[Congressional Record (Bound Edition), Volume 161 (2015), Part 2]
[Senate]
[Pages 1970-1971]
[From the U.S. Government Publishing Office, www.gpo.gov]




                                UKRAINE

  Mr. COATS. Mr. President, each time I have taken to the floor to 
comment on the Ukrainian crisis which I have done often the situation 
in that hard pressed country is worse. Today we see renewed and even 
more violent Russian aggression ripping off more ragged bites of 
Ukrainian territory.
  Now, ten months after Russia's invasion of its neighbor, we are again 
seeing calls for more assistance to Ukraine, including providing 
weapons that would better enable the Ukrainians to defend themselves. 
But still the White House dithers--baffled again by the complexities of 
a world that pleads for leadership. Once again we are absent not just 
leading from behind, which is bad enough, but in many cases not leading 
at all, and the world continues to look to us for guidance and for 
support in dealing with some of these crises.
  The plight of Ukraine, torn to bits by Russian aggression, is among 
many foreign policy problems that have been aggravated by U.S. policy 
failures. Those failures have come from a White House isolated in a 
wasteland of confusion. The Obama administration has no coherent 
strategy for dealing with the world other than, in a now famous 
paraphrase, ``Don't do stupid stuff''--whatever that means. But not 
doing anything is stupid stuff, and a lot of times that is exactly what 
is coming out of the White House nothing.
  At the same time, we in Congress need to look at ourselves. We must 
concede that Congress also has failed to grapple with these pressing 
issues particularly over the last ten months relative to Ukraine. We 
also have failed to live up to our constitutional responsibilities. We, 
too, have failed to offer or compel solutions when congressional action 
could have helped.
  One way in which we can correct that record is by giving the 
Ukrainian crisis our renewed attention. I am happy to say, under 
Republican leadership, despite what we have been prevented

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from doing in the past ten months, we are now in a position to begin 
doing just that.
  Why Ukraine, and why does it deserve our full attention? For the 
first time since the Second World War, a European state has invaded and 
annexed the territory of a neighbor. This outrageous contravention of 
every possible standard of state behavior in the modern world passed by 
without a response that could have reversed the outrage and without the 
reaction that might forestall it being repeated in other states 
bordering on Russia. We will see what happens.
  Vladimir Putin's ruthless ambitions have been backed by a massive 
Soviet style propaganda campaign that continues to include outrageous, 
bald faced lying by the President of Russia and his most senior Russian 
officials. They continue to deny what has been obvious to the world and 
documented, verified facts about Russian troops and equipment flowing 
into Ukraine and the obvious intentions of further territorial 
expansion.
  Joseph Goebbels, Hitler's propaganda chief, invented the ``big lie'' 
theory that Putin is using to great effect. Hitler famously said that 
many people tell small lies, but few have the guts to tell really big 
ones, and when they do and the lies are repeated over and over, they 
become a new truth. Tragically, I believe we are at that stage in the 
Ukraine crisis.
  At the onset of this crisis, I drafted and introduced a resolution 
supporting the territorial integrity of the Ukraine and condemning 
Russian aggression. Later, I created and introduced the Crimea 
Annexation Non recognition Act and the Russian Weapons Embargo Act. I 
also cosponsored the Russian Aggression Prevention Act and the Ukraine 
Freedom Support Act. Unfortunately, none of these measures emerged from 
the Senate Foreign Relations Committee during the previous session of 
Congress, all stymied by the committee's prior leadership. The only 
measure that did pass the Senate was one I coauthored and sponsored 
with Senator Durbin, a resolution condemning illegal Russian aggression 
in Ukraine. So the Senate's record of legislative inaction does not 
show a Senate that has dealt effectively with this international 
crisis.
  It is more difficult to criticize the administration for being 
ineffective when we in the Senate have also failed to pass almost any 
meaningful legislation to provide the executive branch with the advice 
and guidance it so obviously requires. I trust the record will improve 
this year and that change will begin immediately. I believe this is 
happening, and we will see that on this floor shortly.
  In the meantime, the civil war in Ukraine continues and, until last 
week, almost beneath the radar. With renewed vigor, separatists, newly 
armed and reinforced by Russia, are waging latest and continuing 
battles for territory in eastern Ukraine. There is little pretense at 
even trying to disguise the involvement of Putin's Russia in these 
renewed attacks. At least 6,000 people have been killed by combat in 
Ukraine, more than 1,000 of them since the latest so called cease fire 
allegedly took effect. At least half a million people are internal 
refugees.
  But the even greater ongoing tragedy is the geopolitical catastrophe. 
A newly aggressive Russia, driven by destructive delusions of 
nationalistic destiny, poses a threat to the stability of the region 
and to Europe itself. This is a completely self-evident reality for our 
allies on Russia's periphery, including those such as Poland and the 
Baltic States, who in the past have been crushed into nonexistence by 
Russian aggression.
  If we in Congress together with the executive branch and if the 
United States together with our European allies cannot respond to 
Putin's Russia in a way that stops this dangerous aggression, then he 
will have won. Putin is counting on the force of his troops and his 
propaganda machine to create a fait accompli to which we will have 
little or no reply. He is counting on our distraction and exhaustion to 
give him a free pass. He is counting on the political complexity of our 
democracy to obstruct sound policymaking. And he is counting on us to 
falter just at the moment when his violent aggression is paying off and 
his people are prepared for more.
  I am speaking today to urge the Senate to work quickly to change 
Putin's calculations about the costs he and his nation will suffer 
should Russia not return to rational, responsible modern state 
behavior. Leading in this manner will not be easy. Yes, we are besieged 
with foreign policy issues. Yes, providing the needed Senate response 
and meaningful legislative proposals is difficult. Yes, ultimately the 
final responsibility and leadership rests with the President. But the 
Senate historically has been instrumental in developing and influencing 
U.S. foreign policy. At this critical time, we must do so again, and we 
must do so again particularly because so little comes our way from 1600 
Pennsylvania Avenue.
  Mr. President, I yield the floor.
  I suggest the absence of a quorum.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The clerk will call the roll.
  The bill clerk proceeded to call the roll.
  Mr. KING. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order for 
the quorum call be rescinded.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered.

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