[Congressional Record (Bound Edition), Volume 162 (2016), Part 6]
[House]
[Pages 8735-8739]
[From the U.S. Government Publishing Office, www.gpo.gov]




                          EQUAL RIGHTS FOR ALL

  The SPEAKER pro tempore. Under the Speaker's announced policy of 
January 6, 2015, the gentleman from Texas (Mr. Al Green) is recognized 
for 60 minutes as the designee of the minority leader.
  Mr. AL GREEN of Texas. Mr. Speaker, I would like to thank the 
leadership on both sides of the aisle for extending the time tonight. I 
am very grateful to the staffs who have helped us with the preparation 
for this evening's activities.
  Mr. Speaker, I am honored to be here this evening for many reasons. 
One of the reasons has to do with today being a very special day. Today 
is Flag Day. Flag Day is a day for us to honor the flag of the United 
States of America, which is one of the reasons I am wearing my flag 
tie. I want people to know that I am proud to be an American, and I am 
proud to honor the flag and to salute the flag. Flag Day is a date that 
we honor the flag for its adoption back on June 14, 1777.
  I say the Pledge of Allegiance to the flag, and I say it proudly. I 
say it proudly because it means something to me--each word means 
something to me--to pledge allegiance to the flag of the United States 
of America, and to the Republic for which it stands, one nation under 
God, indivisible, with liberty and justice for all.
  ``With liberty and justice for all'' are words of great importance 
tonight, and they are important because of some circumstances that have 
occurred in other parts of our country. We have had some tragic 
circumstances to befall some persons in Florida. I was reared in 
Florida. I went to Florida A&M University. I went to elementary school 
and high school in Florida.
  Florida means something to me, but the people there are most 
important, because the people of Florida are people of goodwill, people 
who mean well, people who enjoy themselves. Florida is a vacation spot, 
if you will. Because so many people come there to vacation, it is 
expected that they would have the opportunity to enjoy themselves, to 
go out and be a part of the nightlife. We have Disney World in Florida, 
many attractions to attract people from around the country to Florida.
  Unfortunately, some things have happened there recently that are 
going to cause us to pause for a moment as we, tonight, will celebrate, 
to a certain extent, commemorate, LGBT Pride Month. LGBT Pride Month, 
celebrate and commemorate this month. But we will also memorialize some 
of the things that have happened in terms of lives that have been lost.
  I am proud tonight to note that there will be a Member joining me who 
has had some circumstances occur in his State that he will call to our 
attention that will have to be memorialized, and persons will have to 
be remembered for the services that they have given, but also because 
they lost their lives.
  I am proud to ask my colleague to come over now, the Honorable Jim 
Clyburn, and ask him to give his comments. He is a leader in this 
Congress. He is a person who stands for justice for all, as is 
indicated in the flag, ``liberty and justice for all.'' He stands for 
this.
  After the incident that took place in Mr. Clyburn's State, I remember 
a lady who lost her child indicating at the probable cause hearing, ``I 
forgive you. I forgive you,'' speaking to the person who had committed 
this deed. ``I forgive you.'' She lost her child, but she forgave. But 
I believe that people who forgive still have an expectation that things 
will be done. Mr. Clyburn, I am proud to say, is one who has 
legislation that can be of benefit to all. Not to some, but to all.
  I am proud to yield the floor now to our leader, the Honorable Jim 
Clyburn.
  Mr. CLYBURN. Mr. Speaker, I thank Mr. Green for yielding to me.
  Mr. Speaker, on Friday, June 17, we will commemorate the first 
anniversary of what I like to refer to as the Charleston 12. Nine 
people lost their lives that night at the Emanuel AME Church, but three 
people survived: two by playing dead and a third because the murderer 
went over to her and said: I am going to spare you so you can carry the 
message.
  This young man who perpetrated this act did so after doing some 
significant research. We know that he went on the Internet, and he 
found the historic church that he thought would be the proper place to 
start, in his words, a race war. This young man was able to purchase a 
weapon that he did not qualify to purchase.
  Under our laws, he was to be subjected to a background check, and he 
was; except that our law has created a loophole that says, though there 
is a 3-day waiting period that the background check should take place, 
if at the expiration of the 3 days the background check is not 
completed, then you can purchase the weapon.
  Well, 3 days after he started the purchase, the background check was 
not completed. Why? Somebody keyed in or gave the wrong information.
  Let's just think about this for a moment. A person knowing what the 
law is could very well give erroneous information knowing that it might 
take more than the 3 days for anybody to find the error. They found the 
error, but 3 days had expired. I have no idea whether or not this young 
man did this or whether or not the seller entered the wrong 
information.
  There are two cities that border one river with a short bridge 
between the two: West Columbia and Columbia. This gun was purchased in 
West Columbia, but, as I understand it, the seller keyed in Columbia, 
and so the error was not found until too late.
  I have proposed legislation here to close what has become known as 
the Charleston loophole by saying the purchase cannot be completed 
until the background check is completed. If it takes 3 days, fine. If 
it takes 1 day, that is fine. But it may take 4 or 5 days or may even 
be 10 days if the wrong information is keyed in.
  So I don't understand why this commonsense piece of legislation 
cannot be brought to this floor so we can vote to close that loophole 
or attempt to close the loophole. I think it is time for us to go on 
record.
  Now, Mr. Speaker, I grew up in South Carolina. I was a part of the 
movement that started back in the late 1950s and early 1960s that a lot 
of people have called the student movement. I was a part, along with 
John Lewis, a Member of this body, of the first and second organizing 
meetings of what became known as the Student Nonviolent Coordinating 
Committee.

[[Page 8736]]

  I still remember my first meeting with Martin Luther King, Jr., 
October 1960, the same weekend that I met John Lewis for the first 
time. I spent that evening that I met Dr. King, I was with him until 
around 4, 4:30 the next morning. I started reading and studying 
everything I possibly could about Dr. King. I believe, of all of his 
speeches, of all of his writings, the one thing that stands out to me 
more than any other is his letter from the Birmingham City Jail.

                              {time}  1745

  It is an iconic document; a timely document, in my opinion. Dr. King 
wrote his letter from that jail in response to a letter that he had 
received from 8 White clergymen who called upon him to leave Birmingham 
because they thought his being there was disruptive.
  In the letter to Dr. King, they said to him: We want you to 
understand, Dr. King, we believe that your cause is right, but your 
timing is wrong.
  In responding to them, Dr. King said: Time is neutral. Time is never 
right; time is never wrong. Time is always what we make it.
  Dr. King continued that thought by saying he was coming to the 
conclusion that the people of ill will in our society make a much 
better use of time than the people of good will. He closed that 
particular thought by saying that we are going to be made to repent not 
just for the vitriolic words and deeds of bad people, but for the 
appalling silence of good people.
  We are suffering today because some real good people in this House 
are remaining silent when events cry out for our attention. We should 
not be ignoring these issues that lead to incidents like the one that 
occurred at Emanuel AME Church. We should not be silent after things 
like Sandy Hook. And we should not be silent today, after experiencing 
what we have earlier this week in Orlando, Florida.
  I think that the more we look into this, we see that this is not 
about ISIS or any foreign terrorists. All of that, it seems to me, from 
what I have read, is to camouflage something else. And that is, in my 
opinion, this was, in fact, a hate crime. It certainly shows from the 
evidence that this young man who perpetrated this act hated a lot of 
the people he was around, and maybe even himself.
  So I believe that the time has come for us to break our silence in 
this House. The LGBT community cries out for our involvement. This 
incident highlights what we ought to be doing to show our respect for 
that community as well as our respect for the rule of law.
  Mr. AL GREEN of Texas. Mr. Clyburn, before you step away, with 
reference to the letter from the Birmingham jail, which I agree with 
you, is one of the greatest literary works that I have had an 
opportunity to read, it becomes especially important when you 
understand how Dr. King actually produced it. He did not have a 
library. He did not have persons to assist him. It is my understanding 
that he was able to slip notes out to people who would come and visit 
him, and they compiled these notes into the letter.
  I want to mention this. Those clergy people that you talk about, in 
that letter that they wrote, if you read it first, you will see a line 
of logic that many people abide with, that many people of that time and 
this time would find very reasonable. It is after you get into Dr. 
King's message where he dissects each and every point that they make 
one by one by one that you realize that there is something not only 
special about Dr. King--and there is something very special about him--
but that this was a seminal moment in time.
  It was a seminal moment in time in that Dr. King was educating all of 
us in the eons to come about the evils of bigotry and hatred. Those 
warnings that he gave us and the lessons, he takes us back into 
Biblical Scriptures about those who, at that time in the biblical days, 
were considered outside educators. No one is an outside educator if you 
come for righteous reasons.
  So I am mentioning this to you because I have a great appreciation 
for that letter as well, and I am pleased that you brought it up.
  As you know, tonight our theme is: You are not alone. I greatly 
appreciate what you have said about the LGBTQ community, because we 
want them to know they are not alone. We are allies, we are friends. We 
are people on whom they depend. And we do so because of a debt we owe, 
to a certain extent. We didn't get here by ourselves. Someone suffered 
and sacrificed so that we could have this opportunity to stand in the 
Congress of the United States of America, and indeed to breathe the 
breath of freedom we have because of others. And they are not alone. I 
appreciate what you have said about the LGBTQ community. If you have 
additional commentary, I would welcome it.
  Mr. CLYBURN. I appreciate that. I do have something I would like to 
say on that. Dr. King was sitting in jail in Birmingham, Alabama, 
because he found some injustices there. In fact, in the letter, he 
said--in responding to those ministers--that a threat to justice 
anywhere is a threat to justice everywhere. And I think that Dr. King, 
if he were here today, would be speaking out about the threat to 
justice that the LGBTQ community is now experiencing. I do want the 
people of that community to know that they are not alone. I do believe 
that we should all respect human beings.
  If I may? I thought as you were speaking, Dr. King, in his letter, 
talked about those who carried the gospel and how they were vilified. I 
thought about, I believe it is the 11th chapter in the Book of Second 
Corinthians, Paul, in his writings, talked about all that he had 
endured--the beatings, the jailings that he had endured--trying to 
spread the gospel.
  I thought about those badges of honor--the jailings that Dr. King, 
John Lewis, and many others endured. I had a few sentences myself, but 
I thought about that, and these are, in fact, badges of honor.
  So I want the people of the LGBT community to know that they are not 
alone in their trials and tribulations, and that at some point in, 
hopefully, the not too distant future, the good people in this body 
will rise up and break their silence.
  Mr. AL GREEN of Texas. I will add to what you have just said, Mr. 
Clyburn. When you are not alone and you have some people to show up, it 
means something. But there are people who believe that everybody has to 
show up for something significant to occur. This would take us to the 
eighth chapter of the Book of Judges and a man named Gideon.
  The evidence has shown us--you and I, Mr. Clyburn--that there are 
times when you can have too many people to get a job done. You don't 
have to have everybody to have the genesis of a movement. You don't 
have to have every person in Congress to sign onto something to have 
that become the genesis of the movement.
  If you get enough people to sign on, what you have can be heard in 
this Congress. And that is called a discharge petition. There are some 
pieces of legislation right now that are pending with discharge 
possibilities.
  What we have to do is take a few people, just as Gideon did; make 
enough noise, as he did; have a righteous cause, as he did; have a 
means of weeding out some of the people who may not be ready for the 
work that has to be done, and then work with those who are ready to 
work.
  I believe that we can do great things in this Congress, understanding 
that we don't have to have everyone on board to have the genesis of a 
great movement.
  Mr. CLYBURN. I agree. Of course, having served as the majority whip 
in this body, all it takes is 218. I do believe that there are 218 good 
people in this body who will vote for these--especially these three 
pieces of legislation dealing with what I call commonsense, good gun 
policy.
  The fact of the matter is that all of us believe in the Constitution 
of these United States. It is the glue that holds us together as a 
country, as a people. The fact of the matter is the Constitution--our 
right to the Constitution--is not unbridled.
  I am often amused to hear people talk about our First Amendment 
rights

[[Page 8737]]

to free speech and to peaceably assemble. Those of us back in the 
sixties lived and died advocating the First Amendment, but the fact of 
the matter is our rights under the First Amendment are not unbridled. 
The Supreme Court has spoken to that with the famous phrase: your First 
Amendment rights will not give you the right to yell ``fire'' in a 
crowded theater.
  That means that the First Amendment is not unbridled.
  Why is it, then, that we can't look at the fact that the Second 
Amendment rights that we have to bear arms, we are not taking that 
right away when we say the background check should be completed?
  Maybe we will turn up that you are mentally incompetent to have a 
weapon. Maybe we will find that you at one time, if not another, are on 
this no-fly list.
  One piece of legislation we have here deals with it. No fly, no buy. 
Anyone on the no-fly list, to me, ought not be able to get a firearm. 
If you are suspicious enough as to pose a threat and be on that list, I 
don't think you ought to be getting a firearm. If you have been 
convicted of a hate crime, which is another piece of legislation here, 
you ought not to be able to buy a gun.
  Those are commonsense policies that ought to be put into law. And for 
us to lay prone at the altar of the NRA and not allow just simple, good 
faith bills to come to this floor, I don't quite understand that. I 
don't think that the American people will continue to be kind to us if 
we do not step up and do what is necessary to protect them.
  Those 49 people who lost their lives in that nightclub in Orlando are 
deserving of a Congress that will protect them. Also, those nine lives 
at the Emanuel AME Church. If we had stepped up and not put that 
loophole in this law, they would have been protected. I am convinced 
from all that I have seen that those people would still be alive today 
if that loophole were not in the law.

                              {time}  1800

  Mr. AL GREEN of Texas. Mr. Speaker, the bill that you speak of, Mr. 
Clyburn, H.R. 4063, that is Mr. Cicilline's bill, the Hate Crimes 
Prevention Act; and that merely says, if you have been convicted of 
vandalizing a place of worship or assaulting someone based on their 
race, their religion, their gender, their sexual orientation, their 
gender identity or disability, then you ought not be able to buy a 
weapon.
  Who believes that persons who have been convicted of these offenses 
ought to be able to buy weapons? If you believe that they should, then 
I am going to respect your opinion, but we ought to be able to debate 
those opinions on the floor of the United States Congress.
  We don't have to win the vote. The people of this country expect us 
to at least do that, however. They expect us to vote. And what Mr. 
Clyburn is saying, and what many others have been saying, the clarion 
call, the hue and cry, is let's have a vote and let's have a debate. 
Let the debate precede the vote. Let us make some comments about these 
bills, and let's let the American people have an opportunity to judge 
why each of us holds a position with reference to this kind of 
legislation. That is not asking too much.
  I respect my friends who have opinions different from mine. I don't, 
in any way, badger people who have opinions that are different from my 
opinions. But I do respect people even more when they are willing to 
stand in the well of the Congress of the United States of America and 
state their position and allow others to state theirs. And then, 
afterwards, have that vote, and let's let the American people know 
where the Congress stands, based upon empirical evidence and based upon 
arguments that have been presented, so that people can get a greater 
understanding and get greater clarity.
  Another of the bills is the one that you have, Mr. Clyburn, H.R. 
3051, the Background Check Completion Act. ``Completion,'' that is the 
operative word. Completion Act. Let the background check be completed 
before a person buys a firearm.
  Now, if you differ with this, okay. Then let's bring this to the 
floor, state your difference, and let the American people know how we 
stand, where we stand, and then have a vote. That will make a 
difference for everybody in this country because people will know that 
the Congress of the United States is functional. There are many who 
believe that we are not functioning right now.
  The final of the three that the gentleman mentioned is H.R. 1076. 
This is denying firearms and explosives to dangerous terrorists. Now, 
this is a bill that is being sponsored by the Honorable Peter King. He 
is a Republican.
  So the point to be made is that we have bipartisan legislation that 
can't get to the floor for a debate and then a vote. That is what we 
believe ought to happen. There ought to be a debate and a vote on these 
pieces of legislation that deal with what we believe to be legislation 
that can save some lives. It won't save all lives, no legislation will, 
but it can save some lives.
  Well, someone would say that is not enough. One life is enough, to be 
quite honest with you. One life is enough. And to lose any life because 
we haven't acted is to lose too many.
  At the end of the day, after having lost 49 lives in Orlando, do we 
want it said that after all was said and done, more was said than done? 
Or nothing was done and all was said? Is that what we want our legacy 
to be, that we did not act on pending legislation that could have made 
a difference for the people of the Nation?
  Surely, asking for a vote, asking for debate, asking for an 
opportunity to be heard is not asking too much.
  Mr. Speaker, I yield to the gentleman from South Carolina (Mr. 
Clyburn) if he has further commentary.
  Mr. CLYBURN. Well, I think the gentleman has summarized this 
adequately and, I think, appropriately.
  Mr. AL GREEN of Texas. Mr. Speaker, I am so honored tonight to 
mention again that this is a resolution that we have on the floor, H. 
Res. 772. This is the LGBTQ Pride Month legislation, and I am honored 
that it is on this day, which is Flag Day, because the flag speaks to 
liberty and justice for all--not liberty and justice for some, not 
liberty and justice for some of a certain hue, not liberty and justice 
for some of a certain religion, but, rather, liberty and justice for 
all, regardless of your race, your creed, your color, your sexuality, 
liberty and justice for all, regardless of your religious affiliation--
liberty and justice for all.
  I assure you that the American people expect no less than what we 
pledge allegiance to, the flag of the United States of America. So I am 
honored tonight that we have this resolution.
  This resolution is one that speaks to the accomplishments and the 
successes of the LGBTQ community. And there are accomplishments and 
successes that we should mention, notwithstanding the circumstance that 
we are, unfortunately, having to deal with at this time. There are 
these accomplishments and these successes. Let me just name a few of 
them as we move along.
  First, I would like to mention the passage of the Matthew Shepard and 
James Byrd Jr. Hate Crimes Prevention Act, a significant piece of 
legislation, a great success for America. However, the beneficiaries 
are persons who are discriminated against, who are harmed because of 
who they are.
  People do that in this country. We have people who will hurt you and 
take your life, as has been evidenced recently, because of who you are.
  This Congress took action and passed this law to say that, if you do 
this, whatever the punishment was, we will enhance it. We will make 
this punishment greater because you ought not target people because of 
who they are.
  Someone would say, well, why would we want to enhance the punishment 
for this reason?
  Here is the response. Here is the retort. Because we do it if you are 
a person in a blue uniform. You hurt a peace officer in the State of 
Texas, because he or she is a peace officer, your punishment is going 
to be enhanced.
  There is nothing wrong with that. I celebrate that. That is why I 
celebrate the passage of this piece of legislation, the Matthew 
Shepherd and James Byrd Hate Crime Prevention Act. This is an 
accomplishment that the LGBTQ community as well as other communities 
and all should celebrate.

[[Page 8738]]

  Of course, there is Don't Ask, Don't Tell. Can you imagine, as a 
heterosexual person, having to hide who you are every day of your life, 
having to be incognito in a sense, under an assumed identity, cannot be 
authentic, cannot be yourself? Can you imagine what that would be like?
  That's what Don't Ask, Don't Tell was all about, asking people to 
hide your identity. Don't tell anybody who you are. And if you don't 
tell anybody who you are, we will let you die for the country. We will 
let you go into harm's way and die as long as you won't tell people who 
you are.
  And I thank President Obama. When we eliminated Don't Ask, Don't 
Tell, we liberated a lot of people. One in particular that I am sure 
felt liberation was the Honorable Eric Fanning, because he now is the 
first openly gay Secretary of the Army.
  Can you imagine how many persons with talents that could have 
benefited our country were overlooked as a result of Don't Ask, Don't 
Tell?
  Some people refused to participate in that kind of system. So I am 
proud that this country has stepped away from this, because every 
person ought to be allowed to be himself or herself.
  Every person was created by the same Creator. We know the Creator by 
many names, but by any name, the Creator is the one that created all 
that is and ever shall be. And each one of us is a creation of the 
Creator of the universe, and we all should be proud of who we are 
because we all owe allegiance to the same Creator.
  I am proud to announce that 2012 was the first year that all 50 
States had at least one LGBTQ elected official.
  I remember many years ago, as an African American, how proud I was 
when I could read annually that we had persons who were getting elected 
across the country to various positions who were of African ancestry. I 
was so proud that they were getting elected because I knew that we were 
making progress; I knew that there was a certain amount of acceptance 
taking place.
  This is what is happening with the LGBTQ community by having elected 
officials in all 50 States who can say ``I am proud to be who I am,'' 
who can be authentic.
  This is what America is all about, liberty and justice for all, 
pledge of allegiance to the flag, Flag Day. That is what this is all 
about: this country honoring who you are, letting you succeed on your 
merits and fail on your demerits, not based upon who you are.
  Unfortunately, I will tell you this, there are still some places in 
this country where members of the LGBTQ community are discriminated 
against openly and notoriously. Twenty-eight States still allow someone 
to be fired for being gay--for that alone. Show up and tell, show up 
and don't pretend, show up with a friend, and you could be fired in 28 
States in this country.
  I think that, among all of the legislation that we talk about, this 
is something that the Congress ought to address. No one should be fired 
because of who you are, because of what God has made you. You ought not 
be fired for that.
  In 30 States, you can be fired for being a transgender person. In 28 
States, you don't have protections for sexuality under housing 
discrimination laws, meaning, if someone believes or concludes or has 
evidence that you are a part of the LGBTQ community, then you can be 
discriminated against in housing.
  Is that the way a great country that I love, that has the notion of 
liberty and justice for all in the pledge of allegiance behaves? Do we 
allow this to continue?
  America stands for justice, stands for liberty, and it stands for it 
for all. It is time for us to extend all of the liberty and justice 
that I and others might have to the members of the LGBTQ community.
  I am an ally of this community, and because I am an ally, I am proud 
that the Supreme Court decided that marriage between same-sex couples 
should take place.
  The Constitution of the United States of America was not written for 
heterosexuals only. The 14th Amendment applies to people, not to 
sexuality. The 14th Amendment and the Constitution is something that is 
precious for all of us, and the Supreme Court has so said that these 
marriages between couples of the same sex have to be recognized and the 
licenses have to be issued. This is what allies of the LGBTQ community 
will call to the attention of persons on occasions such as this.
  I am also proud to tell you that we who are allies of the LGBTQ 
community are of the opinion that we can make some of these changes. We 
know that we can make these changes because we have done so before. We 
have passed legislation after horrific events in this country. Because 
we have done it before, we can do it again; because we did it with the 
Civil Rights Act of 1968. It took us 7 days in the Congress of the 
United States of America to pass the Civil Rights Act of 1968 after the 
assassination of Dr. King.
  We had 49 people assassinated in Orlando, Florida. Something can be 
done.
  People, some would say: Well, what can be done? That is what we can 
debate on the floor of the Congress. Let's debate it. Rather than 
conclude that whatever is said is wrong and you don't deserve a hearing 
because what you have said is wrong, let's debate it.
  We have bills to come before this Congress that we vote up and down 
on a daily basis. We vote them up or we vote them down. Why not have 
regular order apply to hate crime legislation? Why not have regular 
order apply to gun safety legislation? Not gun control--I don't buy 
into that terminology--gun safety.
  But if you think otherwise, then come to the floor, stand in the 
well, and state your position so that all can hear.

                              {time}  1815

  The Gun Control Act of 1968 passed after the assassinations of 
President Kennedy, Dr. King, and Robert Kennedy. That legislation, I am 
sure, could have passed at other times, but it didn't. It was after a 
horrific act, or horrific acts, that it passed.
  I think that these lives were important. But the lives of the 49 
people who died at Orlando are just as important as these lives that I 
call to your attention. Every life is precious. We should not allow 
ourselves to wait until it happens to be somebody that we perceive as 
being somebody. We ought not have to wait until someone who happens to 
hold public trust is harmed before we decide we are going to do 
something.
  Every person who is in this country is under the protection of the 
Constitution of the United States of America. We can debate our issues, 
but we ought to at least bring them to the floor and let's have a vote 
on them. I will accept, by the way, the vote. I always do. But I don't 
accept the notion that you can never have a vote on something because 
someone else happens to think that it is not worthy of voting on.
  I think all opinions have some value, and I think whether bills are 
presented by the Democrats or the Republicans, they are bills that have 
merit and bills that ought to receive consideration. Let them go 
through regular order. Let them come to this floor, and let's debate 
them.
  Of course, the one that many people will remember is the Brady 
Handgun Violence Prevention Act of 1994. This was passed following the 
shooting of President Ronald Reagan.
  By the way, I am pleased that we passed all of these things. I 
believe that we did the right thing. Someone might argue that we could 
have passed this without the shooting of President Reagan. Thank God 
the person who attempted to assassinate him was not successful. I am so 
grateful that he was able to live and serve out his Presidency. But 
that shooting, that act alone, allowed this Congress to act. It is a 
known fact that you cannot have an act of Congress if you don't have a 
Congress willing to act. I am grateful that the Congress was willing to 
act after the shooting of a President of the United States.
  So, because we have done it before, I am convinced that we can do it 
again, and I am convinced that we should do it again. I believe that 
this is a seminal

[[Page 8739]]

moment in time. We have these seminal moments in time--seminal moments, 
moments that impact all time.
  Rosa Parks, when she took that seat, ignited a spark that started a 
human rights-civil rights movement. That was a seminal moment in time. 
But there were also people who helped her at that time, which is one of 
the reasons why we come to the floor tonight, because we are allies of 
the LGBTQ community.
  The African American community at that time had allies. We had people 
who were willing to stand up for us and stand up with us. When Rosa 
Parks went to jail, there were people who came to post her bond. The 
people who bailed Rosa Parks out of jail: Mr. Nixon was African 
American, but Mr. and Mrs. Durr were not. Mr. and Mrs. Durr were people 
of goodwill who understood that an injustice was taking place. In fact, 
Mr. Clifford Durr was a lawyer, and his wife was a noted person in the 
community. The people who posted the bail to get Rosa Parks out of jail 
were not all of African ancestry.
  So we all have a debt that we owe. I am grateful to Rosa Parks. I 
wouldn't be here but for the efforts of the Rosa Parks of the world. So 
I have to repay that debt, and tonight I stand here to give an 
additional down payment on the debt that I owe that allowed me to be a 
part of the Congress of the United States of America.
  There was the crossing of the Edmund Pettus Bridge on what was known 
as Bloody Sunday. Many people lost blood at the Edmund Pettus Bridge. 
If you haven't been to the Edmund Pettus Bridge, I would invite you to 
go. Every person ought to see the Edmund Pettus Bridge, because if you 
can see the Edmund Pettus Bridge, you will understand the level of 
angst and consternation that persons marching forward had to have as 
they were going up, knowing that on the other side was the constabulary 
prepared to do whatever was necessary to force them to go back to their 
starting point and not to proceed with the march.
  Many of the people there with Congressman John Lewis, who said he 
thought he was going to die, were not African Americans. There were 
people of all hues at the Edmund Pettus Bridge there to see that 
justice was done. I owe a debt to the people who were willing to cross 
the Edmund Pettus Bridge on that fateful day.
  I come to the floor tonight because I understand that I owe this 
debt. I believe that we owe a debt to those who have made it possible 
for us to be here, regardless of our hue. And believe me, regardless as 
to who you are, you owe a debt too. It may be to Patrick Henry: ``Give 
me liberty or give me death.'' It can be to any number of the Founding 
Fathers. But you owe a debt to people who made it possible for us to be 
here in the Congress of the United States of America and to have the 
liberties and freedoms that we have in this country. We ought to repay 
the debt so that we can pass on to others what has been passed on to 
us: a greater sense of freedom and a greater sense of belonging in the 
greatest country in the world.
  I am honored to tell you tonight that this resolution will not pass. 
I am honored to tell you this, that it will not pass this Congress. But 
I must be quite candid and tell you that we rarely pass any resolutions 
in Congress now. So I want to be fair to my friends who are in 
leadership to let them know that I respect the fact that any 
resolution, not just this one, would probably get the same results.
  But I do believe this: I am honored to tell you that it will pass 
some Congress. I hope I am here to see it pass. I hope I am here to 
cast my vote that will have it pass the Congress, that will give it a 
chance to be heard, and that will let people debate the issues of our 
time as they relate to this resolution. I hope I am here.
  But whether I am here or not, I believe that, at some point, we will 
look back through the vista of time, and we will reflect upon this 
time. We will ask ourselves: Who was there? Who was there to stand up 
for people other than themselves? I want the record to reflect that 
there were a good many people of goodwill who said to the LGBTQ 
community: You are not alone. You are not alone. We are with you. We 
will stand with you, and we will fight injustice with you.
  In the end, as Dr. King put it, ``though the arc of the moral 
universe may be long''--the arc of the moral universe may be long--``it 
bends toward justice.'' We will bend the arc of the moral universe 
toward justice. There will be justice for the LGBTQ community.
  Mr. Speaker, in addition to the comments that I have given tonight, I 
have a statement that I will be submitting for the Record, a statement 
that speaks to the tragic circumstances that occurred in Orlando, 
Florida. I will be submitting this for the Record because I want the 
Record to show that I, along with many of my friends, took a stand.
  By the way, many of my friends who are taking a stand are 
Republicans. Many of my friends who are taking a stand are 
conservatives, and many of my friends who are taking a stand are 
persons of goodwill who happen to be Muslims.
  By the way, the Muslim community in Houston, Texas, took a stand at 
the iftar that I attended. The Honorable M. J. Khan, former city 
council member, was loud and clear. He explained that the Muslim 
community respects the LGBTQ community, supports that community, and 
wants to fight for the community to have justice.
  Also, I would add that Saeed Sheikh Muhammad was there. He too made 
similar commentary. So there are persons across the spectrum who are 
supporting the LGBTQ community. I respect all of these persons, and I 
appreciate them for what they are doing. I want my statement to reflect 
that there are those of us who came together and said to the LGBTQ 
community: You are not alone.
  Mr. Speaker, you have been more than generous. I greatly appreciate 
it. I want to thank my colleague who appeared. I want to thank the many 
colleagues who could not appear because of circumstances associated 
with an event that is taking place tonight. But I know that their 
hearts are here, and I know that they will do what they can at an 
appropriate time to make sure that the LGBTQ community understands and 
knows that the community is not alone.
  Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.

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