[Congressional Record (Bound Edition), Volume 161 (2015), Part 1]
[Senate]
[Pages 98-100]
[From the U.S. Government Publishing Office, www.gpo.gov]




                        OPENING THE 114TH SENATE

  Mr. McCONNELL. Yesterday we inaugurated the 114th Senate of the 
Congress. We welcomed back many dedicated Members and swore in many new 
ones. I have high hopes for our new colleagues. They share the resolve 
of my conference to restore the Senate to a place of high purpose, and 
they are determined to make a positive difference in the lives of the 
people who sent them.
  The men and women we have just sworn in have inaugurated one 
significant change already; that is, the majority we seated yesterday. 
I look to this new beginning with optimism and a profound sense of 
purpose, and I look to my colleagues with gratitude for their trust. 
Next to serving the people of Kentucky, this is the highest of honors. 
I recognize the serious expectations of the American people and I know 
they are counting on us--and I do mean all of us--every single Member 
of this body.
  We are in a moment of great anxiety as a nation. The people we 
represent have lost faith in their government. They no longer trust 
Washington to do the right thing. Many face the reality of losing 
health plans after being told otherwise. Many struggle with rising 
medical costs after Washington officials repeatedly said they would be 
lowered. Confidence in the American dream has plunged. Anxiety about 
the type of country we leave to the next generation is widespread. For 
many it has never seemed more difficult just to get by.
  When Americans look overseas they see a world filled with chaos: 
instability roiling the Middle East, terrorists pressing an aggressive 
agenda, and autocrats scoffing at a superpower that doesn't seem to 
have a real plan.
  At home they see a government that is either uninterested in or 
incapable of addressing their concerns, a government that seems to be 
working for itself instead of them. Whether it is Washington's 
dysfunction or a bureaucracy that has grown so Byzantine and 
unaccountable, it tried to muzzle political opponents and ignore the 
needs of veterans.
  The American people have simply had enough, and this past November 
they had their say. The message they sent was clear. If voters hit the 
brakes 4 years ago, this time they have spun the wheel. They said they 
want the administration to change course and move to the middle. They 
said they want Congress to send legislation to the President that 
addresses their concerns. This November the American people didn't ask 
for a government that tries to do everything and fails, and they didn't 
demand a government that aims to do nothing and succeeds. They asked 
simply for a government that works.
  They want a government of the 21st century, one that functions with 
efficiency and accountability, competence and purpose. They want a 
Washington that is more interested in modernizing and streamlining 
government than adding more layers to it, and they want more jobs, more 
opportunity for the middle class, and more flexibility in a complex age 
with complex demands.
  That is why we plan to pursue commonsense jobs ideas, including those 
with bipartisan support: measures such as reforming a broken tax system 
to make it simpler and friendlier to job creation, opening more markets 
to American-made products so we can create more jobs at home, and 
moving forward with bipartisan infrastructure projects such as the 
Keystone XL Pipeline.
  Americans are challenging this Congress and this President to work 
for them. They are challenging lawmakers in Washington to work for jobs 
for Americans, not just jobs for themselves. It seems simple enough. 
But in the end, in the era of divided government control, we are going 
to have to work hard to meet expectations and we are going to have to 
work together.
  Step No. 1 is getting Congress functioning again. That means fixing 
the Senate. Last session the House sent

[[Page 99]]

over countless commonsense bipartisan bills. Too many of them died 
right here without so much as a hearing, and Senators from both parties 
with ideas for jobs and growth were routinely stopped.
  So it is time to change the business model. We need to return to 
regular order. We need to get committees working again. We need to 
recommit to a rational, functioning appropriations process. We need to 
open the legislative process in a way that allows more amendments from 
both sides.
  Sometimes it is going to mean actually working late, but restoring 
the Senate is the right and practical thing to do because we are only 
going to pass meaningful legislation if Members of both parties are 
given a stake in the outcome. That is the genius of regular order. That 
is the genius of the Senate.
  I am reminded of this every time I walk into my office. On the wall 
are portraits of John Sherman Cooper, a Republican, and Alben Barkley, 
a Democrat. Keeping watch from below is a bust of Henry Clay. Each of 
these Senators--each of these Kentuckians--came from a different 
political party. Each viewed the world through a different ideological 
lens, but all of them believed in the Senate and all of them left 
behind important lessons for today: Clay, about putting country first 
and pursuing principled compromises; Cooper, about choosing when to 
make a stand and making it; and Barkley, about having the courage to 
think differently from a President of the same political party he had 
served dutifully for years.
  These lessons echo into the present and they help point the way 
toward a better functioning government. A Senate and a Congress that 
function again will help move us past an era of government by crisis. 
It doesn't mean everything will be perfect, it doesn't mean we will 
never come up against a deadline, and it doesn't mean we will always 
agree, but together we can commit to changing the way Washington 
operates. This can be done. It can be done.
  This Senate has seemed imperfect at moments, but it has been proven 
to be a place of high purpose at many other times, a place where our 
country has come together to confront great challenges and advance 
solutions that once seemed completely out of reach. That is the Senate 
I saw when I saw Senator Cooper whip votes for the Civil Rights Act 
many believed would never pass, that is the Senate I saw when President 
Reagan worked with Democratic leaders to pass major reforms to taxes 
and Social Security, and that is the Senate I saw when a Republican 
Congress worked with President Clinton to pass historic welfare reform.
  The promise of the Senate is real. Time and time again it has been an 
engine for bipartisan achievement to which both parties can assume 
either credit or blame, and that is how we should view it today.
  So, yes, the American people elected divided government, but that 
doesn't mean they don't want us to accomplish anything. If there is a 
will to do so, we can come together to achieve great things. If 
President Obama is interested in a historic achievement of his own, 
this can be his time as well.
  The President has already indicated a willingness to work with us on 
trade and infrastructure and comprehensive tax reform. These efforts 
are going to require a lot of work. Navigating the political pitfalls 
will not be easy, but passing these types of measures will represent a 
win for the American people--wins we could all be proud of. The truth 
is we could work for bigger things too. We could work together to save 
and strengthen Medicare, to protect Social Security for future 
generations, to balance the budget and put our growing national debt on 
a path to elimination. But bipartisan reform can only be achieved if 
President Obama is interested in it. The President is the only one who 
can bring his party on board. He is the only one, obviously, who can 
sign something that Congress sends him. I assure you, threatening to 
veto a jobs and infrastructure bill within minutes of a new Congress 
taking the oath of office--a bill with strong bipartisan support--is 
anything but productive.
  I appreciate that bipartisan compromise may not come easily for the 
President--not his first inclination. The President's supporters are 
pressing for militancy, not compromise. They are demanding the comforts 
of purity over the duties of progress.
  From DC to Montpelier, they see the limits of an exhausted 20th 
century mindset asserting itself, even when nearly every lever of power 
has been in hand. Across the Atlantic, they see the Sun setting on the 
social democratic idea. They see the tragic legacies of welfare 
states--empty promises and fear of the future. It is understandable why 
the President's supporters might want to retreat to past comforts, but 
now is the time to accept reality. Now is the time to actually move 
forward.
  Americans know that democracy is not about what you can get away 
with, it is about what you can achieve together. Many in this body, on 
both sides of the aisle, understand that. I have talked to many 
colleagues on the other side of the aisle who understand this fully.
  We are calling on the President to ignore the voices of reaction and 
to join us. Whatever he decides, though, this Congress is going to 
function again. Let's pass legislation that focuses on jobs and the 
real concerns of the middle class.
  After so many years of sluggish growth, we are finally starting to 
see some economic data that can provide a glimmer of hope. The uptick 
appears to coincide with the biggest political change of the Obama 
administration's long tenure in Washington--the expectation of a new 
Republican Congress. This is precisely the time to advance a positive, 
progrowth agenda.
  Some of the measures the new Congress will pass may seem significant; 
others may seem modest. That is OK. As we have seen in recent years, a 
bigger bill does not always mean a better bill.
  While we are always going to search for areas where we can agree, the 
President may not be enamored of every bill we pass, and that is OK 
too. It is not our job to protect the President from good ideas. A 
little creative tension between the Executive and the legislature can 
be pretty healthy in a democracy such as ours. Presidents and 
Congresses have disagreed before. They have confronted challenges that 
eclipse the ones we see today. What is important to remember is that 
the Senate has always endured--always. We have a duty to restore it now 
so we can meet the mandate of the people who sent us here.
  Former majority leader Howard Baker once noted that making the Senate 
work is like ``trying to make 99 independent souls act in concert under 
rules that encourage polite anarchy.'' Yet he also reminded us that 
``it doesn't take Clays and Websters and Calhouns to make the Senate 
work.'' It simply takes men and women of honor working in a spirit of 
good faith.
  It may be difficult, but it has been done before and it can be done 
again, and if we are going to get there, it helps to recall in whose 
footsteps we walk today. This is the same Chamber where Dirksen and 
Mansfield allied for historic progress. This is where Byrd drew from 
antiquity to rouse colleagues to present challenges and where in later 
years he would critique successors on the finer points of procedure. 
This is where Mitchell honed the skills he needed to help bring warring 
communities together, enemies who responded to critics not just with 
floor speeches or press conferences but actually live ammunition. This 
is where Dole shared war stories with Inouye, and with a fateful tap on 
the shoulder, he would partner with Moynihan in their effort to reform 
Social Security.
  The names of many Senators who came before us are etched into the 
desks we sit at today. The men and women who precede us include future 
Presidents and Vice Presidents. They include former athletes, veterans, 
and astronauts. We have forgotten some, we remember others, but their 
legacies live on.
  Here is how Senator Claude Pepper put it:

       The Senate is inefficient, unwieldy [and] inconsistent; it 
     has foibles, its vanities, its

[[Page 100]]

     members who are great . . . and those who think they are 
     great. But like democracy . . . it is strong . . . it has 
     survived many changes, it has saved the country [from] many 
     catastrophes, [and] it is a safeguard against any form of 
     tyranny.

  In the last analysis, Pepper noted, the Senate ``is probably the 
price we in America have to pay for liberty.'' For everything Senator 
Pepper and I may not have agreed on, we certainly agreed on that.
  In the same way, each of us here may not agree on every issue. We may 
be Republican, we may be Democrat, but we are all Americans. We each 
have a responsibility to make the Senate function, and we each have a 
duty to work for the people who sent us here in serious times to get 
serious results.
  Let's restore the Senate we love. Let's look for areas of agreement 
when we can. Above all, let's make Washington work again for the people 
we serve.
  I yield the floor.

                          ____________________