the Voting Rights Act was 
reauthorized. Four times it was signed back into law by a Republican 
President: in 1970, Richard Nixon; 1975, Gerald Ford; 1982, Ronald 
Reagan; 2006, George W. Bush.
  So when we come to the floor of the House of Representatives or when 
I sit on the Judiciary Committee or we work with John Lewis and John 
Conyers and Terri Sewell and Jim Clyburn and others to try to move 
voting rights legislation forward, we are just saying: return to the 
great bipartisan tradition of making sure that every single American in 
this country has an opportunity to participate in the right to vote.
  Until that happens, the Congressional Black Caucus has an urgent 
issue that we need to deal with for the communities that we represent 
in African American or Latino neighborhoods and for all Americans.
  The other thing I will point out and ask my colleague to perhaps 
react to is that what I found fascinating here in terms of common 
ground, the opportunity to uplift everyone through the mission and the 
work of the Congressional Black Caucus, is the fact that when you look 
at persistently poor counties in America, counties that will be defined 
as 20 percent or more of the population living below the poverty line 
for 30 or more years, persistently poor counties, a majority of those 
counties are represented by Republicans in the House of Representatives 
and not by Democrats.
  So when Jim Clyburn, for instance, presents things like 10-20-30, a 
funding formula where 10 percent of any funding allocation will be 
given to communities where 20 percent or more of that county has been 
living below the poverty line for 30 or more years, it would actually 
benefit Republican-represented counties more than it would Democrat-
represented counties. This is because the Congressional Black Caucus 
really is interested in uplifting the plight of all Americans who have 
been left behind. We are hoping that we can find some bipartisan 
cooperation in that area as well.
  I yield to Representative Joyce Beatty.
  Mrs. BEATTY. Thank you, Congressman Jeffries, for mentioning 10-20-
30. You are absolutely right that it would benefit Republican districts 
and their constituents more than many of our constituents. But I think 
that is because, when we think of poverty, we think of children and 
families living in poverty, not Democrats, not Republicans. Our mission 
here, Mr. Speaker, is to make this place a better place through our 
legislation for everyone. So I think that is just one example.
  You mentioned a lot about our history and how far we have come and 
the roles of other Presidents. I think it is important, Mr. Speaker, 
for us to also share that we come here tonight almost with a 
proposition to say to you: We want to work with you on those issues 
that we have highlighted.
  So often when we come here, we will hear colleagues say ``We can't 
work together,'' ``We don't work together,'' or, ``Why don't you just 
come and work with us?'' I don't want us to leave tonight without 
leaving the message that we have a lot of work that still needs to be 
done.
  I can remember reading back in 1971, Congressman Jeffries, when 
Richard Nixon was giving his first inaugural address, he refused to 
meet with the members of the Congressional Black Caucus. They stood up 
for something. They left the floor and did not stay for his address to 
the Nation. I say that with mixed feelings, but I say that to make the 
point of how strongly we believe in what we do.
  You mentioned the 10-20-30 plan. We had Speaker Ryan come to the 
Congressional Black Caucus and hear the plan, to get a commitment from 
him. He represents all of us; and he gave us the nod, as you will 
remember, on that plan.
  So I say tonight, let us reflect on all the things that my colleague 
and the coanchor of this Special Order hour said, because that is what 
it is. It is our hour to address you, Mr. Speaker, and the Nation about 
so many of the issues that we want to make sure that, when we leave 
here, we are not leaving with just promises, but we are leaving with 
progress.
  Mr. JEFFRIES. Thank you for those very thoughtful observations.
  Perhaps I will end by talking for a moment or so about the progress 
that we have made under a former member of the Congressional Black 
Caucus who was a Senator from Illinois and here in the Capitol for a 
few years before he was elected to be the 44th President of the United 
States of America. We are proud that he came through the CBC on his way 
to 1600 Pennsylvania Avenue.
  Upon his election, there was the view that perhaps we were entering 
into a phase of a post-racial society. I think we understand that that 
was probably irrationally optimistic of those who made that observation 
because of the long history that we detailed here of what the African 
American journey has been in America.
  But I find it interesting that so many people, to this day, refuse to 
give this President credit for the progress that has been made under 
his watch over the last 8 years. There have been more than 75 or so 
consecutive months of private sector job creation under this President. 
More than 14 million private sector jobs have been created under this 
President.
  Parenthetically, I make the observation that, under the 8 years of 
George Bush, the country lost 650,000 jobs. But we are going to talk 
about a sluggish recovery. We lost 650,000 jobs under supply-side 
economic policies of George W. Bush. We have gained more than 14 
million jobs under progressive policies of Barack Obama.
  The deficit has been reduced by over $500 million. When the President 
came in, the stock market was at 6,000; now it is over 18,000. Of 
course, more than 20 million previously uninsured Americans now have 
health coverage under the Presidency of Barack Obama.
  So he came in with a lot of promises, and I am proud that there has 
been tremendous progress that has been made for the United States of 
America as a whole, and certainly for African American communities.
  As the President himself observed, the problems that we have to 
confront in America won't be resolved by one President during one term 
or even during an entire tenure, because we are on this long, 
necessary, and majestic march toward a more perfect Union. The hope is 
that, each time a President steps up and Congress is there to represent 
the will of the people, working

[[Page 12366]]

on behalf of our constituents, we can make meaningful progress on 
dealing with the economic and social justice issues of the day.
  Fundamentally, that is what the Congressional Black Caucus is all 
about. That was the vision that was put forth by those 13 Founders: 
speaking truth to power, representing the interests of the African 
American communities they were elected to serve--and everyone else--
regardless of race, who is entitled to the fiercest possible 
representation in this democracy.

                              {time}  2115

  So it is with great pride that Representative Beatty and I stand here 
today, as members of the Congressional Black Caucus, standing on the 
shoulders of those 13 founding members, under the current leadership of 
Representative G.K. Butterfield from North Carolina, representing this 
continuum of the African American journey, both here in Congress and in 
this great country; confident that, despite the obstacles that will 
consistently be erected that, as we have demonstrated over time during 
45 years, we will make progress, we will translate promise into action, 
and we will continue the journey of perfecting a more perfect union in 
the United States of America.
  Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.
  Mr. CONYERS. Mr. Speaker, as a founding member of the Congressional 
Black Caucus, I believe that the week of our Annual Legislative 
Conference is an appropriate time to reflect on the progress we have 
made as a group and the challenges we face in articulating a vision for 
a more free and fair America.
  When 13 of us first gathered in 1969 as a ``Democratic Select 
Committee,'' we had ambitions of using our collective voices to advance 
a political agenda for black America in response to expected 
retrenchment from the incoming Nixon administration. Two years later, 
on the motion of Rep. Charlie Rangel, we became the Congressional Black 
Caucus.
  In that time, the Caucus has gone from being on Nixon's ``original 
enemies list'' to the conscience of the Congress. Our membership has 
grown from 13 to 46 and our alumnae include numerous cabinet members 
and a President of the United States.
  In looking back 45 years, the Caucus can point to many victories in 
the areas of voting rights, economic empowerment, education and 
healthcare. These victories were not just for black Americans, but all 
Americans in search of justice and equality before the law.
  However, in reflecting on the history of the Caucus, we must be 
honest about the uneven nature of politics. Many of the challenges we 
faced in 1971 still burden the African-American community today. Black 
Americans are still disproportionately poor, under-educated, unemployed 
and incarcerated. Daily we confront the political challenges of how to 
ensure that the rising economic tide lifts the boats in our 
communities.
  The more surprising challenge faced by the Caucus is mounted by those 
who would turn back the clock on some of our hardest won victories: 
namely those who would suppress our voting rights as a means of 
defeating a progressive agenda for equality. We beware of those who 
want to make ``America great again,'' harkening back to a past where 
Jim Crow and discrimination ruled the day.
  This politics of division is one of our main challenges as a Caucus. 
Our nation once again finds itself at odds over the issue of race 
relations, most clearly illustrated by the issue of police 
accountability. A recent ABC poll found that a majority of Americans 
surveyed believed that race relations are bad and getting worse. With 
the election of the first African-American President, this is clearly 
not what we hoped for in this new millennium.
  As the former Chairman and now Ranking Member of the House Judiciary 
Committee, I have dedicated my career to 3 goals to jobs, justice and 
peace. After decades of community complaints about police brutality, I 
chaired hearings in Los Angeles, New York City, and even Dallas which 
built the record for passage of marquee legislation like the 1994 
``Pattern and Practice'' statute, which gives the Department of Justice 
the authority to investigate law enforcement discrimination and abuse 
in cities like Ferguson and Baltimore.
  The loss of lives in Baton Rouge, suburban St. Paul and Dallas, has 
left the nation in shock, as seemingly every day the media brings us 
news of violence borne of hate and intolerance. Modern technology and 
the advent of social media have made us all witnesses, just like the 
marches in Selma and Birmingham, making it impossible to dismiss them 
as fiction or some else's problem. We live these injustices first hand.
  Vivid images of police abuse galvanized our national resolve to pass 
civil rights legislation, like the Voting Rights Act, and is putting 
all politicians on notice that simmering community unrest with the 
police has reached a turning point. Today, we represent communities 
that are increasingly unified, unafraid, and unwilling to wait. We have 
a growing coalition of allies. Some white, some Hispanic, some Asian, 
and some who serve as police and who want their badges to mean 
something more. The daily reminders of injustice have forced us to 
measure the distance between Dr. Kings' Dream and our own reality--but 
they also give us the resolve to close it for good.
  Last year, the Judiciary Committee held a hearing on 21st Century 
Policing Strategies to begin addressing these issues at the Federal 
level. I also re-introduced both the End Racial Profiling Act and the 
Law Enforcement Trust and Integrity Act around the same time. The 
Republican Chairman of the Judiciary Committee and I are currently 
negotiating a version of the Law Enforcement Trust and Integrity Act 
and during the August recess, we joined together to form a bipartisan 
Congressional working group--including three Caucus members--with a 
focus on finding common ground between police and the communities they 
are sworn to protect and serve.
  The profound support for criminal justice reform I have seen from 
Members of the CBC and all sides of the political spectrum from across 
our country is something we need to build upon. It's not the only 
solution, but one of them.
  As a Caucus, our work is far from done. We can't bring back Alton 
Sterling, Philando Castile, Tamir Rice, Eric Garner, or the hundreds of 
black men and women who've lost their lives to excessive force. And we 
can't bring back the officers in Dallas and Baton Rouge or others 
who've been killed while protecting their communities. But at a time 
when we face so much that challenges our faith and tries to break our 
spirit, we must dedicate ourselves in our 45th year to engaging the 
difficult issues to make lasting change in our communities.
  History shows that Members of the Congressional Black Caucus have 
overcome great challenges. Now we have within us and beside us, an 
intentionally peaceful and unified community that is now better able to 
confront today's challenges than ever before.

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