[Congressional Record (Bound Edition), Volume 161 (2015), Part 7]
[House]
[Pages 9622-9628]
[From the U.S. Government Publishing Office, www.gpo.gov]




           CONGRESSIONAL BLACK CAUCUS: THE MISSING BLACK MALE

  The SPEAKER pro tempore. Under the Speaker's announced policy of 
January 6, 2015, the gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Payne) is 
recognized for 60 minutes as the designee of the minority leader.


                             General Leave

  Mr. PAYNE. Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members be 
given 5 days to revise and extend their remarks.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. Is there objection to the request of the 
gentleman from New Jersey?
  There was no objection.
  Mr. PAYNE. Mr. Speaker, let me begin by thanking the members of the 
Congressional Black Caucus who are joining me here tonight.
  The topic of tonight's discussion is: the missing Black male. 
Tonight, as a caucus, we will address the issues affecting Black males, 
including incarceration, health, the increasing suicide rate among 
Black youth, and the missing Black male in our society.
  It was recently reported by The New York Times that 1.5 million 
African American men are missing. What do we mean when we say 1.5 
million Black men are missing? As we speak, hundreds of thousands of 
Black men are sitting in prisons throughout this Nation. Others have 
died from homicide--the leading cause of death for young Black men--and 
from diseases that disproportionately impact African American males.
  Then there are others, like Freddie Gray, Michael Brown, Tamir Rice, 
and Eric Garner, who are no longer with us because of excessive force 
by police which has cut their lives short.
  It is clear that our law enforcement system and criminal justice 
system aren't working for African Americans and other minorities. It is 
also clear that we need a new approach into other areas, including 
reducing health disparities among African American men and boys. 
Tonight, we will diagnose the problems behind America's 1.5 million 
missing African American men and help identify solutions to this 
national problem.
  While African Americans make up 14 percent of the U.S. population, 
they comprise 38 percent of those in the U.S. prison population and 60 
percent of those in solitary confinement. In 2010, African American men 
were six times as likely as White men to be incarcerated in Federal, 
State, and local jails.
  Mr. Speaker, this is an issue that is plaguing the African American 
community, as we see a disproportionate number of African American men 
who are incarcerated in this Nation. We are trying to figure out why 
they make up 14 percent of the population and 60 percent of those 
incarcerated. It just doesn't add up.
  Right now, Mr. Speaker, I would like to introduce the chairman of the 
Congressional Black Caucus, who has allowed me to anchor this hour.
  It is my honor to yield to the gentleman from North Carolina (Mr. 
Butterfield).
  Mr. BUTTERFIELD. First, let me begin by thanking the gentleman from 
New Jersey for his leadership and for his willingness to lead this 
hour, not only tonight, but for agreeing to do it throughout this year. 
I thank the gentleman so very much for his leadership and for all that 
he does not only for the people of the State of New Jersey, but for 
America.
  Mr. Speaker, statistic: for every 100 African American women, there 
are only 83 African American men. This gap equals 1.5 million Black men 
who are essentially missing from everyday life in America. These 
numbers are simply staggering. The fact that Black men have long been 
more likely to be locked up and more likely to die is a problem.
  Compounded with the deep disparities that continue to impact the 
opportunities afforded to African American males, the gender gap 
leaves, as reported, many households without enough men to be fathers 
and husbands within the community.
  The statistics show that most African Americans live in places with a 
significant shortage of African American men while most Whites live in 
places with rough parity between White men and White women. The two 
leading causes of this gap are incarceration and early deaths, with 
homicide being the leading cause of death for young African American 
males; but Black males also die from heart disease, respiratory 
disease, and accidents more often than other demographic groups, 
including African American women.
  This gender gap does not exist in childhood as there are roughly as 
many African American boys as there are African American girls; yet, as 
they grow up, an imbalance begins to appear during their teenage years, 
and it persists through adulthood.
  We now see an increasing number of suicides--yes, suicides--by young 
African American males while the rate for White children has declined. 
While any increase is problematic, we have to wonder: What is 
happening? What is happening with our African American youth that has 
led to this staggering increase?
  The CBC is committed to reducing the school to prison pipeline so 
that our kids aren't unfairly profiled and placed in the criminal 
justice system. We are committed to ensuring funding for summer jobs 
programs and job training programs so that our youth have opportunities 
to develop their skills instead of having idle time during the summer 
months.
  The CBC is committed to increasing resources for families and 
increasing family engagement. We must support programs and initiatives 
that will help us provide opportunities for young African American men.
  Again, I thank the gentleman from New Jersey for his leadership.
  Mr. PAYNE. Mr. Speaker, I would like to thank the chairman for 
gracing us with his comments and for demonstrating true leadership in 
the Congressional Black Caucus.
  Next, we have a distinguished member of this caucus. She hails from 
Houston, Texas, and has always been on the right side of these issues 
and has brought light to them.
  I yield to the gentlewoman from Houston, Texas (Ms. Jackson Lee).
  Ms. JACKSON LEE. Let me thank the manager of this hour, Mr. Payne, 
and all of my colleagues and my chairman, who has just spoken and who 
set the tone very eloquently and with deep conviction.
  In his having served on the supreme court for the State of North 
Carolina, Mr. Butterfield understands the issues of justice, and I 
applaud him for taking this cause up as well. The gentlewoman from New 
Jersey and the gentleman from Louisiana, let me thank them as well for 
the words that they will say.
  Let me also say that this is a team and that we will work as a team 
on our respective committees to be able to bring this issue to a 
productive solution.

                              {time}  1930

  I have always said--as a member of the Committee on the Judiciary for 
a

[[Page 9623]]

number of years now, serving on the Subcommittee on Crime, Terrorism, 
Homeland Security, and Investigations--that we must breathe life into 
change, and as legislators we must come to a point where we bring 
legislation for final signature by the President of the United States 
of America. So I thank Mr. Payne for giving us this opportunity.
  Let me rush quickly through my remarks because one could be here for 
a very long time. As I do so, let me take note that this is the 150th 
year commemoration of the 13th Amendment; that is the freeing of 
individuals from slavery. It is the 150th year also of the 
commemoration of Juneteenth, and that is, of course, a regional holiday 
that the Nation celebrates, which is the acknowledgment that the slaves 
were freed pursuant to the Emancipation Proclamation issued in 1863. 
Texans, who will celebrate this on June 19th, and many others travel 
throughout the Nation Juneteenth. I say that because it is a question 
of freedom. When we have the ability, Mr. Payne, to save lives, that is 
a question of freedom.
  I want to thank The New York Times for writing about this research. I 
want to hold this up. ``Rise in Suicide By Black Children Surprises 
Researchers.'' Researchers did not come predisposed to get this answer, 
but they got this answer. The opening sentence says: ``The suicide rate 
among Black children has nearly doubled since the early 1990s.'' They 
did not expect this to come forward, but it contributes to the story in 
The New York Times: about 1.5 million men are missing. In New York 
almost 120,000 Black men between ages 25 and 54, missing from everyday 
life; Chicago, 45,000; and more than 30,000 are missing in 
Philadelphia. Across the South, from North Charleston, South Carolina, 
Georgia, Alabama, Mississippi, and up into Ferguson, hundreds of 
thousands more are missing.
  African American men have long been more likely to be locked up, more 
likely to die young. A city with at least 10,000 Black residents that 
has the single largest population of missing men? Ferguson, Missouri, 
where a fatal police shooting catapulted this question to the national 
attention.
  Incarceration and early deaths are overwhelming. Of the 1.5 million 
missing men from 25 to 54, which demographers call the prime-age years, 
higher imprisonment rates account for almost 600,000. Let me say that 
again: higher imprisonment rates account for 600,000. Almost 1 in 12 
Black men in this age group are behind bars, compared with 1 in 60 non-
Black men in the same age group.
  Whenever we talk about the shootings in South Carolina, Ohio, 
Ferguson, I hear people saying, what about Black-on-Black crime? As if 
we, as African Americans, run away from facts. We do not. But we 
recognize that the fight to preserve lives in the African American 
community is societal and holistic. It deals with education and job 
opportunities and health care and mental health care, and it calls upon 
the Nation to respond. But it does not put aside what we have faced 
over the years by killings of Black men, even from the time of slavery 
and Reconstruction into the 1900s, all through the time of segregation. 
We found that they were in the eye of the storm.
  So let's not distract or detour from the crisis of incarceration and 
the crisis of what happens in the African American community in the 
justice system by suggesting that any of us are ignoring Black-on-Black 
crime. I am glad that the Congressional Black Caucus wants to look at 
the holistic issue of how do you solve this problem. It does not take 
the attacking of the Black community, of ignoring the fact that crime 
is perpetrated there. I think everyone knows that perpetrating crime 
impacts your neighbors, impacts where you live, just as it does in 
incidents dealing with White crime or White-on-White crime or Hispanic 
or Asian. People usually engage with those who are familiar.
  So I am looking to work with this very august body to talk about how 
we can stop the tide of suicide and the incarceration of our young 
people. Let me cite these examples as I come to a close. Let me just 
give you the example of Kelvin Mikhail Smallwood-Jones, who was a 
dean's list student with a 4.0 grade point average on a full academic 
scholarship to one of the most respected historically Black colleges in 
the country. Prior to enrolling in Atlanta's Morehouse College in the 
fall of 2006, he was a football star and homecoming king at his 
Washington, D.C.-area high school. An English sophomore, he dabbled in 
photography, mentoring at-risk youth in his free time. Last winter he 
was planning an elaborate birthday celebration, and he was preparing to 
accept a prestigious summer internship. He never made it to either. On 
February 23, 2008, less than 2 weeks before his 20th birthday, Kelvin 
shot himself in the head with his mother's gun on the deck of a 
suburban Atlanta farmhouse that she bought to live closer to him.
  This very statement is hurting, is hurting the family, but it means 
that we must collectively come together to address the question of the 
pain, of the disparate treatment, the disparate treatment in education, 
and to get to the source of Mr. Smallwood-Jones' pain so that we can, 
in fact, find a solution.
  On the criminal justice--and I realize that criminal justice is not 
the answer to all, but it is a side parallel effort that we must 
correct in order to give dignity to those who may have detoured but yet 
do not need to be condemned for life. I intend to introduce a number of 
legislative initiatives besides those which are ongoing, as we are 
discussing the mandatory minimums, to focus on the criminal justice 
side of dealing with juveniles: an effective speedy trial, bail reform, 
and a solitary confinement safeguards for juveniles act. Most people 
don't realize that when these young men are incarcerated, rather than 
giving them an opportunity, rather than promoting the PROMISE Act of 
our colleague, Mr. Scott, and giving alternatives to incarceration, but 
more importantly to people's lives, we throw them in jail. Many of us 
know the tragic story of the 16-year-old who was in solitary 
confinement for 3 years, was ultimately released, and committed 
suicide.
  So we look forward to our colleagues joining in this legislation, an 
effective, speedy trial, bail reform, and solitary confinement 
safeguards for juveniles act of 2015, to alter the holding of juveniles 
so that they come out whole and ready to be rehabilitated and to be 
welcomed into society. The Nonviolent Offenders Act, which will 
diminish the amount of time that African American men serve in a 
Federal prison system that does not have parole. And then we want to 
introduce the RAISE Act to establish a better path for young offenders 
to ensure that there is a way for judges, even though juveniles are 
treated differently, to give an alternative assessment in giving them 
or sentencing them when they run afoul of the law.
  Mind you, they are in juvenile court for status offenses, for truancy 
and others. This young man was incarcerated for taking a knapsack, and 
he insisted he did not take it. That is why he was still there. He did 
not take it, but he couldn't get to trial. How horrible a life, 3 years 
of solitary confinement.
  So, Mr. Payne, let me thank you for leading forward on this august 
day and time, this year of commemorating the 150th year of the 13th 
Amendment, when we were declared free, meaning the ancestors' African 
American slaves. It should be a telling moment that this is also the 
50th year of the commemoration of the 1965 Voting Rights Act. This 
should be the year that we restore the voting rights to individuals who 
have detoured. We should restore section 5. We should preach freedom. 
We should encourage those who want to advocate for fixing the criminal 
justice system, which can incarcerate and enslave and as well deny 
freedom.
  This is a time that we can join together in the Congressional Black 
Caucus and free people in the right way and put them on a pathway of 
contributing to this great country. They are worthy, and they have the 
talent, the stardom to contribute. I look forward

[[Page 9624]]

to working with all of you for that journey and for those results.
  Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to join my colleagues of the Congressional 
Black Caucus in this Special Order to speak to the issues that Members 
of the 114th Congress must address.
  I thank my colleagues Congressman Donald M. Payne, Jr. and 
Congresswoman Robin L. Kelly for leading this evening's Congressional 
Black Caucus Special Order on ``The Missing Black Male''.
  We are in a time where the news of young black men being incarcerated 
and losing their lives is all too common.
  As highlighted in a recent NY Times article, 1.5 million black men 
are missing from everyday life, as a result of incarceration or early 
death.
  In New York, almost 120,000 black men between the ages of 25 and 54 
are missing from everyday life. In Chicago, 45,000 are, and more than 
30,000 are missing in Philadelphia. Across the South--from North 
Charleston, S.C., through Georgia, Alabama and Mississippi and up into 
Ferguson, Mo.--hundreds of thousands more are missing.
  African-American men have long been more likely to be locked up and 
more likely to die young, but the scale of the combined toll is 
jolting.
  It is a measure of the deep disparities that continue to afflict 
black men--disparities being debated after a recent spate of killings 
by the police--and the gender gap is itself a further cause of social 
ills, leaving many communities without enough men to be fathers and 
husbands.
  And what is the city with at least 10,000 black residents that has 
the single largest proportion of missing black men? Ferguson, Mo., 
where a fatal police shooting last year led to nationwide protests and 
a Justice Department investigation that found widespread discrimination 
against black residents.
  It is critical that we look to training that will lead to cohesive 
policing in areas of minority concentrations.
  We need to focus on improving relationships between law enforcement 
and communities most impacted by cases of police brutality and 
incarceration.
  Incarceration and early deaths are the overwhelming drivers of the 
gap.
  Of the 1.5 million missing black men from 25 to 54--which 
demographers call the prime-age years--higher imprisonment rates 
account for almost 600,000.
  Almost 1 in 12 black men in this age group are behind bars, compared 
with 1 in 60 nonblack men in the age group, 1 in 200 black women and 1 
in 500 nonblack women.
  Higher mortality is the other main cause.
  Homicide, the leading cause of death for young African-American men, 
plays a large role, and they also die from heart disease, respiratory 
disease and accidents more often than other demographic groups, 
including black women.
  We also are seeing a shocking and troubling increase in suicide rates 
amongst our young black youth.
  Also noted by the NY Times, the suicide rate among black children has 
nearly doubled since the early 1990s.
  Between 1993 and 1997 suicide was the 14th cause of death among black 
children.
  Between 2008 and 2012, suicide was the 9th leading cause of death 
among black children.
  In 2005, when suicide was the 3rd leading cause of death among 
African-American youth--1621 of the 1,992 suicides completed by 
African-Americans were black boys (371 of 1,992 were female).
  Thus, looking specifically to our young black men with this growing 
trend of suicide rates, we must highlight the fact that black males are 
six times more likely to commit suicide than their female counterparts.
  Increase in Black male suicides is not surprising considering the 
``unique social and environmental stressors, including racism,'' they 
have to deal with.
  Interestingly, just 4 percent of the nation's psychiatrists, 3 
percent of the psychologists and 7 percent of social worker are black.
  The mental health profession needs to become more culturally 
sensitive to the needs of our black youth and get out the message that 
it's OK to get help and be vulnerable.
  Noticeably, girls get depressed and gravitate toward friends, family, 
church or other social institutions while through social conditioning.
  Yet, black males are taught to tough it out, stand strong, to get a 
grip, and ultimately isolate when mental anguish becomes visible.
  As we saw with the recent and tragic case of Kalief Browder in New 
York--his plight was ignored and overlooked for far too long.
  Continued statistics and reports documenting the death and 
disappearance of our young black males is unacceptable and must be 
addressed.
  We know that the disappearance of these men has far-reaching 
implications.
  We know there is a correlation between the mass incarceration and the 
destruction of the black home.
  The absence of black men disrupts family formation and foundation 
building for our young people.
  This in turn results in vulnerable feelings of little or no self-
value or self-worth and lacking direction or foresight on ways to 
overcome dangerous ways of thinking and living.
  We need to give special attention to families and communities 
affected by incarceration and mental health problems--as we know many 
of our young black men are afflicted with abuse, trauma and unresolved 
stigmas of mental and emotional health.
  It is time to acknowledge the cracks in our foundation and treat our 
young with the attention they deserve.
  We can no longer ignore gapping deficits that exist for our young 
black males--namely, in education, health care, mental health services, 
and general opportunities for growth and success.
  This special order is an opportunity to highlight and raise awareness 
to the stark and tragic reality of young black males in America.
  Now is the time to change the course and save their lives.
  Mr. PAYNE. I would like to thank the gentlewoman from Houston, who 
always brings clarity to these issues and is a great contributor to the 
conscience of this Congress.
  Mr. Speaker, the gentlewoman brings up a lot of good points in 
reference to incarceration and speaking about the young 16-year-old boy 
who spent that much time in solitary confinement and comes out and ends 
up committing suicide.
  What we have found in this country, as they have broken down the 
mental health institutions over the years, that what we are doing in 
this country is warehousing people who have mental health issues in 
prisons, and it is a way to warehouse and get the problem out of the 
way so we don't see it, but a lot of people who are in prison these 
days have mental health issues and should be dealt with from that 
perspective as opposed to incarceration.
  It is my honor and privilege to ask my colleague from New Jersey, the 
Honorable Bonnie Watson Coleman, who is known in New Jersey for her 
work around criminal justice in the State legislature and has joined us 
this year in the 114th Congress, for her remarks with respect to 
tonight's topic.
  Mrs. WATSON COLEMAN. I thank the gentleman from New Jersey for 
yielding and giving me the opportunity to lend my voice to what I think 
is a crisis that we are experiencing.
  As my colleagues before me have pointed out, particularly 
Representative Sheila Jackson Lee, we are in the midst of an American 
crisis, shaking the very foundation of the Black community. The word 
crisis should motivate us to act now. Crisis describes a need for 
immediate action. Crisis calls for an immediate infusion of resources. 
Crisis requires a meeting of minds to find answers.
  If thousands of people disappeared in the prime of their lives, their 
friends, their families, their coworkers having no idea where they 
went, we would be calling that a crisis. Yet, for years, our young, 
Black men have disappeared from their homes, their communities, and 
everything that would have been their lives.
  Violence has taken them. Violence that we could have avoided with 
stronger schools to give youth the outlet that they need. Better jobs 
and job training to prepare these men to be supporters of strong 
families. Prisons have taken these men, prisons that we support through 
a legal system that dehumanizes men of color and enforces policies that 
all but ensure these men will enter an endless cycle of recidivism 
where more than 67 percent of them will come back into the communities 
with no preparation, no assistance whatsoever in becoming whole and 
healthy in their communities.
  This is a nation that is quick to see these Black men as a problem, 
and this is a nation that seems to continue to ignore and deceive the 
slow, steady disappearance of 1.5 million Black men. This is 
devastating to our families and to our whole communities. It is past

[[Page 9625]]

time that we see this for the crisis that it is and invest the 
resources and intellectual power that will end it and save our men and 
our families and our communities.
  There is a very witty African American comic who refers to the crisis 
of Black men and the need to get them on the endangered species list, 
because when we recognize that a species is endangered, we place value 
on that species. We place resources in every opportunity to ensure that 
they continue, that they thrive, and that they live in the habitats 
that are healthy for them.
  Well, this is a situation of an endangered species. This is, indeed, 
a crisis. So I thank my colleagues for drawing attention to this issue.
  Mr. PAYNE. I would like to thank my colleague from the Garden State 
of New Jersey. She has come to the Congress and hit the ground running. 
As great a legislator as she was in New Jersey, she is doing a 
magnificent job here in the Halls of Congress.
  Mr. Speaker, we have touched on many different topics, many different 
issues, and it is just really a difficult circumstance that these 
individuals face, you know; tremendous barriers to reentering society 
and pursuing education and gainful employment.
  When these men are incarcerated, their children suffer, too. Nearly 2 
million children grow up in homes where one parent is in jail. Of 
course, lowering the incarceration rates means we need to reevaluate 
the war on drugs. One out of every three African American men will be 
incarcerated at some point in their lives. Most of these arrests are 
drug related. According to the National Urban League, mandatory 
minimums and disparities in crack cocaine sentencing incarcerates 
countless African Americans for an inhumane length of time, and that 
made the U.S. the world leader in prison population.

                              {time}  1945

  Now, is that something that this country wants to be known for? This 
has created a modern-day caste system in America. The incarceration 
rate for African Americans convicted of drug offenses is 10 times 
greater than that of White Americans, even though Americans engage in 
drug offenses at higher rates.
  We need to focus on rehabilitating drug users instead of 
incarcerating them and making it nearly impossible to reenter society.
  Mr. Speaker, with that, I would like to introduce the hero from last 
week's game between the Republicans and the Democrats where he pitched 
a magnificent game. Once again, we were victorious. I don't believe 
that we have lost since he has arrived in Congress. It is the honorable 
gentleman from New Orleans, the honorable Cedric Richmond, also known 
as ``The Franchise.''
  I yield to the gentleman from Louisiana (Mr. Richmond).
  Mr. RICHMOND. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman from New Jersey for 
hosting our hour tonight, Congressman Donald Payne, who, like the old 
adage, is ``a chip off the old block.'' His father was an outstanding 
Congressman from the district who did a lot for Africa, did a lot for 
urban cities. I see that Congressman Payne, although in his second 
term, has taken up the banner and is following in his father's 
footsteps quite adequately.
  Tonight we are talking about the missing Black male. The good news 
and the bad news is that I found him, and we know where they are. They 
are incarcerated in prisons, they are in cemeteries, and they are in 
unemployment lines.
  We know where they are not. They are not in the homes, and they are 
not providing leadership and mentoring to our young African American 
male children.
  The question tonight, I think, why we are here and why we are talking 
about it is, if you can't talk about the problem and you can't identify 
it, then you will never get to a solution.
  I come from an area and I was raised by parents who always told me 
that you can achieve anything you want to achieve. They gave me the 
nurturing and the support and the push up when I needed it, and they 
gave me the swift kick in the rump when I needed that, also. That is 
where we are.
  I had prepared remarks, and I will defer to the gentleman from New 
Jersey (Mr. Payne) on how he wants to go. But I think there are things 
that we can learn, and I think there are things that we should focus on 
when we talk about the schools, the prison pipeline, when we talk about 
youth summer employment.
  You know, it is amazing that we never, ever talk about it, but some 
of the kids in some of our neighborhoods should get the Congressional 
Gold Medal just for showing up at school every day, because what they 
go through when they get home from school and all night until it is 
time to come to school again are conditions that we shouldn't have 
children living in. The good news is that we can overcome all of that 
by doing criminal justice reform and providing another chance for kids 
and for parents who are incarcerated.
  I had a juvenile court judge a long time ago write an essay and tell 
me a story about the fact that there are so many parents that are in 
jail, but the children are doing the time. And we have to make sure 
that children are not paying for the sins of their parents. That is 
where society will come in, and that is why I thank the gentleman. And 
I have more stuff, and it is just you would like to go forward, Mr. 
Congressman.
  Well, I think it is worthwhile to probably go into a little bit of my 
story, which is a little bit different from your story. And I think it 
is important for kids around the country and some of our colleagues to 
know it.
  My mother is from the poorest place in America. She had 15 brothers 
and sisters. My grandmother was a housekeeper. So the family pulled 
together to take care of the 15 children.
  My mother finished high school, and she went to college at Southern 
University. My father, on the other hand--my grandfather owned a 
funeral home, owned a farm, and was very well-to-do. My mother went to 
Southern University, sharing a jacket with her sister. My father went 
to Southern University with a brand-new deuce-and-a-quarter car because 
my grandfather didn't want him walking around his college campus with a 
bad heart.
  They meet. They get married. They have two boys, and I am the 
youngest. My father dies when I was 7 years old of a heart attack while 
I was home. And I don't say that to say I grew up without a father 
figure and times were hard, because I missed my father and I missed out 
on the love and the nurturing, but I had a mother who was there every 
step of the way as a public schoolteacher. Then I had a grandfather and 
two grandmothers who stepped in to also give me guidance.
  But one of the biggest factors in me developing into what I am today 
is the fact that I lived across the street from a public playground 
that was well funded. So my mother, who was the teacher, and my 
grandfather and grandmother who lived in Mississippi, and my other 
grandmother who lived in Lake Providence, the message was the same: Go 
home from school; do your homework; and then go across the street to 
the playground so that you could participate in organized sports.
  That became very, very important because those men that coached me 
were role models. They didn't know it, and I didn't know it. But I can 
remember them saying: Cedric, you are too talented. You need to be a 
little more serious. You need to get focused.
  They would do the same thing my parents would do, which was give me a 
push when I needed it and give me a swift kick in the butt when I 
needed it. And they led me to do and push myself to achieve things that 
I never thought I could achieve.
  But we don't have that anymore. We have decimated the funding for 
after-school programs. We have decimated the funding for recreation in 
our urban cities. We have decimated the funding for public schools and 
the athletics and the extracurricular activities that go along with 
them.
  I am not sure about your life, Congressman Payne, but those 
activities expose kids to things they never thought that they would 
ever, ever realize. Exposure is very, very good when

[[Page 9626]]

a mind is developing. I don't know if you had those same experiences 
when you were growing up.
  Mr. PAYNE. Well, Mr. Richmond, let me just say, and we have discussed 
it in private before, that I am the product of a very blessed 
circumstance in my life. My mother died when I was 4, and my father 
raised us, my sister and me.
  All the things you talk about benefiting from, I have benefited from. 
But I have never lost the sight and was taught: There but for the grace 
of God go I.
  So I have had circumstances in my life where I have been stopped by 
the police and have been told by that officer using the N word that if 
I did not find my license, they would throw me so far under the jail 
they would never find me.
  Well, I was able to find my license after that and showed it to the 
police officer, and lo and behold, I become a human being again. 
Because, you see, my father was a councilman in that town. But prior to 
me showing my identification, there was the potential of someone never 
seeing me again because a police officer decided that that should be my 
fate. So now this police officer becomes nurturing and is parental and 
he is asking me: Well, don't you know you could get hurt by doing that?
  I had made a U-turn somewhere as a youngster I shouldn't have. But 
does my life have to end because I made a U-turn that I am thrown so 
far under the jail they will never find me until I become a human being 
because my father is a councilman in that city and now there is a 
concern for my well-being? No.
  What about the 1.5 million Black males that don't have that 
recognition that we have? That is why I do what I do every day, to make 
sure that in this Nation, the greatest country in the world, every man 
is playing by the rules, doing what he is supposed to do, has that 
equal opportunity, and the men that need that kick in the rump or that 
extra push get that.
  So my story is a little different, although it sounds the same.
  My father lost his mother at a very early age. He was 8. And the 
family got together to buy a house, some aunts and uncles and the 
grandparents, so they could bring my father and his siblings in so they 
wouldn't get bounced around anymore like they were. And I truly believe 
that is the reason my father never gave my sister and me up because of 
what he went through as a child and his experiences.
  So we have been very fortunate; and your articulation of your 
experience and us understanding that we have an obligation, being as 
fortunate as we have been and to have this bully pulpit, it is our 
obligation to speak out against the injustices that these 1.5 million 
missing Black men face every single day.
  Mr. RICHMOND. Well, Congressman, I would tell you, except that, you 
know, I won't go into any incident that I have had with law 
enforcement. Let's just stipulate and agree that there have been many, 
and each one has made me a better person, some of which were warranted 
and some of which were unwarranted.
  I will say we have raised an interesting question. And your last 
comment, I think, when you described your story with your parents, I 
think, shows how separate all of these issues are, but then how whole 
they are at the same time.
  Because one of the things that many people don't talk about--and I 
wish our colleagues on the other side of the aisle, we could stop 
talking at one another and talk to one another--is that the issue of 
parental lead is so important because, as a bus driver once told our 
leader, every day she sees a parent coming to put their kid on the bus 
with tears in their eyes because they know that that child is sick and 
they should be home with that child, but they absolutely cannot lose a 
day's pay because they won't be able to feed that kid or pay the rent 
or pay to keep the lights on at the end of the month. Those are very 
real circumstances.
  You have to believe that as America, as the United States of America, 
as the greatest country on Earth, the exceptional country that we are, 
we are better than that. We are better than making a parent put that 
kid on the schoolbus going to school sick because they can't afford to 
lose a day's work.
  Let me just give you these statistics in Louisiana, because I don't 
want people to get the impression that it is just urban or it is just 
single-parent families. The Jesuit community at Loyola University in 
Louisiana did a study. One out of three two-parent households in 
Louisiana is economically insecure. Four out of five single-parent 
households, that is 80 percent of the single-parent households in 
Louisiana, are economically insecure. We have to do better than that.
  Raising the minimum wage raises 14 million people out of poverty the 
day the President would sign the law. Those things are important.
  What do those things have to do with the African American male? Well, 
the young African American male has parents. Too often, it is just a 
single mother raising that family. And we have to make sure that they 
have the means and ability to make sure that that kid can eat every 
day, because you absolutely cannot learn in school if you are hungry or 
if you have had a night where you are sleeping in a car or you don't 
have heat and all of those things. I think, as a Congress, we ought to 
come together and look at those very specific issues.
  Mr. PAYNE. You know, the gentleman is absolutely correct. It reminds 
me of another story of some of those households where the circumstances 
are unfathomable.
  My sister is a kindergarten teacher of 25 years. I don't know if she 
would like me telling the length of time, but she had a child in one of 
her classes several years ago, and the child would sleep all through 
class. You know, once or twice, she let it go, but it became a 
persistent pattern.

                              {time}  2000

  She calls the parents and finds out that the reason that the child 
slept in school was it was the only safe place to sleep because, in the 
evening, the rodents that came out of the walls would bite them at 
night, and they would stay up most of the night trying to keep this 
circumstance off of them. When the child got to school, it was the only 
place that they could rest.
  In this country, that is unacceptable, absolutely unacceptable. It is 
circumstances like that--now, how does that child get ahead? They are 
falling behind already, and this is kindergarten. The deck is stacked 
against a lot of these children when they show up to school.
  Head Start and these programs have shown and demonstrated the upward 
mobility that they have given generations of children that need this 
type of service; yet our colleagues continue to thwart efforts to 
increase efforts we know that work--really, just kind of just dismiss 
that any of these social programs that have been instituted have any 
benefit.
  That is not true. It is just not true. We need to continue to bring 
these stories up and explain to people why we fight every single day 
for these issues.
  The whole issue, once again, around mental health issues, people 
walking the streets that need help and end up doing something that they 
are really unable to control and end up incarcerated--how does that 
help them? How does that help the circumstance in this country? Is it 
that we are just hiding the issue? We don't want to deal with it, so we 
just lock it up?
  It is absolutely unconscionable, in this country, that we still act 
as if we are in the 1800s in this day and age.
  Mr. RICHMOND. I am glad you brought up the monetary aspect of it 
because, look, Morehouse College, accounting major, I get numbers, and 
I get the concern that we have about the budget, the deficit and the 
national debt. The other thing that I know from my basic accounting 
classes is that we shouldn't talk about spending as the only criteria 
for how we judge things.
  The conversation in D.C. should be about return on investment. 
Anything that gives us greater than a 1 to 1 return, then we can use 
whatever is greater than 1 to pay down the debt and the deficit and get 
us to a more balanced country.

[[Page 9627]]

  Let me give you an exact example. You used Head Start, early 
childhood education. You get a 9 to 1 return on every dollar that you 
spend. Now, I am not chairman of Ways and Means; I am not over the 
Budget Committee; I am not on Appropriations, but in my simple 
household, when I was young, I knew that $9 was greater than $1, and 
that if you spend $1 and you could get $9 back, you could do great 
things with that extra $9, like spend $4 of it on reducing the debt, 
spend another $5 on other programs that would give kids the opportunity 
to reach their full development, to also reduce crime, which means not 
only do you have less people incarcerated, but you have less victims of 
crime.
  When we start evaluating the programs that we are talking about, that 
is what we need to focus on.
  In Louisiana, when I was in the legislature, we paid around $9,000 a 
year to our public schools to educate each kid, and we were spending 
about $45,000 a year to incarcerate a juvenile. Now, in my public 
school education, that $45,000 is far greater than that $9,000, and it 
just doesn't make sense.
  As we talk about the $6 billion that we spend on incarcerating 
juveniles in this country--any given day, we have 70,000 juveniles that 
are in jail--$6 billion. We could spend that money in better places to 
do better things to make the country safer and to help them reach their 
potential.
  That is why I am glad that we are having this conversation tonight 
because it is about not just complaining about the problem, but 
identifying it and figuring out a way to solve it. I think that both 
sides could come together to try to solve this problem because, hey, 
victims of crime are victims of crime, and we should do everything we 
can to reduce that number.
  Also, we need to get back to what I thought and still do think makes 
this country the greatest country on Earth, is the fact that we care 
and we love our neighbors and we want to see them do well. If we really 
want to see them do well, then let's invest in those things. Let's put 
our money where our mouth is, and let's do the things that we know we 
can do.
  If anybody is interested in really having that conversation, I know 
that both of us and the entire Black Caucus, we are willing to engage 
in that conversation. It is not all about spending money, but it is 
about spending it where you get a return and helping families be a 
family unit to nurture and push kids to achieve everything they can and 
give them that swift kick in the butt when they need it to achieve that 
also.
  I just want to thank you, Congressman, for allowing me to participate 
in this Special Order Hour tonight to talk about an amazing--well, not 
an amazing problem, but an incredible problem that this country faces 
and the fact that we have the leadership to help solve that problem.
  Mr. Speaker, I believe in the adage, ``Education is the only sure way 
for many children to escape poverty.''


            Creating Opportunity for Our Young Men and Boys

  Invest in our economy and infrastructure, 21st century manufacturing, 
job training, and raise the minimum wage.
  More investments in summer jobs, summer recreation, and summer 
community service.


  Criminal Justice Reforms to help give our young men a second chance 
                          after mistakes made

  Better training for our police forces on cultural sensitivity and 
proper respect for our communities.
  End the school to prison pipeline--pass my bill (see separate 
section).


                     youth opportunity legislation

  To help ensure a strong, coordinated effort to give schools the tools 
they need to be schools instead of ``pipelines to prison,'' and do more 
to build habits that will lead to success in the future, I have 
introduced the Student Disciplinary Fairness Act of 2015 and the Youth 
Summer Jobs and Public Service Act of 2015.
  Juveniles that have been incarcerated are much more likely to become 
criminals later in life and much less likely to achieve economic 
success but providing employment opportunity increases the likelihood 
of favorable outcomes.
  All of us who care about building strong, prosperous communities must 
do everything we can to ensure that involving our youth in the criminal 
justice system is used as a last resort, not as a routine first 
response.
  We must make smart investments in our youth so that they can be 
present and visible in society and the 21st century economy.
  Mr. PAYNE. I want to thank the gentleman from Louisiana for his 
remarks, and I appreciate him being involved in tonight's Special 
Order.
  I am not surprised that he would be here on such an important topic. 
He has demonstrated numerous times his commitment to young people and 
their aspirations and motivating them to do the right thing and be 
successful, as he has been.
  One thing that comes to my mind, Mr. Speaker, is as we talk about 
this issue, what is it that we find these 1.5 million men missing? They 
are human beings. They are Americans. What is the difference about 
these 1.5 million men, that they are African American? Does it go back 
in our history of 300 years? Does it have something to do with us, as a 
race?
  I just wonder, sometimes, what is the difference; but I won't go 
there.
  Mr. Speaker, in closing, I would like to thank the members of the 
Congressional Black Caucus here tonight for sharing their profound 
insights and observations. Your participation was greatly appreciated.
  Every Monday night in this House, we have a remarkable opportunity to 
speak about the important work of the CBC to advance full equality and 
justice for African Americans in all communities in this Nation.
  One of the most significant challenges our communities face is that 
of ``the missing black male.'' Once again, to quote The New York Times: 
``More than one out of every six black men who today should be between 
25 and 54 years old have disappeared from daily life.''
  Many of these men are incarcerated. Others have died from homicide 
and from disease that disproportionately affects African American 
males. The consequences of these missing men are severe, not just for 
the men themselves, but for their families and for the entire society.
  Strong communities lay the foundation to strong societies, but when 
our criminal justice system emphasizes incarceration over 
rehabilitation, we make it increasingly difficult for those individuals 
to become productive members of society. We need a system that holds 
criminals accountable, while focusing on rehabilitation of nonviolent 
criminals.
  If we are truly to make our communities more secure, we also need to 
address health disparities among African American men. Health 
disparities are a burden to African American communities. African 
American men suffer from a number of disease, including colorectal 
cancer, at higher rates than their White counterparts.
  Part of the problem has to do with stigmas, and this is an area which 
I have been working hard to address in my capacity as co-chair of the 
Congressional Men's Health Caucus.
  Along those lines, we need to eliminate the stigmas around mental 
health and make sure that those suffering from mental illness have the 
resources they need. No one struggling with mental illness should feel 
isolated and that they have nowhere to turn. It is clear that we are 
not doing enough, as a society, to get them the help they need.
  We should not be seeing an uptick in the number of African American 
boys dying from suicide, that dreaded suicide rate. For these young 
boys and for others, we need to listen, and we need to encourage them 
not to be afraid to seek help.
  The problem of ``the missing black male'' is not going to be resolved 
overnight, but closing the gap is a goal we all need to aspire to for 
ourselves, for our community, and for our Nation.
  Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.
  Ms. KELLY of Illinois. Mr. Speaker, I thank my colleague for yielding 
as we continue our conversation about the challenges facing black males 
today.
  As Chairwoman of the CBC Health Braintrust, I want to discuss the 
health challenges and health outcomes for black men.
  There are a wide range of dangers and health threats that 
disproportionately affect

[[Page 9628]]

black men. Some of these, we've known about for decades, and can be 
mitigated with the right treatments. While others are emerging issues 
that require more research, more debate, and more innovation. The end 
result is that black men have the lowest life expectancy, highest death 
rate, and have some of the worst health outcomes across demographics.
  Black men suffer disproportionately from chronic illnesses, such as 
cancer and heart disease. In fact, according to the Centers for Disease 
Control and prevention, heart disease and cancer are the two leading 
causes of death for African American men.
  Heart disease is the number one killer for all American men. But 
today, African American men remain disproportionately at risk for heart 
disease. 42.6 percent of black men suffer from high blood pressure, 
compared to 33.4 percent of white men. And nearly 44 percent of African 
American men suffer from some form of cardiovascular disease that can 
lead to strokes and heart attacks.
  As for cancer, black men are more than twice as likely to die from 
prostate cancer as white men and have a higher incidence and death rate 
from colorectal cancer.
  A study published this April in the Journal of the American Medical 
Association found that African Americans were 58 percent more likely 
than white people to develop prostate cancer. The same study also found 
that obese black men had a 103 percent increased prostate cancer risk 
compared to obese white men.
  Obesity has also been connected with heart disease and other chronic 
illnesses. And today almost 40 percent of African American men are 
obese, 69 percent are obese or overweight.
  These are serious issues that pose serious health dangers to black 
men. We may not know exactly why black men are so much more at risk for 
these ailments. But we DO know what we can do to reduce the health 
risks and take action to prevent disease.
  That's why as we celebrate National Men's Health Week this week, I 
want to encourage all men to take action--exercise, eat right, and get 
a check up. As Chairwoman of the CBC Health Braintrust, I'll be pushing 
the conversation forward and working to pass legislation to fund more 
research and promote health education so that all Americans can 
continue living healthy lives.
  Mr. Speaker, I want to take a moment to discuss two issues that are 
plaguing the next generation of black Americans. These being issues 
related to violence--gun violence and suicide.
  Starting with gun violence. In underserved communities around 
America, children are growing up in fear. Kids are playing tag indoors, 
instead of out on their front lawn. Mothers worry about their child 
walking home from school.
  Gun violence in America disproportionately affects African Americans 
and more specifically African American males. Today, 50 percent of all 
deaths for black males aged 15-24 are homicides, usually involving a 
gun. And this year, we are on track for gun violence to become the 
leading cause of death for young black males.
  In the first six months of this year, the Redeye Chicago, a local 
publication, tracked 157 gun related homicides in the city. Nearly 130 
of them involved black males. This isn't an isolated problem. An 
analysis of the FBI's national database of supplementary homicide 
reports revealed that across the country 17,422 black males ages 13 to 
30 have been killed by firearms since 2008.
  It's time we change this. Through common-sense legislation, we can 
ensure that fear of gun violence is no longer the status quo in our 
communities. That's one of the reasons I released the Kelly Report on 
Gun Violence last summer. This was the first comprehensive 
Congressional report on the gun violence problem in America, and 
included effective policy strategies to reduce gun violence in America. 
I ask that my colleagues consider some of the ideas in that report 
online.
  And continuing to speak of violence, I want to bring attention to the 
alarming increase in suicide among young black boys.
  In 1982, the New York Times wrote an article entitled, ``Why Are 
Blacks Less Suicide Prone than Whites?'' I stand here now asking ``Why 
are black boys becoming more suicide prone?''
  According to a recently published study in the Journal of the 
American Medical Association, while the overall suicide rate has 
remained stagnant over the past 20 years, tragically the suicide rate 
among black boys as young as ten years old has nearly doubled. Almost 
20 percent of these suicides are attributed to gun-related wounds.
  This shocking and tragic issue is receiving very little attention in 
our national media and it's being overlooked in our national discussion 
on mental health. Just last month, our colleague, Congressman Emanuel 
Cleaver wrote President Barack Obama calling for a task force to 
examine this issue. In his letter, Congressman Cleaver noted that this 
was the first time that any national survey found a higher suicide rate 
for blacks than for individuals of other ethnicities.
  Whether you're black, white, Latino, or a veteran, Congress can do 
more to take necessary health care measures to address suicides. This 
Congress must work to end the horrific epidemic that is preventing 
young black boys from growing up and reaching their full potential.

                          ____________________