[Congressional Record (Bound Edition), Volume 161 (2015), Part 11]
[House]
[Pages 15526-15534]
[From the U.S. Government Publishing Office, www.gpo.gov]




              JUSTICE FOR VICTIMS OF IRANIAN TERRORISM ACT

  Mr. ROYCE. Madam Speaker, pursuant to House Resolution 449, I call up 
the bill (H.R. 3457) to prohibit the lifting of sanctions on Iran until 
the Government of Iran pays the judgments against it for acts of 
terrorism, and for other purposes, and ask for its immediate 
consideration.
  The Clerk read the title of the bill.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. Pursuant to House Resolution 449, the 
amendment in the nature of a substitute printed in House Report 114-
273, is adopted and the bill, as amended, is considered read.
  The text of the bill, as amended, is as follows:

                               H.R. 3457

       Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of 
     the United States of America in Congress assembled,

     SECTION 1. SHORT TITLE.

       This Act may be cited as the ``Justice for Victims of 
     Iranian Terrorism Act''.

     SEC. 2. PROHIBITION ON LIFTING OF SANCTIONS ON IRAN PENDING 
                   PAYMENT OF CERTAIN JUDGMENTS.

       (a) In General.--Notwithstanding any other provision of 
     law, the President may not take any of the actions described 
     in subsection (b) until the President has certified to the 
     Congress that the Government of Iran has paid each judgment 
     against Iran that is described in subsection (c).
       (b) Actions Described.--
       (1) In general.--The actions described in this subsection 
     are the following:
       (A) To waive, suspend, reduce, provide relief from, or 
     otherwise limit the application of sanctions described in 
     paragraph (2) or refrain from applying any such sanctions.
       (B) To remove a foreign person listed in Attachment 3 or 
     Attachment 4 to Annex II of the Joint Comprehensive Plan of 
     Action from the list of specially designated nationals and 
     blocked persons maintained by the Office of Foreign Asset 
     Control of the Department of the Treasury.
       (2) Sanctions described.--The sanctions described in this 
     paragraph are--
       (A) the sanctions described in sections 4 through 7.9 of 
     Annex II of the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action; and
       (B) the sanctions described in any other agreement related 
     to the nuclear program of Iran that includes the United 
     States, commits the United States to take action, or pursuant 
     to which the United States commits or otherwise agrees to 
     take action, regardless of the form it takes, whether a 
     political commitment or otherwise, and regardless of whether 
     it is legally binding or not.
       (c) Judgments.--A judgment is a judgment described in this 
     subsection if it is a final judgment entered by the courts of 
     the United States or of the States--
       (1) that relates to a claim--
       (A) that was brought against Iran or its political 
     subdivisions, agencies, or instrumentalities (regardless of 
     whether the claim was also brought, or the resulting judgment 
     was also entered, against another defendant); and
       (B) for which the court determined that Iran (or its 
     political subdivisions, agencies, or instrumentalities, as 
     the case may be) was not immune from the jurisdiction of the 
     courts of the United States or of the States under section 
     1605A, or section 1605(a)(7) (as such section was in effect 
     on January 27, 2008), of title 28, United States Code; and
       (2) that was entered during the period beginning on April 
     24, 1996, and ending on the date of the enactment of this 
     Act.
       (d) Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action Described.--In this 
     section, the term ``Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action'' 
     means the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action, agreed to at 
     Vienna on July 14, 2015, by Iran and by the People's Republic 
     of China, France, Germany, the Russian Federation, the United 
     Kingdom and the United States, with the High Representative 
     of the European Union for Foreign Affairs and Security 
     Policy, and all implementing materials and agreements related 
     to the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action.

  The SPEAKER pro tempore. The gentleman from California (Mr. Royce) 
and the gentleman from New York (Mr. Engel) each will control 30 
minutes.
  The Chair recognizes the gentleman from California.


                             General Leave

  Mr. ROYCE. Madam Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members 
may have 5 legislative days to revise and extend their remarks and to 
submit extraneous materials on this measure.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. Is there objection to the request of the 
gentleman from California?
  There was no objection.
  Mr. ROYCE. Madam Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
  I rise in strong support of this bill. This is the Justice for 
Victims of Iranian Terrorism Act.
  I appreciate the work of the bill's author, Mr. Meehan of 
Pennsylvania. He has worked very hard on this. There are about 100 
cosponsors in this House.
  On the Foreign Affairs Committee, we have made Iran the central focus 
of our work. As a matter of fact, we have had over 30 hearings and 
briefings so far on Iran and on the dangerous nuclear agreement that 
was struck with this state sponsor of terrorism.
  Madam Speaker, since coming to power in the late 1970s--well, 1979--
the Iranian regime has funded terrorist groups such as Hezbollah and 
Hamas and directed their operations.
  Now, the way they do that is they have a special force. It is called 
the Quds Force. It is headed up by General Soleimani. He is in charge 
of assassinations outside the country, assassinations of U.S. targets, 
by the way, besides other targets.
  Recently you will have heard of General Soleimani because--by the 
way, European sanctions are going to be lifted on him under this 
agreement, but you will have read or heard that he traveled--he 
traveled--to Moscow to meet with Putin. As a result of those meetings, 
you will notice the discussions about weapons coming from Russia into 
Syria into the hands of the Quds Forces.
  So we look at what he has done and what U.S. courts have done as a 
result. There have been 80 separate attacks on U.S. installations and 
U.S. individuals. We remember the 1983 bombing of the U.S. marine 
barracks in Beirut, the 1996 bombing of the Khobar Towers in Saudi 
Arabia. Those two attacks killed 260 American servicemen and left their

[[Page 15527]]

widows and left children to be raised by one parent.
  There are judgments that have been rendered that direct payment from 
Iran to these families, to the victims' families. Unfortunately, under 
the Foreign Sovereign Immunities Act, even though this reward has been 
given, even though U.S. victims of state-sponsored terrorism got their 
day in court, and even though they have brought the suits in U.S. 
courts and had the right to collect these damages, Iran has not as of 
yet paid.
  U.S. courts have held Iran liable for the attacks carried out by its 
terrorist proxies when those attacks were orchestrated and paid for by 
the Iranian regime. The judgments that remain outstanding are $43.5 
billion in unpaid damages for those 80 cases over the last decade and a 
half.
  In one case, $9 billion was awarded to the victims of the bombing of 
the marine barracks in 1983. Again, the Government of Iran was found 
responsible through lawful proceedings in a U.S. court. That judgment 
remains unpaid.
  Madam Speaker, the Obama administration during its negotiations with 
Iran did not seek for Iran to compensate the families of those whose 
lives were taken by Iranian terrorism despite these U.S. court 
judgments. That is very much in contrast with our past procedure.
  In the case of Libya, for example, a decade ago, when we reached that 
agreement with Libya, the U.S. secured the right or the demand that the 
Qadhafi regime compensate the victims of the attacks, such as the 
bombing of Pan Am 103 over Lockerbie, Scotland. That was $2.5 billion. 
That was done. That is our procedure.
  Iran will soon obtain $100 billion, approximately, in unfrozen assets 
as well as immeasurable economic and financial benefits by escaping the 
sanctions regime and reintegrating into the global economy. Iran will 
get sanctions lifted and American victims will still be out in the 
cold. That is not right.
  This legislation would address that injustice. It is straightforward. 
It would say that, of the $100 billion and some in sanctions relief, 
those judgments will be paid out of that. That $43 billion will be paid 
to the survivors of those families of those 80 attacks orchestrated, 
paid for, by Iran.
  I reserve the balance of my time.

                                         House of Representatives,


                                  Committee on Ways and Means,

                               Washington, DC, September 30, 2015.
     Hon. Edward R. Royce,
     Chairman, Committee on Foreign Affairs, House of 
         Representatives, Washington, DC.
       Dear Mr. Chairman: I am writing with respect to H.R. 3457, 
     the ``Justice for Victims of Iranian Terrorism Act,'' which 
     was referred to the Committee on Foreign Affairs.
       H.R. 3457 involves issues that fall within Rule X 
     jurisdiction of the Committee on Ways and Means. As a result 
     of your having consulted with the Committee and in order to 
     expedite the House's consideration of H.R. 3457, the 
     Committee on Ways and Means will not assert its 
     jurisdictional claim over this bill by seeking a sequential 
     referral. However, this is conditional on our mutual 
     understanding and agreement that doing so will in no way 
     diminish or alter the jurisdiction of the Committee with 
     respect to the appointment of conferees or to any future 
     jurisdictional claim over the subject matters contained in 
     the bill or similar legislation.
       I would appreciate a response to this letter confirming 
     this understanding with respect to H.R. 3457, and would ask 
     that a copy of our exchange of letters on this matter be 
     included in the Congressional Record during Floor 
     consideration of H.R. 3457.
           Sincerely,
                                                     Paul D. Ryan,
     Chairman.
                                  ____

                                         House of Representatives,


                                 Committee on Foreign Affairs,

                               Washington, DC, September 30, 2015.
     Hon. Paul Ryan,
     Chairman, Committee on Ways and Means, House of 
         Representatives, Washington, DC.
       Dear Chairman Ryan: Thank you for consulting with the 
     Committee on Foreign Affairs on H.R. 3457, the Justice for 
     Victims of Iranian Terrorism Act, which involves issues 
     within the Rule X jurisdiction of the Committee on Ways and 
     Means, and for agreeing to forgo a sequential referral 
     request so that it may proceed expeditiously to the Floor.
       I agree that your forgoing further action on this measure 
     does not in any way diminish or alter the jurisdiction of the 
     Committee on Ways and Means, or prejudice its jurisdictional 
     prerogatives on this bill or similar legislation in the 
     future. I would support your effort to seek appointment of an 
     appropriate number of conferees to any House-Senate 
     conference involving this legislation.
       I will seek to place our letters on H.R. 3457 into the 
     Congressional Record during floor consideration of the bill. 
     I appreciate your cooperation regarding this legislation and 
     look forward to continuing to work with the Committee on Ways 
     and Means as this measure moves through the legislative 
     process.
           Sincerely,
                                                  Edward R. Royce,
     Chairman.
                                  ____

                                         House of Representatives,


                                   Committee on the Judiciary,

                               Washington, DC, September 28, 2015.
     Hon. Ed Royce,
     Chairman, Committee on Foreign Affairs, Washington, DC.
       Dear Chairman Royce: I am writing with respect to H.R. 
     3457, the ``Justice for Victims of Iranian Terrorism Act,'' 
     which was referred to the Committee on Foreign Affairs.
       H.R. 3457 involves issues that fall within the Rule X 
     jurisdiction of the Committee on the Judiciary. As a result 
     of your having consulted with the Committee and in order to 
     expedite the House's consideration of H.R. 3457, the 
     Committee on the Judiciary will not assert is jurisdictional 
     claim over this bill by seeking a sequential referral. 
     However, this is conditional on our mutual understanding and 
     agreement that doing so will in no way diminish or alter the 
     jurisdiction of the Committee on the Judiciary with respect 
     to the appointment of conferees or to any future 
     jurisdictional claim over the subject matters contained in 
     the bill or similar legislation.
       I would appreciate a response to this letter confirming 
     this understanding with respect to H.R. 3457, and would ask 
     that a copy of our exchange of letters on this matter be 
     included in the Congressional Record during Floor 
     consideration of H.R. 3457.
           Sincerely,
                                                    Bob Goodlatte,
     Chairman.
                                  ____

                                         House of Representatives,


                                 Committee on Foreign Affairs,

                               Washington, DC, September 28, 2015.
     Hon. Bob Goodlatte,
     Chairman, Committee on the Judiciary, Washington, DC.
       Dear Mr. Chairman: Thank you for consulting with the 
     Committee on Foreign Affairs on H.R. 3457, the Justice for 
     Victims of Iranian Terrorism Act, which involves issues 
     within the Rule X jurisdiction of the Committee on the 
     Judiciary, and for agreeing to forgo a sequential referral 
     request so that it may proceed expeditiously to the Floor.
       I agree that your forgoing further action on this measure 
     does not in any way diminish or alter the jurisdiction of the 
     Committee on the Judiciary, or prejudice its jurisdictional 
     prerogatives on this bill or similar legislation in the 
     future. I would support your effort to seek appointment of an 
     appropriate number of conferees to any House-Senate 
     conference involving this legislation.
       I will seek to place our letters on H.R. 3457 into the 
     Congressional Record during floor consideration of the bill. 
     I appreciate your cooperation regarding this legislation and 
     look forward to continuing to work with the Committee on the 
     Judiciary as this measure moves through the legislative 
     process.
           Sincerely,
                                                  Edward R. Royce,
                                                         Chairman.

  Mr. ENGEL. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
  I rise in opposition to the bill.
  Let me start by acknowledging my friend, Chairman Royce. The 
Committee on Foreign Affairs is the most bipartisan committee in 
Congress. We are collaborative, we are productive, and we have built a 
record advancing bipartisan legislation that promotes American 
interests abroad and keeps the American people safe. I want to state 
that Chairman Royce's leadership is to thank for much of our 
committee's good work.
  So I am disappointed that the House Republican leadership decided to 
ignore regular order on this bill. They have rushed it to the floor 
without any consideration by the Foreign Affairs Committee. As has been 
pointed out, we have had 30 hearings. We know a little bit about Iran 
on the Foreign Affairs Committee.
  So rushing it to the floor without any consideration by the Foreign 
Affairs Committee is wrong. I think it is a shame. Because I think, 
left to our own volition, we could have sent forward a bill that could 
make a difference for the victims of Iranian-sponsored terrorism. 
Iranian-sponsored terrorism is there, it is palpable, and we should do 
something to try to help the victims.
  But this bill, on the other hand, would not do that. Let me explain 
why. American courts have awarded roughly

[[Page 15528]]

$46 billion to about 1,300 victims and their families. We all want 
justice for these families. We all want to hold Iran accountable for 
its act of terrorism against Americans. Iran should pay these claims. 
But this bill does nothing for the victims of Iranian terror.
  Here is the problem. Let's assume for argument that Iran's leaders 
did change course and decide to pay the claims. This bill would 
actually make it more difficult for Iran to pay these judgments.
  Iran owes American claimants $46 billion, but Iran has access to $20 
billion of its cash reserves, not $46 billion. The rest--$95 billion--
is frozen in bank accounts in Europe and Asia.
  On top of that, Iran's oil revenues are frozen. When Iran sells oil, 
the payments are kept frozen under the threat of American sanctions, 
which I support. Iran can access these funds only for certain purposes. 
Paying court judgments is not one of them. Current U.S. sanctions don't 
allow it.

                              {time}  1100

  And under this bill, all U.S. sanctions are kept in effect, 
absolutely no changes allowed, until Iran pays the full $46 billion.
  So where would Iran get the money to pay the American claims?
  The bill says: Iran, pay the claims, but you can't have any of the 
funds to pay them. So it is a catch-22. And who does it hurt? Not Iran. 
It hurts the victims. Not a single claim would be paid under this bill. 
So, in my opinion, this bill offers nothing but false hope.
  Now, I have heard some Members say, well, we can pay the claims by 
seizing Iran's frozen assets, but that is really not the case. 
Virtually all of Iran's funds frozen under our sanctions are overseas, 
not in the U.S. Though they are frozen by U.S. sanctions, they are 
beyond the jurisdiction of our courts to seize them.
  Another false promise: virtually all of Iran's assets will stay 
overseas. Under this bill, they would be required to be kept overseas 
because all U.S. sanctions would be kept in effect by law with no 
change allowed.
  So let's be honest. This bill is not really about helping these 
victims. It is about exploiting their plight and their tragedy to make 
a political splash.
  Look, everyone here knows I am no fan of the Iran nuclear agreement. 
I voted against it, but the other side won. Whether you are for or 
against the deal, it is time to be realistic about what happens next.
  In my opinion, there were two potential courses. The first is to do 
everything we can to strengthen enforcement of the agreement and hold 
Iran to its commitments. We should double down on our support for 
friends and allies in the region. We should crack down on Iran's 
support for terrorist organizations. We should push leaders in Tehran 
to release detained Americans and improve its abysmal record on human 
rights. That is the course I hope we will take. I will soon introduce 
legislation to pursue those aims, and I will work with members of both 
parties to get these measures to the President's desk.
  The other course would be doing to the Iran agreement what leaders on 
the other side have tried to do to the Affordable Care Act, and that is 
what I am afraid of here: vote after vote after vote after vote, 
whether we like it or not, on an issue that has already been voted on 
by this Chamber many, many times. I don't want the dispute on Iran to 
turn into the Affordable Care Act where we try to kill it 60 different 
ways.
  We should not be using this for political purposes. We should be 
passing legislation, which I know we can get out of the Foreign Affairs 
Committee in a collaborative way, that would really do something to 
help these victims, that would really do something to hold Iran 
accountable for all its reprehensible acts. So I hope that what we are 
doing today is not the path we are going down not only now, but in the 
future with other things.
  There was a measure in the Senate that was very similar to this, 
which tried to hold Iran to certain things and say that the funds 
couldn't be released unless Iran did this or did that. We could do this 
another 60 times; it would be counterproductive. Let's put our heads 
together. Let's figure out a way that we can continue to hold Iran 
accountable, and let's move on that way.
  So I hope we can move past this bill and start working on measures to 
ensure that the Iran agreement is implemented as strongly and 
stringently as possible. I hope we can get back to our regular practice 
in the Foreign Affairs Committee of which we have been so proud and 
focus on making policy that leaves politics at the water's edge.
  I reserve the balance of my time.
  Mr. ROYCE. The administration is arguing, Mr. Speaker, that although 
the Iranian regime has access to over $20 billion and that this 
judgment is $43 billion, there isn't enough money there to make 
payment. In addition to the 20-some billion, Iran is in the process 
right now of negotiation and paying and supporting in transfers to 
other regimes.
  For example, a report out this week says Iran is purchasing $21 
billion of airplanes and satellites from Russia. That is $21 billion. 
Iran somehow has the money to do that, but it doesn't have the money 
for this claim.
  A report out about a month ago says that Iran's annual support for 
Hezbollah is over $100 million per year. Somehow they have got the 
spending cash for that.
  It is providing the Syrian regime, one estimate of one of the think 
tanks here in town is that they have provided them a little over $10 
billion a year.
  So Iran somehow has the discretionary money for these other purposes, 
but not for the purpose of the judgments won in U.S. court for over 
1,000 victims or family members of the victims of their attacks.
  I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from Texas (Mr. Poe), chairman of 
the Foreign Affairs Subcommittee on Terrorism, Nonproliferation, and 
Trade.
  Mr. POE of Texas. Mr. Speaker, I thank Mr. Meehan for this 
legislation.
  Mr. Speaker, the Iranian ayatollah has preached and practiced ``Death 
to America'' since the 1970s.
  Iran is a state sponsor of terrorism. Iran has been sued in Federal 
courts by the families of the murdered victims. Iran is guilty of the 
murder of 421 Americans in Beirut, Lebanon, in 1983. Iran is guilty of 
the murder of 19 servicemembers and injuring 372 others in Saudi Arabia 
in 1996. Iran is guilty of murdering a thousand other Americans, 
including some in Iraq and Afghanistan.
  Federal courts have awarded the victim and families over $40 billion 
for these crimes, but Iran will not pay. It laughs at the death of the 
innocent it has murdered. It laughs at American justice.
  Well, Mr. Speaker, it is about time for the long arm of American 
justice to hold Iran accountable for its sins--make them pay.
  I don't understand why some appeasers are more concerned about the 
murderous Iranian regime than they are about justice, justice for the 
victims that were murdered by this regime.
  Let the ayatollah know he cannot get a diplomatic pass or sanctions 
relief until he pays for his crimes. The ayatollah has sown the seeds 
of murder, and now it is time for Iran to reap the consequences of 
their crimes.
  It seems to me that the voices of the murdered cry out for us to do 
something for justice, justice for them that has been too long waiting. 
This bill, in my opinion, will do it.
  It is about time we have justice because justice is what we are 
supposed to do in this country.
  And that is just the way it is.
  Mr. ENGEL. Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from 
Minnesota (Mr. Ellison).
  Mr. ELLISON. Mr. Speaker, I urge Members to vote ``no'' on this 
particular bill.
  You know, once we were able to secure this negotiation and once the 
deal was put in place, the focus of our attention should shift to 
making sure that Iran lives up to its commitments, and we should use 
this prior negotiation as a template for negotiating other issues, 
including the captives, including the interests of these victims talked 
about here today.
  What this bill does is it handcuffs the President and says that the 
President

[[Page 15529]]

doesn't have any discretion to do his end of this bargain, to exercise 
his discretion to forward and help America and the P5+1 live up to our 
end of the bargain. That is the wrong way to go.
  So I can credit the authors of this bill with having good intentions, 
but I think that the method that they are going about it is just wrong.
  Let's use the template that has been developed through the 
negotiation process to go back and say, ``Okay, now we got other things 
we want to talk to you about,'' rather than pass legislation on this 
floor that will do nothing other than hamstring the President. It is 
the wrong way to do it. It is a mistake, and it should be voted down.
  Mr. ROYCE. I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. 
Smith).
  Mr. SMITH of New Jersey. Mr. Speaker, in 1983, 241 American 
servicemen in Beirut were killed and another 60 injured by a car bomb.
  One of the Marines murdered was my constituent, Paul Innocenzi III, 
who lived with his young family in my hometown of Hamilton. In my 
second term as Congressman, I joined mourners at his funeral. I will 
never forget the agony and the sorrow of his family. Iranian terrorism 
killed Paul Innocenzi and, over the decades, has killed or maimed 
thousands of other Americans.
  A Federal court, Mr. Speaker, found that the 1983 bombing was 
``beyond question'' perpetrated by ``Hezbollah and its agent who 
received massive material and technical support from the Iranian 
Government.'' Later a three-judge Federal appeals court panel approved 
$1.75 billion in judgment against Iran for the 1983 bombing and some 
other Iranian acts of terror.
  Today Iran is poised to get billions of dollars through so-called 
sanctions relief for an egregiously flawed comprehensive plan of 
action, money that will procure for Iran a significantly larger arsenal 
of sophisticated weapons and an enhanced capability to terrorize, 
murder, and destabilize.
  The chairman talked about Iran's $21 billion weapons purchase from 
Russia. Billions more to Iran will exponentially increase weapons buys. 
The Justice for Victims of Iranian Terrorism Act authored by Pat Meehan 
says not so fast.
  The President has said he will veto this bill. That is wrong, Mr. 
Speaker. That is uncaring, it is unacceptable, it is unconscionable. 
And does a grave disservice to American victims of Iranian terrorism.
  Support court-ordered victim payments by the terrorist State of Iran. 
Fundamental justice demands that this bill become law.
  Mr. Speaker, what was previously unacceptable--an Iranian nuclear 
state--is now inevitable under the terms and conditions of what is 
officially known as the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action.
  Tragically, the deal is riddled with serious flaws, gaps, and huge 
concessions to Iran. Taken as a whole, this egregiously flawed deal 
poses an existential threat to Israel, our allies in the region--and 
poses significant risks to the United States.
  Today Iran is poised to get billions of dollars through so-called 
sanctions relief--money that will procure for Iran a significantly 
larger arsenal of sophisticated weapons and an enhanced capability to 
terrorize, murder and destabilize.
  The Justice for Victims of Iranian Terrorism Act (H.R. 3457) authored 
by Pat Meehan says not so fast.
  The bill prohibits the President from waiving sanctions until Iran 
pays its more than $44.5 billion in court ordered damages to thousands 
of victims and survivors of Iranian terror attacks.
  To date, the U.S. Department of State has refused to release funds 
ordered by the courts to victims and surviving families in more than 80 
cases despite clear authority to do so under the Foreign Sovereign 
Immunities Act (FSIA).
  In 1983, 241 American servicemen in Beirut were killed and another 60 
injured by a car bomb. One of the Marines murdered was my constituent 
WO1 Paul Innocenzi III who lived with his young family in my hometown 
of Hamilton. In my second term as congressman, I joined mourners at his 
funeral. I will never forget the agony and sorrow of his family. 
Iranian terrorism killed Paul Innocenzi and over the decades, has 
killed or maimed thousands of other Americans.
  A federal district court found that the 1983 bombing was ``beyond 
question'' perpetrated by ``Hezbollah and its agents (who) received 
massive material and technical support from the Iranian government''. 
Later a three judge federal appeals court panel approved a $1.75 
billion judgement against Iran for the 1983 bombing and other Iranian 
acts of terror.
  The President has said he will veto this bill. That's wrong. That's 
uncaring, unacceptable, and unconscionable. Support court-ordered 
victim payments by the terror state of Iran. Fundamental justice 
demands that this bill becomes law.
  Mr. ENGEL. I yield 3 minutes to the gentleman from Virginia (Mr. 
Connolly), our colleague on the Foreign Affairs Committee.
  Mr. CONNOLLY. Mr. Speaker, I thank my good friend from New York (Mr. 
Engel) for his leadership on the House Foreign Affairs Committee.
  This bill prohibits any waivers, reductions, or other relief from 
U.S. sanctions on Iran until Iran pays all court-ordered damage claims 
to U.S. victims. Those claims total about $46 billion.
  This bill would prevent the U.S. from implementing its commitments 
under the Iran deal, which is really what my friends on the other side 
are trying to do. Not being able to win directly, let's get at it 
indirectly and let's cover it with the patina of respectability. But 
the real issue is, cynically, how we use the plight of U.S. victims for 
another partisan shot.
  We all want to help American victims of Iran's terrorism and lack of 
justice, but this is not the way to help them. It would have the 
opposite effect by reducing the chance that any claims, in fact, would 
be paid because, by freezing assets, Iran wouldn't have the wherewithal 
to do what this bill says it should do before sanctions are lifted.
  Think about this: Iran owes $46 billion in U.S. claims, but it 
doesn't have the money right now, even if it wanted to pay. Iran only 
has access to about $20 billion of its own reserves.
  Realistically, the only funds that could be used are the frozen funds 
under U.S. sanctions held in banks around the world. Under this bill, 
the frozen funds couldn't be used to pay the claims, and all the money 
remains frozen until Iran pays the claims. It is a catch-22 if there 
ever was one. It couldn't sell any oil to use to free up cash because 
those funds, too, would be frozen.
  Another clue about what is really behind this bill is that all of the 
76 sponsors are my friends on the other side of the aisle, not a single 
Democrat.
  Regardless of one's position on the Iran deal, a deal I probably 
supported because it keeps Iran from becoming a nuclear state, opposing 
this cynical bill is, in fact, the right vote if you care about the 
victims of Iranian injustice and terrorism.
  Mr. ROYCE. I yield 4 minutes to the gentleman from Pennsylvania (Mr. 
Meehan), a member of the Committee on Ways and Means and author of this 
bill.
  Mr. MEEHAN. Mr. Speaker, $21 billion for Russian jets, but not a 
penny for the victims of their own acts of terror. That is what my 
colleagues are trying to say? In fact, the President can negotiate it. 
Let him reach an installment plan, but let's make sure that these 
dollars are paid.
  Look, this is a fundamental question: Should Iran receive relief from 
the U.S. sanctions before it pays the victims of terrorism the $43 
billion that U.S. courts say these victims are owed?
  When we say ``terrorism,'' what are we talking about? We are talking 
about Iranian-backed assassinations, bombings, and attacks across time 
zones, from Paris to Jerusalem, to New York, to Beirut, to East Africa, 
to Buenos Aires.
  I say not one cent.
  These victims are United States citizens. They are wives, brothers 
and sisters, children who hail from all across the Nation, and they 
were killed in hijackings and suicide attacks and bombings of buses and 
planes and buildings and embassies and shopping malls and pizza 
parlors.

                              {time}  1115

  In fact, I met with one of those victims this morning and yesterday, 
the

[[Page 15530]]

widow of Kenneth Welch and his child. They are here in Washington 
today. They have been waiting 30 years for the opportunity to see this 
issue addressed.
  My friends, by voting against this legislation, you are saying that 
Iran and the perpetrators of these atrocities deserve U.S. sanctions 
relief before the victims deserve the court-ordered compensation. Let 
me say it again. By voting ``no,'' you are putting the interests of 
Iran's terror machine before the American victims of that terror. I say 
not 1 cent.
  To those who say Iran can't afford to pay these damages, let me 
remind you of a few facts. Iran has a yearly gross domestic product in 
excess of $1.3 trillion, and they just spent $21 billion on Russian 
jets. The facts show that Iran has the money and will have much more if 
the sanctions are lifted, money that our own administration freely 
admits will go to finance even more terror.
  I sat yesterday with Ken Stethem, the brother of Robert Stethem, the 
United States Navy diver who was executed on Beirut Flight 847. His 
brother Ken, himself a retired Navy SEAL, said to me yesterday, ``If 
the President doesn't take this opportunity and Congress doesn't take 
the opportunity to hold Iran accountable for their terrorist acts now, 
I have to ask them when will they. Thirty years for one family, more 
than 15 for another. When will they?''
  He is talking to us. Let's answer him. Let's today stand up for the 
standards of U.S. Navy Petty Officer Robert Stethem. Let's today vote 
as one House to say we will put Robert Stethem and the many victims of 
Iran's terrorism before--before--the criminals who conspired to kill 
them.
  Until they pay these victims what they are owed, let's say no to 
Iran, not 1 cent.
  Mr. ENGEL. Mr. Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the gentleman from 
Oregon (Mr. Blumenauer).
  Mr. BLUMENAUER. Mr. Speaker, I appreciate the gentleman's courtesy in 
permitting me to speak on this issue. I listened to the impassioned 
pleas from my friends on the other side of the aisle about horrific 
acts of the thugs who run Iran. Nobody disputes that, and nothing 
before us would take away the sanctions that we have against their 
terrorist activity.
  We are all committed to justice for those victims, but bear in mind 
what this legislation seeks to do is to unwind another critical 
objective of the United States, of our allies, to prevent a nuclear-
armed Iran.
  That agreement was a signal achievement of diplomacy not just of the 
Obama administration, but of Russia, China, Germany, France, Great 
Britain, working with us to secure the strongest agreement that we have 
seen to contain these thugs' nuclear ambitions. The world is united 
with us to restrain a nuclear Iran.
  Now, we have had testimony from our partners that, if the United 
States walks away from that agreement, we are on our own. They are not 
going to continue to enforce nuclear sanctions against Iran, and, 
ultimately, Iran will get its money and a free hand to develop nuclear 
weapons unencumbered by the allies that we have assembled and the 
pressure that we have put on them.
  Now, my friends, Mr. Engel and Mr. Connolly, are correct. The 
construct here is very difficult, even if this were to be approved, to 
actually work out on paper. But take it a step further. These elements 
have been in place for years and have not resulted in any movement for 
the victims.
  We have had what the rest of the world thinks is a significant 
breakthrough with Iran. We have got an area of cooperation, and the 
world is united with us to keep the pressure on them. I would suggest, 
rather than throwing this agreement in the trash can and allow Iran to 
develop nuclear weapons and make them stronger--and, ultimately, they 
will get their money because India and China are going to go ahead and 
start buying oil from Iran again as the sanctions collapse. It will be 
the United States against the world again.
  We couldn't even sanction itty-bitty Cuba to change their regime. It 
takes multinational efforts to be able to make changes. This agreement 
is an important first step, and I would suggest it gives us an 
opportunity to continue putting pressure on Iran to be able to obtain 
the justice that we all want for those victims.
  Mr. ROYCE. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from New 
Jersey (Mr. Frelinghuysen), a member of the Committee on 
Appropriations.
  Mr. FRELINGHUYSEN. Mr. Speaker, I want to thank Mr. Meehan and Mr. 
Royce for their leadership. I oppose the Iranian deal for many reasons. 
Among the reasons is the over $100 billion windfall Iran will receive 
in unfrozen assets and sanctions relief.
  The administration has acknowledged that some of this money will be 
certainly distributed to the Iranian military, its global terrorist 
network, and to the Quds Force, an organization with American blood on 
its hands.
  We remember the marines and sailors killed in the bombing of the 
barracks in Beirut in 1983 and civilians in that embassy in Beirut, the 
airmen who died in Khobar Towers in Saudi Arabia in 1995. And what 
about the victims of the Iranian-financed attacks, like Alisa Flatow of 
West Orange, New Jersey, who died in a bus bombing in Gaza in 1995 and 
Sara Duker of Teaneck, New Jersey, who was murdered on a bus in 
Jerusalem in 1996? Who speaks for them, for those innocents and their 
families? This bill does.
  Mr. ENGEL. Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
  Mr. ROYCE. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from Texas 
(Mr. Hurd), a member of the Committee on Homeland Security.
  Mr. HURD of Texas. Mr. Speaker, I rise in support of this 
legislation. Justice is a powerful word. For those who have been 
wronged, justice can bring peace and closure. For those guilty of 
harming the innocent, justice is absolutely necessary to ensure the 
authority of our laws. Without justice, truth becomes irrelevant.
  If America is going to continue to be the greatest nation in the 
world, it is imperative that we pursue justice. But the Iran nuclear 
deal does the exact opposite. It rewards lawlessness and corruption. It 
tells Iran that they can be unjust to our own citizens and the current 
administration will allow them to get away with it.
  Iran is responsible for sponsoring terrorism that has led to the 
death of thousands of Americans. When the families of these Americans 
sought justice in the court, Iran was found guilty and ordered to make 
reparations. The family of Cyrus Elahi from Dallas, Texas, was awarded 
more than $300 million after Cyrus was assassinated for criticizing the 
Iranian Government.
  Judgments like this have added up to billions of dollars that Iran 
owes the families of American victims. But is this administration 
forcing Iran to pay? Are they demanding justice for Americans like 
Cyrus? No. Instead, this administration is handing over an estimated 
$100 billion to Iran. That is not justice. That is outrageous.
  Mr. ROYCE. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from Ohio 
(Mr. Wenstrup).
  Mr. WENSTRUP. Mr. Speaker, this bill would respond to one of many 
significant problems with President Obama's disastrous Iran deal, which 
gives Iran sanctions relief without requiring it to make reparations 
for the crimes it has committed against Americans.
  Anne Dammerell, who was born in Cincinnati near my district, was 
working at the U.S. Embassy in Beirut in 1983. A bomb exploded while 
she was in the embassy cafeteria, breaking 19 of her bones. She 
received a judgment against Iran for $6.8 million because of the 
physical and mental suffering she endured. Anne is one tragic story 
among many.
  Over the past 15 years, U.S. courts have handed down 80 judgments 
against Iran, adding up to more than $43.5 billion in unpaid damages. 
Iran refuses to pay. Yet, the President's nuclear agreement provides 
Iran with $150 billion in sanctions relief. Those that have destroyed 
innocent American lives, Iranian terrorists, are being chosen over the 
American victims themselves.

[[Page 15531]]

  This bill would prohibit the President from removing any sanctions in 
place against Iran until the President has certified to Congress that 
Iran has paid each Federal court judgment.
  Mr. ENGEL. Mr. Speaker, I continue to reserve the balance of my time.
  Mr. ROYCE. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from 
Pennsylvania (Mr. Fitzpatrick).
  Mr. FITZPATRICK. Mr. Speaker, I thank my colleague from Pennsylvania 
(Mr. Meehan) for introducing this good bill. It is a compassionate 
bill. It is a bill that tells victims of terrorism that they are not 
forgotten.
  I chair the task force in the House Committee on Financial Services 
to investigate terrorism finance, and we had a hearing specifically on 
the joint plan of action, the so-called P5+1. That was back in July.
  There was an attorney who testified at the hearing about the $43 
billion in judgments and how this deal, then not approved yet, was 
likely going to sidestep the ability of victims who did all the right 
things through the legal process, who hired lawyers, who went to court, 
who got the judgments, legitimate judgments, how these judgments would 
not be paid.
  On July 29, I wrote a letter to Secretary Lew--Secretary of the 
Treasury--and Secretary Kerry of the State Department asking whether or 
not they had addressed the issue as part of the negotiations. That was 
July 29. I have yet to receive a response from the Treasury Department, 
from the Department of State, in any way.
  Mr. Speaker, the deafening silence of this administration has led me 
to believe that they completely overlooked the victims of terrorism.
  What we are going to do is we are going to give the money to the 
Islamic Republic of Iran and not to American victims, and that is 
wrong. This bill is right. I urge my colleagues to support it.
  Mr. Speaker, as the chair of the bipartisan Task Force to Investigate 
Terrorism Financing, I analyzed the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action 
(JCPOA) put forward by this Administration at length.
  After numerous hearings and research, I opposed the deal for a number 
of reasons--not the least of which is because of its potential impact 
on terrorism financing by Iran. At hearing after hearing, members heard 
directly from foreign policy experts about this threat and the danger 
of the influx of cash provided by this agreement finding its way to 
terrorist organizations threatening Iran's neighboring states as well 
as those planning strikes in the United States.
  At a hearing specifically on this deal and its impact on Tehran's 
state sponsorship of terror, one witness, a practicing attorney, 
testified to the fact that American citizens and families who were 
victims of Iranian sponsored terrorist attacks--including families in 
my district in Pennsylvania--are owed over $43 billion in compensation 
as awarded by United States.
  Following the Task Force's fourth hearing I wrote this letter to both 
Secretaries John Kerry and Jack Lew asking if this nuclear deal would 
strip victims of Iranian terrorism the right to this compensation.
  That was July 29. I have yet to receive any sort of response from 
either the Treasury or State departments. The deafening silence from 
the Administration has led me to believe they completely overlooked 
these families when they rushed to finalize this bad deal with Iran.
  Mr. Speaker, it is unconscionable to think that--as a nation--we 
would allow the world's largest state sponsor of terror access to 
billions of dollars in sanctions relief and unfreezing of held assets 
while victims of Iranian terrorism are left with nothing.
  These victims are Americans from all around the country--from my home 
and yours. They've lost loved ones and suffered irreparable damages 
because of Iran's long, sordid history with terrorism. By failing to 
take this situation into account throughout the negotiation process, 
the administration has failed these victims and their families.
  The Justice for Victims of Iranian Terrorism Act we are considering 
today rights that wrong. It says simply: Not one cent in sanctions 
relief for Iran until these families are payed. That's not a partisan 
demand--that's common sense.
  I strongly support this legislation and ask for my colleagues to join 
me in standing up for our constituents impacted by Iranian terror and 
pass this bill in the bipartisan fashion it deserves.
  Mr. ROYCE. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from North 
Carolina (Mr. Holding), a member of the Committee on Ways and Means.
  Mr. HOLDING. Mr. Speaker, Iran is shortly set to receive over $100 
billion when President Obama uses his pen to lift our sanctions against 
the world's largest sponsor of terrorism. At the same time, Mr. 
Speaker, Iran owes U.S. victims of terror it sponsored and supported 
$43.5 billion.
  One of these victims was Petty Officer 1st Class Michael Wagner of 
Columbia, North Carolina. He was serving in the American Embassy in 
Beirut in 1984 when a car bomb filled with explosives paid for by Iran 
detonated outside his office, killing him and 23 other people. In the 
case of Petty Officer Wagner and Tehran's other victims, our courts 
have found Iran guilty and ordered Iran to pay restitution, but Iran 
has not paid a penny.
  Mr. Speaker, we should require Iran to pay every penny it owes to the 
victims of terrorism before sanctions are lifted, period.
  Mr. ROYCE. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from 
Mississippi (Mr. Harper), a member of the Committee on Energy and 
Commerce.
  Mr. HARPER. Mr. Speaker, I am and will remain opposed to the Joint 
Comprehensive Plan of Action on Iran. It represents Iran's ability to 
build a nuclear weapon at a future date while reaping the financial 
benefits of immediate relief from international sanctions. By removing 
sanctions, the agreement injects almost $100 billion into the Iranian 
regime.
  Iran is the single largest state sponsor of terrorism in the world, 
funding--even with sanctions in place--Hezbollah in Lebanon and Hamas 
in Gaza. Over $43 billion in judgments have been awarded to Americans 
who have been the victims of Iranian terrorism. The agreement fails to 
clear those judgments.
  The agreement, at best, delays Iran's ability to build nuclear 
weapons. At worst, it gives the regime more money to engage in more 
terrorism while providing no justice to Americans already harmed by the 
regime.
  The Justice for Victims of Iranian Terrorism Act is timely. It is 
appropriate, and it should be supported by every member of this body 
who believe in the validity of U.S. courts and the Federal Sovereign 
Immunities Act.
  Mr. ROYCE. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from 
Arkansas (Mr. Hill), a member of the Committee on Financial Services.

                              {time}  1130

  Mr. HILL. I thank Mr. Meehan for his leadership on this, and I thank 
the ranking member and the chairman for their opposition to the Iranian 
agreement, which I believe was ill-conceived and not enough time given 
for those negotiations to bear true fruit. In fact, that is the whole 
point of our debate today. The maximum amount of negotiating clout that 
the United States had over these sanctions was during these 
negotiations, before we released sanctions, before Iran gets access to 
their monthly oil flow and their $100 billion.
  We have $44 billion and 85 judgments. The number of intelligence 
agents that have worked day and night to adjudicate these claims in 
court, the number of FBI agents involved, the Federal Government's 
obligation to generate awards for these victims, and yet this 
administration has never raised it in public in regard to the Iranian 
agreement.
  Under the 1996 and 2008 Federal Sovereign Immunities Act, the 
President of the United States is obligated to seek resolution for 
these claims.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore (Mr. Graves of Louisiana). The time of the 
gentleman has expired.
  Mr. ROYCE. I yield the gentleman an additional 1 minute.
  Mr. HILL. He is obligated to adjudicate these claims and seek 
restitution for these victims under the Federal Sovereign Immunities 
Act. President Bush did his duty. When he had leverage over Libya, he 
got the claims paid for the victims of terror in Libya.
  For every day we come to work in this House and we ask, ``What can we 
do to help this country? How can we right a wrong?'' today is that day.

[[Page 15532]]

  I urge my colleagues on both sides of the aisle to support Mr. 
Meehan's outstanding bill. Let's right the wrong. Let's adjudicate 
these claims. Let's get this money back for the victims of terrorism.
  Mr. ROYCE. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from 
Pennsylvania (Mr. Costello).
  Mr. COSTELLO of Pennsylvania. A majority of this House thinks this 
deal is bad, a majority of the Senate thinks this deal is bad, and a 
majority of the American people think this deal is bad. We have not had 
any input, and the effort here today is to simply make a bad deal a 
little less bad.
  The idea behind Mr. Meehan's bill is to provide restitution to 
American victims. It is not just any American victims. It is the 
victims of Iranian terror. $150 billion is going to flow to Iran. It 
seems to be common sense that the first $43 billion should instead be 
paid to the victims of Iranian terror.
  Joseph Cicippio was one of those victims. He lived right outside my 
congressional district. He spent 5 years in brutal captivity before 
being released in 1991.
  A vote for this bill today is a vote for the victims of Iranian 
terror.
  I also want to say Congressman Meehan's congressional district is 
right next to mine. I want to thank him for his thoughtful, creative 
approach and his leadership in this country and in this House on this 
bill.
  Mr. ENGEL. Mr. Speaker, I continue to reserve the balance of my time.
  Mr. ROYCE. I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from Colorado (Mr. 
Coffman).
  Mr. COFFMAN. Mr. Speaker, in 1982, I was with the United States 
Marine Corps off the coast of Beirut, Lebanon, waiting on orders to do 
evacuations of the U.S. Embassy and U.S. citizens and their families. 
Our assignment was done in August of 1982. We returned to the United 
States. I finished my 2 years with the battalion.
  The battalion went back out. This time, they took positions in the 
airport in Beirut, Lebanon. On October 23, 1983, a suicide bomber drove 
a truck laden with explosives into the marine barracks; 241 marines 
were killed that day.
  To my friends who died there--First Lieutenant Bill Zimmerman, 
Captain Bill Winter, Captain Joe Boccia, Master Sergeant Roy Edwards, 
Captain Mike Haskell--today is your day. Today is your day for justice. 
God bless you. God remember all of you.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. The time of the gentleman has expired.
  Mr. ROYCE. Mr. Speaker, I yield the gentleman an additional 30 
seconds.
  Mr. COFFMAN. Today is the day for justice for these marines--and 
their families--who were lost on that day by the Iranian-backed 
Hezbollah bomber.
  So I want to thank the gentleman from Pennsylvania for bringing this 
measure forward. I urge my colleagues not to forget those who have died 
and to remember this: when the Iranians say ``death to Americans,'' 
they mean death to Americans.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. Members are reminded to direct their remarks 
to the Chair.
  Mr. ROYCE. I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from Michigan (Mr. 
Bishop).
  Mr. BISHOP of Michigan. Mr. Speaker, I rise today to join my 
colleagues to support this legislation. I want to thank the gentleman 
for his sponsorship. I am proud to be a cosponsor.
  Thirty-one years ago, one Michigan family's sleepless worry became a 
heartbreaking reality. Their son, brother, and father, U.S. Army 
Warrant Officer Kenneth Welch, was one of two U.S. servicemen to lose 
his life in the bombing in Beirut, Lebanon.
  U.S. judgments later found that the act of terrorism was sponsored by 
the Iranian regime. For its crimes, that regime was ordered to pay 
damages to the family of Kenneth Welch. Not surprisingly, however, not 
one dime has been paid to the family. Yet today, in this country, we 
find ourselves dealing with an administration that wants to lift 
sanctions.
  Mr. Speaker, I am beside myself to think that this is the Nation that 
we have become. America is built on bravery and freedom, and that is 
because of the unwavering strength and sacrifice of men and women in 
the military. I am forever proud of our soldiers, and I know my 
colleagues here today are, too. That is why we cannot let the Iran 
terror continue. We need to do whatever we can to address the victims 
like Ken Welch.
  Mr. ROYCE. I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from Illinois (Mr. 
Dold).
  Mr. DOLD. I thank my good friend from California, the chairman, for 
yielding me the time. I also want to thank my good friend from 
Pennsylvania for bringing this piece of legislation.
  Supporting victims of Iranian terrorism is a cause that every single 
Member of this body should be able to support, regardless of where they 
stand on the Iranian nuclear agreement. Under no circumstances should 
we be ignoring the victims of Iran's terrorism while simultaneously 
rewarding the greatest state sponsor of terror the world has seen.
  Make no mistake, under this administration's agreement with Iran, 
Iran will be receiving approximately $150 billion in sanctions relief--
in new funding--almost immediately, while American victims of Iranian 
terrorism, whether it be bombings, kidnappings, murder, and the like, 
are basically going without resources.
  Where are our priorities? Where are our priorities in this Chamber 
when the victims of Iranian terror are being ignored while Iran is 
being rewarded with new funds that will inevitably be used to fund new 
terror--Hezbollah, Hamas, and those around the globe?
  Iran's terror proxies have killed Americans and continue to do so to 
this day. This is a fact that cannot be ignored. I certainly hope that 
my colleagues on both sides of the aisle will support this piece of 
legislation.
  Mr. ROYCE. I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from Pennsylvania (Mr. 
Rothfus).
  Mr. ROTHFUS. I thank my colleague, Mr. Meehan from Pennsylvania, for 
introducing this very important piece of legislation.
  The President's nuclear agreement with Iran provides them with 
billions in frozen assets and sanctions relief. One needs only to look 
at recent history to know exactly what Iran will do with this financial 
windfall.
  While pursuing a nuclear bomb, Iran has been engaged in a decades-
long campaign of terror that resulted in the deaths of many, many 
Americans. They continue to bankroll proxies like Hezbollah, Hamas, and 
the Houthi rebels.
  Atrocities like the Beirut marine barracks bombing, the murder of 
Bobby Stethem on TWA flight 847, Khobar Towers, and the kidnapping of 
CIA Agent William Buckley, are just a small taste of what Iranian 
state-sponsored terrorism has wrought.
  This bill is about everyday Americans getting justice. Americans like 
the family of Beaver County native Major John Macroglou, the highest 
ranking officer killed in the attack on the Beirut marine barracks.
  Victims of Iranian terrorism have successfully brought suit in U.S. 
courts, yet billions in judgments remain unpaid. The Obama 
administration failed to secure restitution for the victims of Iran in 
its negotiations with this country, but this legislation can rectify 
this wrong.
  I urge my colleagues to support this legislation.
  Mr. ROYCE. Mr. Speaker, may I inquire as to how much time is 
remaining.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. The gentleman from California has 2\1/2\ 
minutes remaining. The gentleman from New York has 17\1/2\ minutes 
remaining.
  Mr. ENGEL. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
  In closing, let me say to my friends on the other side of the aisle, 
and they know this, no one has been more of an adversary of the Iranian 
regime than I have, but a number of us found the deal with Iran 
wanting. We voted ``no,'' but it didn't prevail, and now we have to 
figure out the best way forward. The best way forward, I sincerely 
believe, is not to keep trotting out these bills.
  No one is condoning anything that Iran has done, particularly with 
terrorism. It is a matter of how we combat it. The way I see it is that 
we have

[[Page 15533]]

two paths forward: we can choose to mirror what we did with the 
Affordable Care Act, voting and revoting on an issue that has been 
settled to some degree, or we can choose the path that suits our 
Nation's interests the best. This path includes doing everything we can 
to strengthen the enforcement mechanisms of this agreement.
  The path also includes holding Iran accountable for its nefarious 
activities that destabilize the region, as well as pushing Tehran to 
release detained Americans and improve their human rights records in 
the interim, and, of course, taking care of the victims of terrorism 
and their families. This path requires the strengthening of bilateral 
partnerships and supporting our allies in the region, both of which 
help us in the long term.
  This is the course I hope we take. We cannot let this opportunity go 
to waste. So that is why I won't be supporting H.R. 3457. After that, 
we need to work together on measures that strengthen implementation of 
the agreement as much as possible.
  I hope we can do that in a bipartisan way, as we have for the past 3 
years in the Foreign Affairs Committee. This path promises to bring us 
back to making foreign policy rather than using political bills that 
deflect from the important issues at hand.
  I do not doubt the sincerity of anyone who spoke today. We all are 
sincere and we all feel the same way: Iran is a bad actor and must be 
held accountable. But this bill is not the correct mechanism to do so, 
so I urge my colleagues to vote ``no.''
  I yield back the balance of my time.
  Mr. ROYCE. I yield myself such time as I may consume.
  Mr. Speaker, consider the case of Anne Dammarell, a USAID worker who 
was posted in the U.S. Embassy in Beirut in 1983. At 1 p.m. on April 
18, a suicide bomber in a delivery van drove 2,000 pounds of explosives 
into the front door of our U.S. Embassy and the blast demolished the 
front of the building and caused the upper floors to collapse on top of 
each other.
  When that went off, she was eating lunch in the Embassy cafeteria 
until suddenly she awoke outside, covered in cement, with 19 bones 
broken. Sixty-three people were killed in that blast.
  Now we have a moral obligation to ensure that these judgments for 
these victims, which represent Iran's legal debt to the victims of its 
official policy of terrorism, are paid. There have been 90 such attacks 
on Americans, and this legislation helps us fulfill that moral 
obligation we have to our constituents and to all Americans.
  What I will share with you is that it is not going to work to release 
the $100 billion first, because that $100 billion goes into the hands 
of the IRGC. They are the ones who have taken over the companies in 
Iran as of 1979, and the Iranian Revolutionary Guard forces and the 
Quds forces are the ones that carried out these attacks.
  So the only leverage we are going to have in this negotiation is if 
we pass legislation that says, first, you have got $20 billion in 
reserves. Start the process of paying the victims of that attack.

                              {time}  1145

  If we don't get them paid now, if we don't get the survivors and the 
family members of those who were killed paid now, it will never happen 
later.
  But more importantly, at least we would do this. If we are going to 
give $100 billion out of escrow into the hands of the IRGC, what do you 
think they are going to do with it?
  They have already announced $20 billion in sales to Russia for 
fighter planes. They have already announced the money, $100 million, 
that they are going to give to Hezbollah.
  Why not at least get our own civilians paid the judgments that they 
earned up front?
  That is exactly what we did with the Lockerbie agreement. We were 
going to lift the sanctions or allow the return of the escrowed money 
to Libya. Right?
  $2.5 billion had to go to the victims and the family members killed 
in the Pan Am 103 bombing because of the judgment in U.S. courts.
  This needs to be done under that procedure. That is why this 
legislation is necessary.
  Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.
  Ms. JACKSON LEE. Mr. Speaker, I rise today in strong opposition to 
H.R. 3457, the ``Justice for Victims of Iranian Terrorism Act.''
  If enacted into law, H.R. 3457 would prevent the United States from 
implementing its sanctions relief commitments under the Joint 
Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA) reached between the P5+1 
countries, the European Union (EU), and Iran by tying the 
Administration's ability to fulfill its commitments to non-nuclear 
issues that are outside the scope of the JCPOA.
  Mr. Speaker, this bill has absolutely no chance of becoming law 
because President Obama has already announced he will veto it if 
presented to him for signature.
  And that is as it should be since this ill-considered and unwise bill 
comes to floor without being vetted by any of the committees of 
jurisdiction.
  The bill was not considered by the Judiciary Committee or its 
Subcommittee on Crime, Terrorism, Homeland Security, and 
Investigations, of which I serve as Ranking Member and which has 
jurisdiction over issues federal lawsuits and compensation involving 
victims of terrorist acts.
  Nor was the bill considered by the Committee on Foreign Affairs, even 
though that committee has held several hearings relating to violent 
extremism and terrorists acts.
  In the month of September alone, the Committee on Foreign Affairs 
held six hearings that addressed some aspect of terrorism and violent 
extremism, not one of which involved H.R. 3457 or the subject matter 
raised in the legislation.
  Given its adverse impact on the JCPOA, one would have thought that 
this legislation would have been fully vetted before being rushed to 
the floor, and this lack of careful scrutiny is sufficient in itself to 
vote against this bill.
  Mr. Speaker, let me be clear: I am, and long have been, a strong 
supporter and advocate for adequate compensation for victims of 
terrorism sponsored or supported by foreign states.
  For example, I have fought for compensation for the victims of Boko 
Haram, the Lord's Resistance Army, ISIL and Al-Shabaab from Nigeria, to 
Syria, to Kenya, to name just a few.
  I have requested the Attorney General of the United States to take 
action to secure relief for thousands of victims of terror from 
different regions of the world.
  But I have never advocated or supported actions to achieve this 
result that puts the national security at risk.
  And that is why I cannot support H.R. 3457.
  By obstructing implementation of the JCPOA, H.R. 3457 would greatly 
undermine our national security interests and likely would result in 
the collapse of the comprehensive diplomatic arrangement that 
peacefully and verifiably prevents Iran from acquiring a nuclear 
weapon.
  This would in turn allow for the resumption of a significantly less 
constrained Iranian nuclear program, lead to the unraveling of the 
international sanctions regime against Iran, and deal a devastating 
blow to America's credibility as a leader of international diplomacy.
  This would have the collateral effect of jeopardizing both the hard 
work of sustaining a unified coalition to combat Iran's destabilizing 
activities in the region and America's ability to lead the world on 
nuclear non-proliferation.
  Mr. Speaker, the Administration supports efforts by U.S. terrorism 
victims to pursue compensation, consistent with our national security.
  It bears pointing out that nothing in the JCPOA prohibits or impedes 
those efforts.
  Mr. Speaker, we have called Iran untrustworthy because it has not 
always lived up to its commitments.
  What would it say about the United States and its reputation of being 
an honest broker and trustworthy partner if we reneged on a carefully 
and painstakingly negotiated agreement before the ink barely had time 
to dry?
  The single and overriding purpose of the JCPOA was to address the 
international community's concern over Iran's nuclear program and the 
need to verifiably prevent Iran from acquiring a nuclear weapon.
  This goal is achieved by the JCPOA this objective is undermined by 
H.R. 3457.
  After all our hearings and thoughtful deliberations on the JCPOA, it 
defies reason to collapse the historic and landmark diplomatic success 
that created the framework for a peaceful and verifiable methodology to 
prevent Iran from acquiring a nuclear weapon.
  For these reasons, Mr. Speaker, I strongly oppose H.R. 3457 and urge 
all Members to join me in voting against this unwise measure.

[[Page 15534]]

  The SPEAKER pro tempore. All time for debate has expired.
  Pursuant to House Resolution 449, the previous question is ordered on 
the bill, as amended.
  The question is on the engrossment and third reading of the bill.
  The bill was ordered to be engrossed and read a third time, and was 
read the third time.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. The question is on the passage of the bill.
  The question was taken; and the Speaker pro tempore announced that 
the ayes appeared to have it.
  Mr. ROYCE. Mr. Speaker, on that I demand the yeas and nays.
  The yeas and nays were ordered.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. Pursuant to clause 8 of rule XX, further 
proceedings on this question will be postponed.

                          ____________________