[Congressional Record (Bound Edition), Volume 162 (2016), Part 10]
[House]
[Pages 14223-14230]
[From the U.S. Government Publishing Office, www.gpo.gov]




                      IRAN SANCTIONS EXTENSION ACT

  Mr. ROYCE. Mr. Speaker, I move to suspend the rules and pass the bill 
(H.R. 6297) to reauthorize the Iran Sanctions Act of 1996.
  The Clerk read the title of the bill.
  The text of the bill is as follows:

                               H.R. 6297

       Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of 
     the United States of America in Congress assembled,

     SECTION 1. SHORT TITLE.

       This Act may be cited as the ``Iran Sanctions Extension 
     Act''.

     SEC. 2. REAUTHORIZATION OF IRAN SANCTIONS ACT OF 1996.

       Section 13(b) of the Iran Sanctions Act of 1996 (Public Law 
     104-172; 50 U.S.C. 1701 note) is amended by striking 
     ``December 31, 2016'' and inserting ``December 31, 2026''.

  The SPEAKER pro tempore. Pursuant to the rule, the gentleman from 
California (Mr. Royce) and the gentleman from New York (Mr. Engel) each 
will control 20 minutes.
  The Chair recognizes the gentleman from California.


                             General Leave

  Mr. ROYCE. Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members may 
have 5 legislative days to revise and extend their remarks and to 
include any extraneous material in the Record.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. Is there objection to the request of the 
gentleman from California?
  There was no objection.
  Mr. ROYCE. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
  Mr. Speaker, I rise in support of H.R. 6297. This is to extend the 
Iran Sanctions Act.
  I want to thank Ranking Member Engel for his assistance in bringing 
this legislation to the floor.
  Time is of the essence, as this critical law expires on December 31. 
Unless Congress acts, as we are doing today, we will not have this on 
the books. The other body should quickly take up this bill and send it 
to the President's desk, keeping a critical tool in place for the 
future.
  Mr. Speaker, 20 years ago, a bipartisan majority in Congress passed 
the Iran Sanctions Act. It was then known as the Iran-Libya Sanctions 
Act. The goal was to stop significant foreign investment in Iran's 
energy sector, denying the Iranian regime the ability to financially 
support international terrorism, nuclear proliferation, and, frankly, 
missile proliferation as well. Since then, this legislation has been 
reauthorized and expanded on several occasions.
  After years of bipartisan work in the Congress, the Iran Sanctions 
Act has served here as the statutory foundation of the Iran sanctions 
regime. Of course, President Obama developed his nuclear deal with 
Iran; and in doing so, that dismantles part of that regime.
  I would just point out that, just last week, we heard that a major 
European energy firm is close to investing $6 billion in Iran to 
develop natural gas, which will, in turn, frankly, enrich the regime.

                              {time}  1615

  The difficulty is in terms of enforcement. What if--and I would 
assert ``when''--Iran is found moving towards a bomb? How will we 
respond to that?
  The Obama administration has long said that sanctions on Iran would 
snap back if this were to happen. For that to happen, we need this 
legislation because, if the law expires, as the Iran Sanctions Act is 
set to do at the end of next month, there is nothing to snap back to. 
The Obama administration has struggled to answer that question.
  Here is the bottom line: if we let the clock run out on the Iran 
Sanctions Act, Congress will take away an important tool to keep Tehran 
in check, and that, in turn, will only further jeopardize America's 
national security. I urge all Members to support this.
  Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

                                         House of Representatives,


                                  Committee on Ways and Means,

                                Washington, DC, November 15, 2016.
     Hon. Edward R. Royce,
     Chairman, Committee on Foreign Affairs,
     Washington, DC.
       Dear Chairman Royce: I am writing with respect to H.R. 
     6297, the ``Iran Sanctions Extension Act.'' As a result of 
     your having consulted with us on provisions in H.R. 6297 that 
     fall within the Rule X jurisdiction of the Committee on Ways 
     and Means, I agree to waive consideration of this bill so 
     that it may proceed expeditiously to the House floor.
       The Committee on Ways and Means takes this action with the 
     mutual understanding that by forgoing consideration of H.R. 
     6297 at this time, we do not waive any jurisdiction over the 
     subject matter contained in this or similar legislation, and 
     the Committee will be appropriately consulted and involved as 
     the bill or similar legislation moves forward so that we may 
     address any remaining issues that fall within our 
     jurisdiction. The Committee also reserves the right to seek 
     appointment of an appropriate number of conferees to any 
     House-Senate conference involving this or similar 
     legislation, and requests your support for such request.
       Finally, I would appreciate your including a copy of our 
     exchange of letters on this matter in the Congressional 
     Record during floor consideration thereof.
           Sincerely,
                                                      Kevin Brady,
     Chairman.
                                  ____

                                         House of Representatives,


                                 Committee on Foreign Affairs,

                                Washington, DC, November 14, 2016.
     Hon. Kevin Brady,
     Chairman, Committee on Ways and Means,
     Washington, DC.
       Dear Chairman Brady: Thank you for consulting with the 
     Foreign Affairs Committee and agreeing to be discharged from 
     further consideration of H.R. 6297, the Iran Sanctions 
     Extension Act, so that the bill may proceed expeditiously to 
     the House floor.
       I agree that your forgoing further action on this measure 
     does not in any way diminish or alter the jurisdiction of 
     your committee, or prejudice its jurisdictional prerogatives 
     on this resolution or similar legislation in the future. I 
     would support your effort to seek appointment of an 
     appropriate number of conferees from your committee to any 
     House-Senate conference on this legislation.
       I will seek to place our letters on H.R. 6297 into the 
     Congressional Record during floor consideration of the 
     resolution. I appreciate your cooperation regarding this 
     legislation and look forward to continuing to work together 
     as this measure moves through the legislative process.
           Sincerely,
                                                  Edward R. Royce,
     Chairman.
                                  ____

                                         House of Representatives,


                                 Committee on Foreign Affairs,

                                Washington, DC, November 14, 2016.
     Hon. Jason Chaffetz,
     Chairman, Committee on Oversight and Government Reform, 
         Washington, DC.
       Dear Mr. Chairman: Thank you for consulting with the 
     Foreign Affairs Committee and agreeing to be discharged from 
     further consideration of H.R. 6297, the Iran Sanctions 
     Extension Act, so that the bill may proceed expeditiously to 
     the House floor.
       I agree that your forgoing further action on this measure 
     does not in any way diminish or alter the jurisdiction of 
     your committee, or prejudice its jurisdictional prerogatives 
     on this resolution or similar legislation in the future. I 
     would support your effort to seek appointment of an 
     appropriate number of conferees from your committee to any 
     House-Senate conference on this legislation.
       I will seek to place our letters on H.R. 6297 into the 
     Congressional Record during floor consideration of the 
     resolution. I appreciate your cooperation regarding this 
     legislation and look forward to continuing to work together 
     as this measure moves through the legislative process.
           Sincerely,
                                                  Edward R. Royce,
     Chairman.
                                  ____

         House of Representatives, Committee on Oversight and 
           Government Reform,
                                Washington, DC, November 15, 2016.
     Hon. Edward R. Royce,
     Chairman, Committee on Foreign Affairs, House of 
         Representatives, Washington, DC.
       Dear Mr. Chairman: Thank you for your letter regarding H.R. 
     6297, the Iran Sanctions Extension Act. I agree that your 
     letter in no way diminishes or alters the jurisdiction of the 
     Committee on Oversight and Government Reform with response to 
     the appointment of conferees or to any future jurisdictional 
     claim over the subject matters contained in the bill or any 
     similar legislation.
       I am happy to forego a sequential referral of the bill in 
     the interest of expediting this legislation for floor 
     consideration. I appreciate you placing a copy of our letter 
     exchange on H.R. 6297 in the Congressional Record during 
     floor consideration, to memorialize our understanding.
       Thank you for your assistance with this matter.
           Sincerely,
                                                   Jason Chaffetz,

[[Page 14224]]

     Chairman.
                                  ____

                                         House of Representatives,


                              Committee on Financial Services,

                                Washington, DC, November 15, 2016.
     Hon. Ed Royce,
     Chairman, Committee on Foreign Affairs,
     Washington, DC.
       Dear Chairman Royce: I am writing concerning H.R. 6297, the 
     Iran Sanctions Extension Act.
       As a result of your having consulted with the Committee on 
     Financial Services concerning provisions in the bill that 
     fall within our Rule X jurisdiction, I agree to forgo action 
     on the bill so that it may proceed expeditiously to the House 
     Floor. The Committee on Financial Services takes this action 
     with our mutual understanding that, by foregoing 
     consideration of H.R. 6297 at this time, we do not waive any 
     jurisdiction over the subject matter contained in this or 
     similar legislation, and that our Committee will be 
     appropriately consulted and involved as this or similar 
     legislation moves forward so that we may address any 
     remaining issues that fall within our Rule X jurisdiction. 
     Our Committee also reserves the right to seek appointment of 
     an appropriate number of conferees to any House-Senate 
     conference involving this or similar legislation, and 
     requests your support for any such request.
       Finally, I would appreciate your response to this letter 
     confirming this understanding with respect to H.R. 6297 and 
     would ask that a copy of our exchange of letters on this 
     matter be placed in the Congressional Record during floor 
     consideration thereof.
           Sincerely,
                                                   Jeb Hensarling,
     Chairman.
                                  ____

                                         House of Representatives,


                                 Committee on Foreign Affairs,

                                Washington, DC, November 14, 2016.
     Hon. Jeb Hensarling,
     Chairman, Committee on Financial Services,
     Washington, DC.
       Dear Chairman Hensarling: Thank you for consulting with the 
     Foreign Affairs Committee and agreeing to be discharged from 
     further consideration of H.R. 6297, the Iran Sanctions 
     Extension Act, so that the bill may proceed expeditiously to 
     the House floor.
       I agree that your forgoing further action on this measure 
     does not in any way diminish or alter the jurisdiction of 
     your committee, or prejudice its jurisdictional prerogatives 
     on this resolution or similar legislation in the future. I 
     would support your effort to seek appointment of an 
     appropriate number of conferees from your committee to any 
     House-Senate conference on this legislation.
       I will seek to place our letters on H.R. 6297 into the 
     Congressional Record during floor consideration of the 
     resolution. I appreciate your cooperation regarding this 
     legislation and look forward to continuing to work together 
     as this measure moves through the legislative process.
           Sincerely,
                                                  Edward R. Royce,
     Chairman.
                                  ____

                                         House of Representatives,


                                   Committee on the Judiciary,

                                Washington, DC, November 15, 2016.
     Hon. Edward R. Royce,
     Chairman, Committee on Foreign Affairs,
     Washington, DC.
       Dear Chairman Royce: I write with respect to H.R. 6297, the 
     ``Iran Sanctions Extension Act,'' which was referred to the 
     Committee on Foreign Affairs and in addition to the Committee 
     on the Judiciary among others. As a result of your having 
     consulted with us on provisions within H.R. 6297 that fall 
     within the Rule X jurisdiction of the Committee on the 
     Judiciary, I agree to discharge our committee from further 
     consideration of this bill so that it may proceed 
     expeditiously to the House floor for consideration.
       The Judiciary Committee takes this action with our mutual 
     understanding that by foregoing consideration of H.R. 6297 at 
     this time, we do not waive any jurisdiction over subject 
     matter contained in this or similar legislation and that our 
     committee will be appropriately consulted and involved as 
     this bill or similar legislation moves forward so that we may 
     address any remaining issues in our jurisdiction. Our 
     committee also reserves the right to seek appointment of an 
     appropriate number of conferees to any House-Senate 
     conference involving this or similar legislation and asks 
     that you support any such request.
       I would appreciate a response to this letter confirming 
     this understanding with respect to H.R. 6297 and would ask 
     that a copy of our exchange of letters on this matter be 
     included in the Congressional Record during floor 
     consideration of H.R. 6297.
           Sincerely,
                                                    Bob Goodlatte,
     Chairman.
                                  ____

                                         House of Representatives,


                                 Committee on Foreign Affairs,

                                Washington, DC, November 14, 2016.
     Hon. Bob Goodlatte,
     Chairman, Committee on the Judiciary,
     Washington, DC.
       Dear Chairman Goodlatte: Thank you for consulting with the 
     Foreign Affairs Committee and agreeing to be discharged from 
     further consideration of H.R. 6297, the Iran Sanctions 
     Extension Act, so that the bill may proceed expeditiously to 
     the House floor.
       I agree that your forgoing further action on this measure 
     does not in any way diminish or alter the jurisdiction of 
     your committee, or prejudice its jurisdictional prerogatives 
     on this resolution or similar legislation in the future. I 
     would support your effort to seek appointment of an 
     appropriate number of conferees from your committee to any 
     House-Senate conference on this legislation.
       I will seek to place our letters on H.R. 6297 into the 
     Congressional Record during floor consideration of the 
     resolution. I appreciate your cooperation regarding this 
     legislation and look forward to continuing to work together 
     as this measure moves through the legislative process.
           Sincerely,
                                                  Edward R. Royce,
                                                         Chairman.

  Mr. ENGEL. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
  I rise in support of this measure.
  Let me again thank our chairman, Ed Royce, for his leadership on the 
Foreign Affairs Committee. I also want to thank the leadership on both 
sides of the aisle for working together to get this bipartisan bill to 
the floor. Our foreign affairs legislation and particularly sanctions--
we have said this before, but I want to say it again--always work best 
when there is bipartisan support.
  Since the Iran nuclear deal was struck more than a year ago, I have 
consistently said two things: one, I didn't agree with the deal, but 
that, once it was in effect, we should try to make it work rather than 
try to undermine it; two, we should keep looking for ways to hold 
Iran's feet to the fire on all of the other bad behavior issues--
support for terrorism, ballistic missiles, human rights abuses, and all 
of those kinds of things.
  This legislation--I am happy to say--fits the bill. We can provide 
the administration tools to crack down on Iran and still be fully 
compliant with our obligations under the nuclear deal. After all, the 
exact language in this bill is already law on the books. The Iran 
Sanctions Extension Act is a simple, clean extension of current law. 
The legislation, which has been reauthorized with large bipartisan 
support since 1996, demands that Iran abandon its nuclear weapons 
program, cease its ballistic program, and stop its support for 
terrorism. All of these remain threats to the United States and to our 
allies.
  The current law is set to expire on December 31 of this year. We 
don't want to let the Iran Sanctions Act lapse. We don't want Iran's 
leaders to think we have lost focus on their other dangerous activities 
around the world--that we don't mind when they launch ballistic 
missiles that are emblazoned with the words, in Hebrew, ``Israel must 
be wiped out.'' They must not think that we will look the other way 
when they smuggle weapons to the Houthis in Yemen, who, last month, 
fired two cruise missiles at a U.S. naval destroyer.
  This is a critical moment in the region. There is no end in sight for 
Hezbollah's support for the Assad regime. Iran is sowing instability 
throughout Yemen, Iraq, Lebanon, and the Gulf; and, more and more, our 
friends and allies are unsure about the future of America's resolve. We 
need to send a clear message that American leadership is a sure thing. 
We all went to school when we were kids, and we learned about the 
separation of powers. The legislative branch--this Congress--has an 
important say and an important role to play, and we will continue to do 
that.
  This legislation will provide for an immediate snapback of sanctions 
should Iran cheat on the nuclear deal. These sanctions must be in place 
to demonstrate to Iran that there are consequences for noncompliance. 
In 10 years, when this legislation expires, we will have another 
discussion. I sincerely hope that, by then, Iran will have acceded to 
every demand of the international community's to stop its ballistic 
missile program and will have

[[Page 14225]]

put an end to its destabilizing activities around the region. In the 
meantime, hopes won't safeguard our interests. That is why I support 
this legislation. That is why we wrote this legislation. I urge my 
colleagues to do the same in supporting it.
  Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
  Mr. ROYCE. Mr. Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the gentlewoman from 
Florida (Ms. Ros-Lehtinen), who chairs the Foreign Affairs Subcommittee 
on the Middle East and North Africa.
  Before yielding to the gentlewoman, I do want to express this body's 
special appreciation for the work of my predecessor's, Ms. Ros-
Lehtinen--our chairman emeritus--because Ms. Ros-Lehtinen's foresight 
and legislative work in prior Congresses, as the author of those 
measures, is what put into place the statutory sanctions regime upon 
which we continue to rely; so I thank her for that underlying 
legislation.
  Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN. As always, I thank our esteemed chairman for those 
wonderful and kind words, and I thank our terrific friend, the 
gentleman from New York (Mr. Engel), the ranking member. I thank 
Chairman Royce and Ranking Member Engel for continuing to be great 
examples of the bipartisan cooperation of which we need so much in this 
Congress, and I thank the gentlemen for their leadership in bringing 
this important bill to the floor this afternoon.
  Mr. Speaker, this has been a priority for the United States Congress 
but especially to members of our Foreign Affairs Committee, and it has 
been an issue on which I have worked extensively--and I thank the 
chairman for his words--alongside so many of my colleagues for over two 
decades.
  In 2006, as the chairman pointed out, I authored a bill that expanded 
sanctions on Iran and that extended the Iran Sanctions Act through 
2011. In 2010, I worked with then-Foreign Affairs Chairman Howard 
Berman on yet another comprehensive Iran sanctions bill, which also 
extended the Iran Sanctions Act through the end of this year. Today, I 
am so pleased and honored to support Chairman Royce's effort, guided by 
Mr. Engel's as well, to extend the Iran Sanctions Act for another 10 
years, which will keep the foundation of sanctions against Iran in 
place for when Iran violates the nuclear deal.
  I believe that those violations have already taken place. Earlier 
this year, we already saw the administration buy heavy water from Iran.
  Why?
  Because Iran was producing more heavy water than it was allowed to 
under the terms of the agreement. Just a few days ago, it was announced 
that Iran was, once again, over the allowable total of heavy water. We 
have also found out that there have been secret exemptions for Iran and 
that, without these exemptions, Iran would not have been in compliance 
with the JCPOA, which is the initials of the nuclear deal, before the 
deal went to Implementation Day.
  That is why, Mr. Speaker, it is absolutely vital that we pass Mr. 
Royce and Mr. Engel's bill--that we extend these sanctions and that we 
keep the foundation of our sanctions against Iran in place. We need to 
keep the regime accountable for its violations of its nuclear deal and 
for its continued illicit activity.
  There is absolutely no justification at all for allowing these 
sanctions to lapse. In fact, everything we have witnessed from the 
regime this year is a clear indication that we need to be looking at 
ensuring that all sanctions against Iran are fully and vigorously 
enforced and even expanded.
  I urge my colleagues to support this important measure.
  Mr. ENGEL. Mr. Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the gentleman from 
Florida (Mr. Deutch), the ranking member of the Middle East and North 
Africa Subcommittee of our Foreign Affairs Committee.
  Mr. DEUTCH. Mr. Speaker, I thank Ranking Member Engel.
  I thank Ranking Member Engel and Chairman Royce for moving forward 
with this critical piece of legislation to reauthorize the Iran 
Sanctions Act, which I am proud to introduce with the gentlemen.
  By extending the Iran Sanctions Act for another 10 years, we will 
cement the law that has, for 20 years, been the backbone of our Iran 
policy. Congress worked for many years in a bipartisan manner to craft 
economic sanctions that have brought maximum pressure on the Iran 
regime. In fact, it has always been Congress that has been at the 
forefront of sanctions policy. The nuclear deal is in place, and these 
sanctions provide the teeth when violations occur.
  Preserving our sanctions law should not be viewed by anyone as 
undermining the nuclear deal. It is, in fact, exactly the opposite. 
When the Iran nuclear agreement was negotiated, the entire success of 
the deal was predicated on the notion that, should Iran violate the 
deal, sanctions would immediately be snapped back into place. The very 
real threat of vigorous enforcement of U.S. sanctions is what holds 
Iran to its international obligations.
  Now, I was not a supporter of the nuclear deal, but that does not 
change the fact that the United States is a party to a multilateral 
agreement that we have an obligation to enforce vigorously. Strong 
sanctions from the European Union and the United Nations have come 
because of American leadership. We must continue to exercise that 
leadership. By living up to our obligations under the deal and by 
continuing to vigorously enforce the deal, including the willingness to 
snap back sanctions, we will be able to advance our interests.
  The Iran Sanctions Act expires in a matter of weeks. The time for 
action is now. I urge my colleagues to move swiftly to pass this bill 
and for the Senate to do the same.
  Even as we enforce the nuclear deal, Mr. Speaker, the United States 
must continue to lead the international community in confronting Iran's 
continued sponsorship of terrorism and its dangerous ballistic missile 
activity. We must ensure that Iran pays an economic price for 
endangering the world through its terror proxies, and we must galvanize 
the international community to bring home American and other foreign 
citizens whom Iran continues to detain, including my constituent, Bob 
Levinson. Iran has not lived up to its obligations to return Bob to his 
family.
  As we approach Thanksgiving, I plead with my colleagues in the House 
and I plead with my fellow citizens from around the country to stand 
with the Levinson family so that this is the last Thanksgiving they 
celebrate without their husband, their father, and their grandfather 
sitting beside them at the Thanksgiving table. We need to bring Bob 
Levinson home.
  Mr. ROYCE. Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from New 
Jersey (Mr. Lance), a member of the Committee on Energy and Commerce.
  Mr. LANCE. Mr. Speaker, I rise in strong support of the bipartisan 
Iran Sanctions Extension Act. Now is not the time to ease up on the 
world's leading sponsor of terrorism. The Iran Sanctions Extension Act 
is an important piece of legislation that needs to be extended so that 
we can continue our fine work in this area.
  I thank Chairman Royce for offering this legislation that will extend 
Iranian sanctions for an additional 10 years. As has been stated, these 
sanctions will expire at the end of this year if Congress fails to act. 
It is imperative that we extend the current sanctions regime. This has 
been in place for quite some time, and this in no way affects the 
underlying agreement even though I am vigorously opposed to the 
underlying agreement.
  Let's send a message today that, despite what this administration may 
think regarding the continuation of the agreement, the Congress is 
united in tough sanctions. We will hold Tehran accountable for its 
human rights violations, its support of international terrorism, and 
its testing of illegal ballistic missiles.
  Sanctions work. Time and time again, U.S. sanctions have been a 
powerful force on the world stage and have given the U.S. leverage 
against some of the world's worst State actors. Let's

[[Page 14226]]

not reward provocations that may have occurred already or provocations 
that may occur in the future. I urge all of my colleagues to vote 
``yes'' and keep these sanctions in place.
  I commend the chairman, the ranking member, and the full committee; 
and if this legislation passes, I am hopeful that the President will 
sign it into law.
  Mr. ENGEL. Mr. Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the gentleman from 
Maryland (Mr. Hoyer), the Democratic whip.
  Mr. HOYER. Mr. Speaker, I thank my friend, Mr. Engel, and I thank the 
chairman, Mr. Royce, for bringing this bipartisan bill to the floor. I 
thank them for their efforts on behalf of our country, on behalf of the 
security of our country, and on behalf of ensuring that tough sanctions 
stay in place.

                              {time}  1630

  Tough sanctions are what brought Iran to the negotiating table, Mr. 
Speaker, in the first place; and the prospect of a snapback of 
sanctions is what I hope will keep Iran compliant.
  Make no mistake: Iran continues to be a bad actor, sponsoring 
terrorism, contributing to instability in Syria and Iraq, threatening 
Israel, and suppressing democracy within its own borders.
  We must continue to ensure that Iran abides by the Joint 
Comprehensive Plan of Action. We had differences on its merits, but we 
had no differences that Iran must comply.
  No malfeasance ought to be tolerated. Iran's theocratic leaders 
continue to threaten Israel and Americans in the region. They continue 
as well to pursue ballistic missile technology that destabilizes the 
region, and its regime has held Americans captive for years as 
bargaining chips in negotiations over its compliance with basic 
international law and norms.
  This legislation will ensure that President Obama and his successor 
will have the full force of sanctions available should Iran violate the 
nuclear agreement in any way. It is critical that our approach to Iran 
remain bipartisan. Mr. Royce and I have had that discussion; Mr. Engel 
and I have had that discussion. I say again that it is critical that 
our policy remain bipartisan. Doing so sends a strong signal to our 
allies--and even more importantly to our adversaries--that we are 
united in our efforts to stop Iran from ever obtaining a nuclear 
weapon.
  Now that this legislation is completed, we need to turn to the 
critical task of ballistic missile sanctions. And I look forward to 
working with my colleagues on both sides of the aisle to respond 
appropriately to Iran pursuing ballistic missile capabilities in 
violation of U.N. Security Council resolutions.
  Again, I reiterate the fact that we work together, Republicans and 
Democrats, where we have many differences; but on this, we should not 
have differences because the security of our Nation, the security of 
the nations of the Middle East, and indeed the global security depends 
upon it.
  I thank both Mr. Royce and Mr. Engel, and I thank my colleagues for 
working so hard toward this legislation.
  Mr. ROYCE. Mr. Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the gentleman from New 
Jersey (Mr. Smith). He is chairman of the Foreign Affairs Subcommittee 
on Africa, Global Health, Global Human Rights, and International 
Organizations.
  Mr. SMITH of New Jersey. Mr. Speaker, I thank the distinguished chair 
for his sponsorship of the Iran Sanctions Extension Act, H.R. 6297. 
This is a must-pass measure that would extend for 10 years the Iran 
Sanctions Act, a critical set of sanctions targeting Iran's energy 
sector that would otherwise expire on December 31st.
  As we all know, the administration lifted the vast majority of the 
act's sanctions following the purported implementation of the 
egregiously flawed Iran nuclear deal in January, but these restrictions 
on investment in Iran's energy sector would form the backbone of the 
so-called snapback sanctions that the U.S. could impose in response to 
Iranian violations of the agreement.
  Mr. Speaker, let's not kid ourselves, the Iran nuclear agreement is a 
mess. There is no anytime/anywhere inspections protocol. Today Iran is 
massively expanding both the number and the capability of its ballistic 
missile arsenal. Iran remains the leading state sponsor of terrorism. 
Now flush with billions of new funding, they are on a weapons 
procurement frenzy and are acquiring weapons of many kinds, including 
SAM missiles.
  There is cheating on a number of fronts. Under the Iranian deal, it 
is a matter of when, not if, but when will Iran become a nuclear state.
  This is a minimal policy that will at least snap back and say: when 
you violate the terms and conditions of the agreement--which I find 
flawed and many others do as well--that, at least, there is a snapback, 
and those sanctions will be kicked into place. If they don't exist, it 
is not going to happen.
  So for 20 years, we all know sanctions have played a critical role in 
mitigating Iran's destabilizing weapons program and state sponsorship 
of terrorism. By imposing sanctions on entities anywhere in the world 
that invested in Iran's nuclear sector, the Iran Sanctions Act for 
years targeted a key source of revenue that the Iranian Government used 
to finance its activities.
  So again, I think this is an important bill, and I hope that the 
Senate will take it up quickly after House passage.
  Again, I thank Chairman Royce and Eliot Engel for their leadership. 
This is a bipartisan piece of legislation. It is the barest minimum 
that we can do in the face of such a flawed agreement.
  Mr. ENGEL. Mr. Speaker, I now yield 3 minutes to the gentleman from 
Virginia (Mr. Connolly), a very valued member of our Foreign Affairs 
Committee.
  Mr. CONNOLLY. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman from New York (Mr. 
Engel) and the gentleman from California (Mr. Royce) for their fine 
work.
  I rise today in support of H.R. 6297, the Iran Sanctions Extension 
Act.
  When Congress considered the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action last 
year, which I supported, we acknowledged that this deal was not a 
panacea. It was not designed to resolve the myriad issues that 
undergird the U.S. and our allies in their relationship with the 
repressive regime in Tehran and its reprehensible support for terrorist 
insurgencies throughout the region.
  No one agreement is comprehensive. It wasn't in the Soviet era, and 
it isn't in this era either.
  The Iran deal is designed to eliminate Iran's path to developing a 
nuclear weapon and roll it back in exchange for the lifting of all U.S. 
nuclear-related sanctions.
  Abandoning this deal or reinstating the U.S. nuclear-related 
sanctions against Iran would be a dangerous course of action, 
introducing unnecessary risks into an already fraught relationship and 
into an already delicately balanced multilateral agreement, especially 
because the deal is, in fact, working. Iran has met the metrics set 
forth, rather rigorous metrics, in the reversal of its nuclear 
development program.
  However, the scope of the Iran Sanctions Act extends far beyond 
nuclear-related sanctions, as do our points of contention with the 
Iranian regime. Iran continues to engage in a variety of unacceptable 
and destabilizing activities, including domestic human rights abuses, 
supporting terrorist groups in the region, and advancing an illicit 
ballistic missile program that is of concern, as Mr. Hoyer just 
mentioned.
  We absolutely can and must continue implementation of the Iran deal 
while simultaneously extending this act as leverage to combat Iran's 
other unconscionable behavior.
  I want to thank the majority for bringing to the floor a clean 
reauthorization of the Iran Sanctions Act, which in doing so safeguards 
a longstanding bipartisan consensus to counter Iran, something I think 
we need, especially after this election, more than ever before.
  Again, I commend the chairman and the ranking member for their 
leadership.
  Mr. ROYCE. Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
  Mr. ENGEL. Mr. Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the gentleman from Rhode

[[Page 14227]]

Island (Mr. Cicilline), another very valued member of the Foreign 
Affairs Committee.
  Mr. CICILLINE. Mr. Speaker, I rise in support of H.R. 6297, the 
bipartisan Iran Sanctions Extension Act.
  H.R. 6297 will extend the Iran Sanctions Act of 1996, as amended, for 
an additional 10 years through December 31, 2026. If we fail to act, 
these sanctions will expire at the end of this year.
  The Iran Sanctions Act was the first major extraterritorial sanctions 
on Iran which authorized U.S. penalties against third country firms. It 
has been an essential part of U.S. sanctions aimed at denying Iran the 
financial means to support terrorist organizations and other armed 
factions or to further its nuclear and weapons of mass destruction 
programs.
  We must confront Iran's dangerous behavior around the world and 
actions against its own people by extending the Iran Sanctions Act. 
Iran's ballistic missile program and support for terrorism threatens 
our regional allies, including Israel.
  Also, Iran's blatant disregard for human rights and the human rights 
of its own people and other nationals, including Americans, is horrific 
and violates well-established international standards of human rights.
  I want to emphasize that the Iran Sanctions Act does not violate the 
Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action, which remains an important 
instrument to prevent Iran from acquiring a nuclear weapons capability. 
Rather, this bill maintains the strong sanctions architecture to 
inhibit Iran from engaging in dangerous activities that are an anathema 
to international norms.
  We all recognize the significant challenges that remain in our 
approach to the Iranian regime. We must continue to condemn and work to 
end Iran's support for terrorists throughout the region, including 
Hamas and Hezbollah.
  This bill enables us to take these steps to accomplish our national 
security objectives. It is imperative that we impose sanctions for 
Iran's violations regarding support for terrorism, its ballistic 
missiles program, and human rights.
  I urge my colleagues to pass the Iran Sanctions Extension Act to 
maintain the current sanctions architecture and to send a strong 
bipartisan message that we will continue to hold Iran accountable for 
any terrorist activity.
  Mr. ROYCE. Mr. Speaker, I will reserve the right to close, and I 
reserve the balance of my time.
  Mr. ENGEL. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself the balance of my time to 
close.
  In closing, let me say, with the upcoming transition, we are wading 
into some uncertain waters when it comes to foreign policy. Congress 
must do its part to ensure stability and consistency on core, foreign 
policy issues. There is no better example of that stability than this 
legislation, which has been on the books for two decades.
  I thank Chairman Royce for bringing it up. I am proud to be the 
leading cosponsor with him on the bill. I think this again shows the 
bipartisan nature of our committee and on foreign policy and how 
foreign policy ought to be done.
  This bill will help ease the way forward with our own transition. It 
will remind Iran's leaders that we still have a lot of contentious 
issues to deal with; and it will signal to the world that even after a 
hard-fought election here at home and power changing hands, American 
leadership on the global stage won't falter.
  Again, I thank my colleagues on both sides of the aisle for moving 
this legislation so quickly. I urge a ``yes'' vote and quick action in 
the Senate. I hope President Obama will sign this bill and extend this 
important law.
  I yield back the balance of my time.
  Mr. ROYCE. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
  Once again, Mr. Speaker, I want to recognize Mr. Engel for his help 
in bringing this bill to the floor during the 114th Congress. The 
ranking member and I have been to this floor debating Iran many, many 
times. For most all of it, we agreed. For some of it, we didn't. But we 
never doubted each other's sincere views or motives and always 
conducted the debate in the tradition that is befitting of the 
Committee on Foreign Affairs and this House.
  Mr. Speaker, since it was first passed 20 years ago, the Iran 
Sanctions Act has been at the center of the U.S. response to the threat 
posed by the Iranian regime. Despite the Obama administration's 
dangerous nuclear deal, this law remains critical to U.S. efforts to 
counter the full range of Iran's malicious activity.
  This law will expire at the end of the year if Congress does not pass 
an extension, denying future administrations a critical tool. Its 
expiration would compound the damage done by the President's dangerous 
nuclear deal and send a message that the United States will no longer 
oppose the destructive role of Iran in the Middle East; and that is why 
we are acting today to provide clear statutory authority to reimpose or 
snap back many of the most powerful sanctions on Iran's energy industry 
if the regime rushes toward a nuclear weapon.
  I look forward to putting this bill on the President's desk for his 
signature before the end of the 114th Congress and then returning next 
year to work with Mr. Engel, to work with a new administration, to work 
with all the members of the Committee on Foreign Affairs as the United 
States and our allies confront the growing aggression of the Iranian 
regime.
  I yield back the balance of my time.
  Ms. JACKSON LEE. Mr. Speaker, I rise in support of extending the 
option of sanctions against Iran by passage of H.R. 6297, the Iran 
Sanctions Extensions Extension Act, which reauthorizes the Iran 
Sanctions Act of 1996 for 10 years.
  As a Senior Member of the Homeland Security Committee, and Ranking 
Member of the Judiciary Committee's Subcommittee on Crime, Terrorism, 
Homeland Security, and Investigations, I am very much aware of what is 
at stake in the work done by President Obama to ensure that Iran does 
not have the breakout capacity to build a nuclear weapon.
  Events over this Congress make it clear that Congress should be even 
more vigilant in providing for the protection of the United States.
  Congress should be mindful of the:
  United States' leadership in the effort to forge an enforceable and 
verifiable nuclear agreement with Iran; and
  Deadliness of chemical weapons when they were used during the Syrian 
conflict against unarmed men, women, and children.
  H.R. 6297 allows Congress the option to impose sanctions, but does 
renew the imposition of sanctions.
  As Congress continues to review the Joint Comprehensive Plan of 
Action (JCPOA), which resulted in the significant reduction in Iran's 
capabilities to develop a nuclear weapon, we must continue the peaceful 
and verifiable efforts to cut off Iran's pathways to a nuclear weapon.
  President Obama and current and former Secretary of State John Kerry 
and Hillary Clinton were successful in the pursuit of global sanctions 
and gained the cooperation of the world, including Russian and China, 
which was critical in bringing the Iranians to the negotiation table on 
their nuclear arms program.
  We should retain in our arsenal the option to impose sanctions so 
that if necessary the United States can act quickly to coordinate a 
global response to any threat posed by Iran's verified breach of the 
JCPOA.
  Declaring sanctions for the sake of declaring sanctions against Iran 
should never be the objective, nor should we forget that the 
effectiveness of sanctions are their global nature.
  Under President Obama's brilliant leadership the United States had 
the stature around the globe to impose sanctions, and the diplomatic 
ties to gain global cooperation to expand participation in Iranian 
sanctions because we could make the case that Iran's nuclear program 
posed an international threat to peace and stability.
  The United States is the world's foremost authority on radiological 
weapons grade material detection and source identification.
  The Department of Homeland Security is leading the effort through its 
Domestic Nuclear Detection Office (DNDO) to create a Global Nuclear 
Detection Architecture, which should be aggressively supported with 
sufficient funding by Congress.
  Recognizing the threat posed by nuclear and other radioactive 
materials, DNDO was created by National Security Presidential Directive 
(NSPD)-43 and Homeland Security Presidential Directive (HSPD)-14 and 
subsequently codified by Title V of the Security and Accountability For 
Every (SAFE) Port Act

[[Page 14228]]

(Pub. L. No. 109-347), which amended the Homeland Security Act of 2002.
  A key area that the United States has focused its capabilities and 
resources is blocking the enrichment of radioactive materials for 
weapons use; and the detection of radioactive materials that would pose 
a threat to public safety and health.
  There are several material facts that must be understood about 
weapons grade radioactive material--each nation's process for refining 
nuclear material for use in a weapon is unique.
  Radioactive material has a unique spectrum range and composition that 
is akin to signatures that cannot be confused with other sources of 
radioactive material both natural and manmade.
  The first essential fact is that having samples and data from Iranian 
facilities where materials in Iran were produced established the 
radiological signatures for materials that could have only come from 
those facilities or from processes that follow the methods used by the 
Iranian nuclear physicists who developed their program.
  The United States has those samples and the data needed to identify 
material from Iranian efforts to purify radiological materials.
  The second essential fact is that radiological material leaves 
evidence of its presence long after it may have been removed from an 
area.
  The physical evidence of centrifuges; storage facilities or weapons 
themselves are not the only evidence that may convict Iran of violation 
of the agreement; it can also be the unique Iranian radiation trail 
left behind during any attempt to refine or purify radiological 
material for use in a weapon or the transfer of even small quantities 
of material that is generated or sourced by the Iranians.
  The third essential fact is that if the Iranians need special 
centrifuges to refine radiological material to a point that it may be 
used for a weapon.
  H.R. 6297, assures that any attempt by the Iranians to cheat by 
refining more radiological material than is allowed will be detected 
and Congress would be prepared to impose a sanctions regime.
  Another significant signal of Iranian violation would be the unique 
signature of the sound made by centrifuges that are used to purify 
radiological material make noise.
  The sound of these massive centrifuges will be detectable many miles 
away from where they are operated--and the United States has the 
resources in place in cooperation with allies around the world to 
detect if enrichment activity is occurring.
  Operating more centrifuges than is allowed by the agreement would be 
a actionable sign that Iran is seeking to purify more radioactive 
material than is allowed by the agreement.
  This is important to the timeline in calculating the time to 
breakout--having enough enriched material to use in a weapon.
  The final essential fact is that the United States has satellite 
surveillance and ground surveillance capability to detect in great 
detail activity on the ground.
  The United States used these resources to identify nuclear arms 
activity that informed the administration of the severity of the issue 
and used that evidence to galvanize international support for one of 
the most successful embargoes in human history.
  For these reasons, I will join my colleagues in supporting passage of 
this bipartisan effort to extend by 10 years the period that sanctions 
may be applied to Iran.
  I urge you to join me in support of this bill and the excellent work 
of the Obama Administration in making the world much safer from nuclear 
threats.
  Mrs. LOWEY. Mr. Speaker, I rise in full support of H.R. 6297--the 
Iran Sanctions Extension Act. This critically-needed legislation will 
extend for 10 years U.S. sanctions against Iran's energy sector, which 
will expire at the end of this year if Congress doesn't act.
  These crippling sanctions, in addition to other measures passed by 
Congress during the last two decades, were the driving force that 
brought Iran to the negotiating table and ultimately curtailed their 
nuclear program under the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action reached 
last year between our P5+1 partners and Iran.
  While there has been much debate over the JCPOA, there should be no 
question in any one's mind that it must now be rigorously enforced so 
that Iran is held accountable for its actions. The measure before us 
today is fundamental to this effort.
  In order to `snap-back' the sanctions temporarily waived by the 
Administration under the deal, we must keep in place our sanctions 
infrastructure. Otherwise it would be much harder to quickly re-impose 
harsh economic penalties on Iran if they cheat or renege on their 
commitments.
  Enforcing the Iran deal, stopping Iran's destabilizing activities in 
the region, including ballistic missile testing and funding of 
terrorist groups, and securing the unconditional release of Americans 
imprisoned by the Iranian regime, must remain our top priorities going 
forward. That is why I am grateful to Congressman Royce and Congressman 
Engel for working together on a bipartisan basis on today's measure and 
for their leadership on these issues.
  For all of us, this is now a critical and challenging moment. We must 
come together as lawmakers, put aside partisan differences, and abide 
by our long-standing bipartisan approach to foreign policy. Our 
national security and security of our allies in the region depend on 
it.
  Thank you and I urge immediate passage of the Iran Sanctions 
Extension Act.
  Ms. MOORE. Mr. Speaker, I rise to express my continued support for 
the critical nuclear agreement (the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action 
or JCPOA) forged to keep Iran from obtaining a nuclear weapon. I 
believe that agreement remains the best option to prevent Iran from 
acquiring a nuclear weapon.
  Keeping Iran from obtaining a nuclear weapon is a bipartisan 
priority, which is why the U.S. must uphold the commitments we made 
under that deal. According to the evidence before me, Iran has largely 
fulfilled its obligations including limiting its stockpile of uranium, 
drastically reducing its operating centrifuges, and removed the core of 
its Arak reactor.
  While not perfect, this is one of the most stringent non-
proliferation agreements ever negotiated and includes tough 
verification requirements. The JCPOA has led to real on the ground 
progress in restricting Iran's nuclear program, something that our 
nation never achieved even under the most biting sanctions.
  Despite any limitations, the agreement is working as intended in the 
face of many skeptics and naysayers. And we all have a shared interest 
in helping to continue to foster the fertile ground necessary to 
support its continued implementation and compliance by both parties.
  So I will support a ``clean'' reauthorization of the Iran Sanctions 
Act authorities even though the President has made clear he has 
authority under other federal laws (that do not expire) to snap back 
some sanctions even in the absence of this law. Critically, this bill 
does not put new obstacles in the way of the U.S. upholding its 
commitments but intends to essentially reassert the existing status 
quo. This is unlike other legislation we will consider this week that 
more directly impact our commitments under the JCPOA.
  The stakes at play here are very high for our nation and our regional 
allies including Israel. So rather than wasting time trying to 
undermine it, we all must continue to work to ensure the long term 
success of this deal and the goal we all share of keeping Iran from 
obtaining nuclear weapons.
  We used sanctions to bring Iran to the table, worked with our 
international partners to secure a strong deal, and now more than ever 
need to make sure we uphold our end of the bargain.
  Ms. JACKSON LEE. Mr. Speaker, I rise in support of extending the 
option of sanctions against Iran by passage of H.R. 6297, the Iran 
Sanctions Extension Act, which reauthorizes the Iran Sanctions Act of 
1996 for 10 years.
  As a Senior Member of the Homeland Security Committee, and Ranking 
Member of the Judiciary Committee's Subcommittee on Crime, Terrorism, 
Homeland Security, and Investigations, I am very much aware of what is 
at stake in the work done by President Obama to ensure that Iran does 
not have the breakout capacity to build a nuclear weapon.
  Events over this Congress make it clear that Congress should be even 
more vigilant in providing for the protection of the United States.
  Congress should be mindful of the:
  United States' leadership in the effort to forge an enforceable and 
verifiable nuclear agreement with Iran; and
  Deadliness of chemical weapons when they were used during the Syrian 
conflict against unarmed men, women, and children.
  H.R. 6297, allows Congress the option to impose sanctions, but does 
renew the imposition of sanctions.
  As Congress continues to review the Joint Comprehensive Plan of 
Action (JCPOA), which resulted in the significant reduction in Iran's 
capabilities to develop a nuclear weapon, we must continue the peaceful 
and verifiable efforts to cut off Iran's pathways to a nuclear weapon.
  President Obama and current and former Secretary of State John Kerry 
and Hillary Clinton were successful in the pursuit of global sanctions 
and gained the cooperation of the world, including Russia and China, 
which was critical in bringing the Iranians to the negotiation table on 
their nuclear arms program.

[[Page 14229]]

  We should retain in our arsenal the option to impose sanctions so 
that if necessary the United States can act quickly to coordinate a 
global response to any threat posed by Iran's verified breach of the 
JCPOA.
  Declaring sanctions for the sake of declaring sanctions against Iran 
should never be the objective, nor should we forget that the 
effectiveness of sanctions are their global nature.
  Under President Obama's brilliant leadership the United States had 
the stature around the globe to impose sanctions, and the diplomatic 
ties to gain global cooperation to expand participation in Iranian 
sanctions because we could make the case that Iran's nuclear program 
posed an international threat to peace and stability.
  The United States is the world's foremost authority on radiological 
weapons grade material detection and source identification.
  The Department of Homeland Security is leading the effort through its 
Domestic Nuclear Detection Office (DNDO) to create a Global Nuclear 
Detection Architecture, which should be aggressively supported with 
sufficient funding by Congress.
  Recognizing the threat posed by nuclear and other radioactive 
materials, DNDO was created by National Security Presidential Directive 
(NSPD)-43 and Homeland Security Presidential Directive (HSPD)-3.4 and 
subsequently codified by Title V of the Security and Accountability For 
Every (SAFE) Port Act (Pub. L. No. 109-347), which amended the Homeland 
Security Act of 2002.
  A key area that the United States has focused its capabilities and 
resources is blocking the enrichment of radioactive materials for 
weapons use; and the detection of radioactive materials that would pose 
a threat to public safety and health.
  There are several material facts that must be understood about 
weapons grade radioactive material--each nation's process for refining 
nuclear material for use in a weapon is unique.
  Radioactive material has a unique spectrum range and composition that 
is akin to signatures that cannot be confused with other sources of 
radioactive material both natural and manmade.
  The first essential fact is that having samples and data from Iranian 
facilities where materials in Iran were produced established the 
radiological signatures for materials that could have only come from 
those facilities or from processes that follow the methods used by the 
Iranian nuclear physicists who developed their program.
  The United States has those samples and the data needed to identify 
material from Iranian efforts to purify radiological materials.
  The second essential fact is that radiological material leaves 
evidence of its presence long after it may have been removed from an 
area.
  The physical evidence of centrifuges; storage facilities or weapons 
themselves are not the only evidence that may convict Iran of violation 
of the agreement; it can also be the unique Iranian radiation trail 
left behind during any attempt to refine or purify radiological 
material for use in a weapon or the transfer of even small quantities 
of material that is generated or sourced by the Iranians.
  The third essential fact is that if the Iranians need special 
centrifuges to refine radiological material to a point that it may be 
used for a weapon.
  H.R. 6297 assures that any attempt by the Iranians to cheat by 
refining more radiological material than is allowed will be detected 
and Congress would be prepared to impose a sanctions regime.
  Another significant signal of Iranian violation would be the unique 
signature of the sound made by centrifuges that are used to purify 
radiological material.
  The sound of these massive centrifuges will be detectable many miles 
away from where they are operated--and the United States has the 
resources in place in cooperation with allies around the world to 
detect if enrichment activity is occurring.
  Operating more centrifuges than is allowed by the agreement would be 
a actionable sign that Iran is seeking to purify more radioactive 
material than is allowed by the agreement.
  This is important to the timeline in calculating the time to 
breakout--having enough enriched material to use in a weapon.
  The final essential fact is that the United States has satellite 
surveillance and ground surveillance capability to detect in great 
detail activity on the ground.
  The United States used these resources to identify nuclear arms 
activity that informed the administration of the severity of the issue 
and used that evidence to galvanize international support for one of 
the most successful embargoes in human history.
  For these reasons, I will join my colleagues in supporting passage of 
this bipartisan effort to extend by 10 years the period that sanctions 
may be applied to Iran.
  I urge you to join me in support of this bill and the excellent work 
of the Obama Administration in making the world much safer from nuclear 
threats.
  Mr. FITZPATRICK. Mr. Speaker, I rise today to voice my support for 
H.R. 6297, the Iran Sanctions Extension Act.
  Despite continued pressure and condemnation from the international 
community, the Iranian regime defiantly continues its ballistic missile 
testing, human rights abuses, and sowing discord throughout the world 
as the leading state sponsor of terrorism. These threatening acts, 
coupled with continued violations of the nuclear agreement, should not 
be tolerated without check. That's why I am voicing my strong support 
for H.R. 6297, the Iran Sanctions Extension Act. This act is one of the 
most important pillars to the statutory sanctions against Iran to 
address its illicit activities. I applaud the House for coming together 
in a near unanimous fashion to pass this bipartisan legislation and 
hope the President agrees to sign it.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. The question is on the motion offered by the 
gentleman from California (Mr. Royce) that the House suspend the rules 
and pass the bill, H.R. 6297.
  The question was taken.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. In the opinion of the Chair, two-thirds 
being in the affirmative, the ayes have it.
  Mr. ROYCE. Mr. Speaker, on that I demand the yeas and nays.
  The yeas and nays were ordered.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. Pursuant to clause 8 of rule XX, the 15-
minute vote on suspending the rules and passing H.R. 6297 will be 
followed by a 5-minute vote on suspending the rules and adopting H. 
Res. 780.
  The vote was taken by electronic device, and there were--yeas 419, 
nays 1, not voting 14, as follows:

                             [Roll No. 577]

                               YEAS--419

     Abraham
     Adams
     Aderholt
     Aguilar
     Allen
     Amash
     Amodei
     Ashford
     Babin
     Barletta
     Barr
     Barton
     Bass
     Beatty
     Becerra
     Benishek
     Bera
     Beyer
     Bilirakis
     Bishop (GA)
     Bishop (MI)
     Bishop (UT)
     Black
     Blackburn
     Blum
     Blumenauer
     Bonamici
     Bost
     Boustany
     Boyle, Brendan F.
     Brady (PA)
     Brady (TX)
     Brat
     Bridenstine
     Brooks (AL)
     Brooks (IN)
     Brown (FL)
     Brownley (CA)
     Buchanan
     Buck
     Bucshon
     Burgess
     Bustos
     Butterfield
     Byrne
     Calvert
     Capps
     Capuano
     Cardenas
     Carney
     Carson (IN)
     Carter (GA)
     Carter (TX)
     Cartwright
     Castor (FL)
     Castro (TX)
     Chabot
     Chaffetz
     Chu, Judy
     Cicilline
     Clark (MA)
     Clarke (NY)
     Clawson (FL)
     Clay
     Cleaver
     Clyburn
     Coffman
     Cohen
     Cole
     Collins (GA)
     Collins (NY)
     Comer
     Conaway
     Connolly
     Conyers
     Cook
     Cooper
     Costa
     Costello (PA)
     Courtney
     Cramer
     Crawford
     Crenshaw
     Crowley
     Cuellar
     Culberson
     Cummings
     Curbelo (FL)
     Davidson
     Davis (CA)
     Davis, Danny
     Davis, Rodney
     DeFazio
     DeGette
     Delaney
     DeLauro
     DelBene
     Denham
     Dent
     DeSaulnier
     DesJarlais
     Deutch
     Diaz-Balart
     Dingell
     Doggett
     Dold
     Donovan
     Doyle, Michael F.
     Duckworth
     Duffy
     Duncan (SC)
     Duncan (TN)
     Edwards
     Ellison
     Ellmers (NC)
     Emmer (MN)
     Engel
     Eshoo
     Esty
     Evans
     Farenthold
     Farr
     Fincher
     Fleischmann
     Fleming
     Flores
     Forbes
     Fortenberry
     Foster
     Foxx
     Frankel (FL)
     Franks (AZ)
     Frelinghuysen
     Fudge
     Gabbard
     Gallego
     Garamendi
     Garrett
     Gibbs
     Gibson
     Gohmert
     Goodlatte
     Gosar
     Gowdy
     Graham
     Graves (GA)
     Graves (LA)
     Graves (MO)
     Grayson
     Green, Al
     Green, Gene
     Griffith
     Grijalva
     Grothman
     Guinta
     Guthrie
     Hahn
     Hanabusa
     Hanna
     Hardy
     Harper
     Harris
     Hartzler
     Hastings
     Heck (NV)
     Heck (WA)
     Hensarling
     Herrera Beutler
     Hice, Jody B.
     Higgins
     Hill
     Himes
     Holding
     Honda
     Hoyer
     Hudson
     Huelskamp
     Huffman
     Huizenga (MI)
     Hultgren
     Hunter
     Hurd (TX)
     Hurt (VA)
     Israel
     Issa
     Jackson Lee
     Jeffries
     Jenkins (KS)
     Jenkins (WV)
     Johnson (GA)
     Johnson (OH)
     Johnson, E. B.
     Johnson, Sam
     Jolly
     Jones
     Jordan
     Joyce
     Kaptur
     Katko
     Keating
     Kelly (IL)
     Kelly (MS)
     Kelly (PA)
     Kennedy
     Kildee
     Kilmer
     Kind
     King (IA)
     King (NY)
     Kinzinger (IL)
     Kirkpatrick
     Kline
     Knight
     Kuster
     Labrador
     LaHood
     LaMalfa
     Lamborn
     Lance
     Langevin
     Larsen (WA)
     Larson (CT)
     Latta
     Lawrence
     Lee
     Levin
     Lieu, Ted
     Lipinski
     LoBiondo
     Loebsack
     Lofgren
     Long
     Loudermilk
     Love
     Lowenthal
     Lowey
     Lucas
     Luetkemeyer
     Lujan Grisham (NM)
     Lujan, Ben Ray (NM)
     Lummis
     Lynch
     MacArthur
     Maloney, Carolyn

[[Page 14230]]


     Maloney, Sean
     Marchant
     Marino
     Matsui
     McCarthy
     McCaul
     McClintock
     McCollum
     McGovern
     McHenry
     McKinley
     McMorris Rodgers
     McNerney
     McSally
     Meadows
     Meehan
     Meeks
     Meng
     Messer
     Mica
     Miller (FL)
     Miller (MI)
     Moolenaar
     Mooney (WV)
     Moore
     Moulton
     Mullin
     Mulvaney
     Murphy (FL)
     Murphy (PA)
     Nadler
     Napolitano
     Neal
     Newhouse
     Noem
     Nolan
     Norcross
     Nunes
     O'Rourke
     Olson
     Palazzo
     Pallone
     Palmer
     Pascrell
     Paulsen
     Payne
     Pelosi
     Perlmutter
     Perry
     Peters
     Peterson
     Pingree
     Pittenger
     Pitts
     Pocan
     Poliquin
     Polis
     Pompeo
     Posey
     Price (NC)
     Price, Tom
     Quigley
     Rangel
     Ratcliffe
     Reed
     Reichert
     Renacci
     Ribble
     Rice (NY)
     Rice (SC)
     Richmond
     Rigell
     Roby
     Roe (TN)
     Rogers (AL)
     Rogers (KY)
     Rohrabacher
     Rokita
     Rooney (FL)
     Ros-Lehtinen
     Roskam
     Ross
     Rothfus
     Rouzer
     Roybal-Allard
     Royce
     Ruiz
     Ruppersberger
     Rush
     Russell
     Ryan (OH)
     Salmon
     Sanchez, Linda T.
     Sanford
     Sarbanes
     Scalise
     Schakowsky
     Schiff
     Schrader
     Schweikert
     Scott (VA)
     Scott, Austin
     Scott, David
     Sensenbrenner
     Serrano
     Sessions
     Sewell (AL)
     Sherman
     Shimkus
     Shuster
     Simpson
     Sinema
     Sires
     Slaughter
     Smith (MO)
     Smith (NE)
     Smith (NJ)
     Smith (TX)
     Smith (WA)
     Speier
     Stefanik
     Stewart
     Stivers
     Stutzman
     Swalwell (CA)
     Takano
     Thompson (CA)
     Thompson (MS)
     Thompson (PA)
     Thornberry
     Tiberi
     Tipton
     Titus
     Tonko
     Torres
     Trott
     Tsongas
     Turner
     Upton
     Valadao
     Van Hollen
     Vargas
     Veasey
     Vela
     Velazquez
     Visclosky
     Wagner
     Walberg
     Walden
     Walker
     Walorski
     Walters, Mimi
     Walz
     Wasserman Schultz
     Waters, Maxine
     Watson Coleman
     Weber (TX)
     Webster (FL)
     Welch
     Wenstrup
     Westerman
     Williams
     Wilson (FL)
     Wilson (SC)
     Wittman
     Womack
     Woodall
     Yarmuth
     Yoder
     Yoho
     Young (AK)
     Young (IA)
     Young (IN)
     Zeldin
     Zinke

                                NAYS--1

       
     Massie
       

                             NOT VOTING--14

     Comstock
     DeSantis
     Fitzpatrick
     Granger
     Gutierrez
     Hinojosa
     Lewis
     McDermott
     Neugebauer
     Nugent
     Pearce
     Poe (TX)
     Sanchez, Loretta
     Westmoreland

                              {time}  1707

  Mr. SENSENBRENNER changed his vote from ``nay'' to ``yea.''
  So (two-thirds being in the affirmative) the rules were suspended and 
the bill was passed.
  The result of the vote was announced as above recorded.
  A motion to reconsider was laid on the table.
  Stated for:
  Mrs. COMSTOCK. Mr. Speaker, my card did not register. Had I been 
present, I would have voted ``yea'' on rollcall No. 577.
  Mr. PEARCE. Mr. Speaker, I was not present to vote on H.R. 6297, the 
Iran Sanctions Extension Act. Had I been present, I would have voted 
``yea'' on rollcall No. 577.

                          ____________________