[Congressional Record (Bound Edition), Volume 160 (2014), Part 9]
[Senate]
[Pages 12849-12855]
[From the U.S. Government Publishing Office, www.gpo.gov]




          STATEMENTS ON INTRODUCED BILLS AND JOINT RESOLUTIONS

      By Mr. LEAHY (for himself and Ms. Collins):
  S. 2646. A bill to reauthorize the Runaway and Homeless Youth Act, 
and for other purposes; to the Committee on the Judiciary.
  Mr. LEAHY. Mr. President, I come to the Senate floor today to 
introduce the Leahy-Collins Runaway and Homeless Youth and Trafficking 
Prevention Act. The prevalence of homelessness among young people in 
America is deplorable. There are 1.6 million homeless teens in the 
United States. This problem is not limited to large cities. Its impact 
is felt strongly in smaller communities and rural areas, including in 
my home State of Vermont. It affects our young people directly and 
reverberates throughout our families and communities.
  The Runaway Youth Act, first signed into law in 1974, has proven 
essential to providing the services and resources that runaway and 
homeless youth need, and our continued support is vital. Thirty-nine 
percent of the homeless population is under the age of 18, and the 
average age at which a teen becomes homeless is 14.7 years old. These 
numbers are stark reminders of our duty as a nation to protect the most 
vulnerable among us.
  This bill reauthorizes funding for key elements of the Runaway and 
Homeless Youth Programs, including the Basic Center Program, which 
provides short-term emergency shelter and family reunification services 
to runaway and homeless youth. The Transitional Living Program provides 
longer term residential services, life skills, education, and 
employment support to older homeless youth. This bill reauthorizes the 
Street Outreach Program, which is staffed by workers who go out into 
the community to provide crisis intervention and services referrals to 
runaway and homeless youth on the street and at drop-in centers. It 
also supports funding for national support activities like the national 
runaway youth crisis line, and access to evaluation tools to help 
grantees track the success of their efforts and ensure that Federal 
funding is supporting only the most effective programs.
  This reauthorization includes new and important provisions to combat 
human trafficking. Victims of sexual exploitation and trafficking in 
persons and runaway and homeless youth--two of our most vulnerable 
populations--are intersecting populations. Runaway and homeless youth 
service providers are uniquely situated to identify victims of sexual 
exploitation and trafficking in persons. These youth have specific 
needs and this bill ensures that victims of trafficking will be 
identified as such, and receive the appropriate services.
  Another improvement made by this reauthorization is a provision to 
improve support for family reunification and intervention. Service 
providers

[[Page 12850]]

will be able to use grant funds to encourage the resolution of family 
problems through counseling and other services. Family support is 
critical to providing stability for homeless youth, and this new 
provision will help boost positive outcomes.
  I am proud that this bill contains a new nondiscrimination clause to 
prohibit any grantee from discriminating against a child based on their 
sexual orientation or gender identity. It is estimated that 40 percent 
of the runaway and homeless youth population identifies as LGBT. It is 
clear that this community needs the services authorized under the 
Runaway and Homeless Youth Act. No young person should be turned away 
from these essential services.
  Supporting our youth when they are most in need and helping to get 
them back on their feet benefits us all. Homeless children are less 
likely to finish school, more likely to enter our juvenile justice 
system, and are ill-equipped to find a job. The services authorized by 
this bill are designed to intervene early and encourage the development 
of successful, productive young adults.
  I have heard from dozens of service providers urging swift passage of 
this legislation. These are the people who are there on the frontlines 
when youth have nowhere else to turn. Without the programs funded 
through the Runaway and Homeless Youth Act, hundreds of thousands of 
children would be left on the street.
  I thank Senator Collins for working with me on this legislation and 
for joining me as an original cosponsor. I hope all Senators will join 
us in supporting the prompt passage of the Leahy-Collins Runaway and 
Homeless Youth and Trafficking Prevention Act on the Senate floor.
  Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the text of the bill be 
printed in the Record.
  There being no objection, the text of the bill was ordered to be 
printed in the Record, as follows:

                                S. 2646

       Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of 
     the United States of America in Congress assembled,

     SECTION 1. SHORT TITLE.

       This Act may be cited as the ``Runaway and Homeless Youth 
     and Trafficking Prevention Act''.

     SEC. 2. REFERENCES.

       Except as otherwise specifically provided, whenever in this 
     Act an amendment or repeal is expressed in terms of an 
     amendment to, or repeal of, a provision, the amendment or 
     repeal shall be considered to be made to a provision of the 
     Runaway and Homeless Youth Act (42 U.S.C. 5701 et seq.).

     SEC. 3. FINDINGS.

       Section 302 (42 U.S.C. 5701) is amended--
       (1) in paragraph (2), by inserting ``age, gender, and 
     culturally and'' before ``linguistically appropriate'';
       (2) in paragraph (4), by striking ``outside the welfare 
     system and the law enforcement system'' and inserting ``, in 
     collaboration with public assistance systems, the law 
     enforcement system, and the child welfare system'';
       (3) in paragraph (5)--
       (A) by inserting ``a safe place to live and'' after ``youth 
     need''; and
       (B) by striking ``and'' at the end;
       (4) in paragraph (6), by striking the period and inserting 
     ``; and''; and
       (5) by adding at the end the following:
       ``(7) runaway and homeless youth are at a high risk of 
     becoming victims of sexual exploitation and trafficking in 
     persons.''.

     SEC. 4. BASIC CENTER GRANT PROGRAM.

       (a) Grants for Centers and Services.--Section 311(a) (42 
     U.S.C. 5711(a)) is amended--
       (1) in paragraph (1), by striking ``services'' and all that 
     follows through the period and inserting ``safe shelter and 
     services, including trauma-informed services, for runaway and 
     homeless youth and, if appropriate, services for the families 
     of such youth, including (if appropriate) individuals 
     identified by such youth as family.''; and
       (2) in paragraph (2)--
       (A) in subparagraph (A), by striking ``mental health,'';
       (B) in subparagraph (B)--
       (i) in clause (i), by striking ``21 days; and'' and 
     inserting ``30 days;''; and
       (ii) in clause (ii)--

       (I) by inserting ``age, gender, and culturally and 
     linguistically appropriate'' before ``individual'';
       (II) by inserting ``, as appropriate,'' after ``group''; 
     and
       (III) by striking ``as appropriate'' and inserting 
     ``including (if appropriate) counseling for individuals 
     identified by such youth as family''; and

       (iii) by adding at the end the following:
       ``(iii) suicide prevention services; and''; and
       (C) in subparagraph (C)--
       (i) in clause (ii), by inserting ``age, gender, and 
     culturally and linguistically appropriate'' before ``home-
     based services'';
       (ii) in clause (iii), by striking ``and'' at the end;
       (iii) in clause (iv), by striking ``diseases.'' and 
     inserting ``infections;''; and
       (iv) by adding at the end the following:
       ``(v) trauma-informed and gender-responsive services for 
     runaway or homeless youth, including such youth who are 
     victims of trafficking in persons or sexual exploitation; and
       ``(vi) an assessment of family engagement in support and 
     reunification (if reunification is appropriate), 
     interventions, and services for parents or legal guardians of 
     such youth, or (if appropriate) individuals identified by 
     such youth as family.''.
       (b) Eligibility; Plan Requirements.--Section 312 (42 U.S.C. 
     5712) is amended--
       (1) in subsection (b)--
       (A) in paragraph (5), by inserting ``, or (if appropriate) 
     individuals identified by such youth as family,'' after 
     ``parents or legal guardians'';
       (B) in paragraph (6), by striking ``cultural minority and 
     persons with limited ability to speak English'' and inserting 
     ``cultural minority, persons with limited ability to speak 
     English, and runaway or homeless youth who are victims of 
     trafficking in persons or sexual exploitation'';
       (C) by striking paragraph (7) and inserting the following:
       ``(7) shall keep adequate statistical records profiling the 
     youth and family members of such youth whom the applicant 
     serves, including demographic information on and the number 
     of--
       ``(A) such youth who are not referred to out-of-home 
     shelter services;
       ``(B) such youth who are members of vulnerable or 
     underserved populations;
       ``(C) such youth who are victims of trafficking in persons 
     or sexual exploitation, disaggregated by--
       ``(i) such youth who have been coerced or forced into a 
     commercial sex act, as defined in section 103 of the 
     Trafficking Victims Protection Act of 2000 (22 U.S.C. 7102);
       ``(ii) such youth who have been coerced or forced into 
     other forms of labor; and
       ``(iii) such youth who have engaged in a commercial sex 
     act, as so defined, for any reason other than by coercion or 
     force;
       ``(D) such youth who are pregnant or parenting;
       ``(E) such youth who have been involved in the child 
     welfare system; and
       ``(F) such youth who have been involved in the juvenile 
     justice system;'';
       (D) by redesignating paragraphs (8) through (13) as 
     paragraphs (9) through (14);
       (E) by inserting after paragraph (7) the following:
       ``(8) shall ensure that--
       ``(A) the records described in paragraph (7), on an 
     individual runaway or homeless youth, shall not be disclosed 
     without the consent of the individual youth and parent or 
     legal guardian of such youth, or (if appropriate) an 
     individual identified by such youth as family, to anyone 
     other than another agency compiling statistical records or a 
     government agency involved in the disposition of criminal 
     charges against an individual runaway or homeless youth; and
       ``(B) reports or other documents based on the statistics 
     described in paragraph (7) shall not disclose the identity of 
     any individual runaway or homeless youth;'';
       (F) in paragraph (9), as so redesignated, by striking 
     ``statistical summaries'' and inserting ``statistics'';
       (G) in paragraph (13)(C), as so redesignated--
       (i) by striking clause (i) and inserting:
       ``(i) the number and characteristics of runaway and 
     homeless youth, and youth at risk of family separation, who 
     participate in the project, including such information on--

       ``(I) such youth (including both types of such 
     participating youth) who are victims of trafficking in 
     persons or sexual exploitation, disaggregated by--

       ``(aa) such youth who have been coerced or forced into a 
     commercial sex act, as defined in section 103 of the 
     Trafficking Victims Protection Act of 2000 (22 U.S.C. 7102);
       ``(bb) such youth who have been coerced or forced into 
     other forms of labor; and
       ``(cc) such youth who have engaged in a commercial sex act, 
     as so defined, for any reason other than by coercion or 
     force;

       ``(II) such youth who are pregnant or parenting;
       ``(III) such youth who have been involved in the child 
     welfare system; and
       ``(IV) such youth who have been involved in the juvenile 
     justice system; and''; and

       (ii) in clause (ii), by striking ``and'' at the end;
       (H) in paragraph (14), as so redesignated, by striking the 
     period and inserting ``for natural disasters, inclement 
     weather, and mental health emergencies;''; and
       (I) by adding at the end the following:
       ``(15) shall provide age, gender, and culturally and 
     linguistically appropriate services to runaway and homeless 
     youth; and
       ``(16) shall assist youth in completing the Free 
     Application for Federal Student Aid described in section 483 
     of the Higher Education Act of 1965 (20 U.S.C. 1090).''; and

[[Page 12851]]

       (2) in subsection (d)--
       (A) in paragraph (1)--
       (i) by inserting ``age, gender, and culturally and 
     linguistically appropriate'' after ``provide'';
       (ii) by striking ``families (including unrelated 
     individuals in the family households) of such youth'' and 
     inserting ``families of such youth (including unrelated 
     individuals in the family households of such youth and, if 
     appropriate, individuals identified by such youth as 
     family)''; and
       (iii) by inserting ``suicide prevention,'' after ``physical 
     health care,''; and
       (B) in paragraph (4), by inserting ``, including training 
     on trauma-informed and youth-centered care'' after ``home-
     based services''.
       (c) Approval of Applications.--Section 313(b) (42 U.S.C. 
     5713(b)) is amended--
       (1) by striking ``priority to'' and all that follows 
     through ``who'' and inserting ``priority to eligible 
     applicants who'';
       (2) by striking ``; and'' and inserting a period; and
       (3) by striking paragraph (2).

     SEC. 5. TRANSITIONAL LIVING GRANT PROGRAM.

       Section 322(a) (42 U.S.C. 5714-2(a)) is amended--
       (1) in paragraph (1)--
       (A) by inserting ``age, gender, and culturally and 
     linguistically appropriate'' before ``information and 
     counseling services''; and
       (B) by striking ``job attainment skills, and mental and 
     physical health care'' and inserting ``job attainment skills, 
     mental and physical health care, and suicide prevention 
     services''; and
       (2) by redesignating paragraphs (3) through (8) and (9) 
     through (16) as paragraphs (5) through (10) and (12) through 
     (19), respectively;
       (3) by inserting after paragraph (2) the following:
       ``(3) to provide counseling to homeless youth and to 
     encourage, if appropriate, the involvement in such counseling 
     of their parents or legal guardians, or (if appropriate) 
     individuals identified by such youth as family;
       ``(4) to provide aftercare services, if possible, to 
     homeless youth who have received shelter and services from a 
     transitional living youth project, including (to the extent 
     practicable) such youth who, after receiving such shelter and 
     services, relocate to a State other than the State in which 
     such project is located;'';
       (4) in paragraph (9), as so redesignated--
       (A) by inserting ``age, gender, and culturally and 
     linguistically appropriate'' after ``referral of homeless 
     youth to'';
       (B) by striking ``and health care programs'' and inserting 
     ``mental health service and health care programs, including 
     programs providing comprehensive services to victims of 
     trafficking in persons or sexual exploitation,''; and
       (C) by striking ``such services for youths;'' and inserting 
     ``such programs described in this paragraph;'';
       (5) by inserting after paragraph (10), as so redesignated, 
     the following:
       ``(11) to develop a plan to provide age, gender, and 
     culturally and linguistically appropriate services that 
     address the needs of homeless and street youth;'';
       (6) in paragraph (12), as so redesignated, by striking 
     ``the applicant and statistical'' through ``who participate 
     in such project,'' and inserting ``the applicant, statistical 
     summaries describing the number, the characteristics, and the 
     demographic information of the homeless youth who participate 
     in such project, including the prevalence of trafficking in 
     persons and sexual exploitation of such youth,''; and
       (7) in paragraph (19), as so redesignated, by inserting 
     ``regarding responses to natural disasters, inclement 
     weather, and mental health emergencies'' after ``management 
     plan''.

     SEC. 6. COORDINATING, TRAINING, RESEARCH, AND OTHER 
                   ACTIVITIES.

       (a) Coordination.--Section 341 (42 U.S.C. 5714-21) is 
     amended--
       (1) in the matter preceding paragraph (1), by inserting 
     ``safety, well-being,'' after ``health,''; and
       (2) in paragraph (2), by striking ``other Federal 
     entities'' and inserting ``the Department of Housing and 
     Urban Development, the Department of Education, the 
     Department of Labor, and the Department of Justice''.
       (b) Grants for Technical Assistance and Training.--Section 
     342 (42 U.S.C. 5714-22) is amended by inserting ``, including 
     onsite and web-based techniques, such as on-demand and online 
     learning,'' before ``to public and private entities''.
       (c) Grants for Research, Evaluation, Demonstration, and 
     Service Projects.--Section 343 (42 U.S.C. 5714-23) is 
     amended--
       (1) in subsection (b)--
       (A) in paragraph (5)--
       (i) in subparagraph (A), by inserting ``violence, trauma, 
     and'' before ``sexual abuse and assault'';
       (ii) in subparagraph (B), by striking ``sexual abuse and 
     assault; and'' and inserting ``sexual abuse or assault, 
     trafficking in persons, or sexual exploitation;''; and
       (iii) in subparagraph (C), by striking ``who have been 
     sexually victimized'' and inserting ``who are victims of 
     sexual abuse or assault, trafficking in persons, or sexual 
     exploitation''; and
       (iv) by adding at the end the following:
       ``(D) best practices for identifying and providing age, 
     gender, and culturally and linguistically appropriate 
     services to--
       ``(i) vulnerable and underserved youth populations; and
       ``(ii) youth who are victims of trafficking in persons or 
     sexual exploitation; and
       ``(E) verifying youth as runaway or homeless to complete 
     the Free Application for Federal Student Aid described in 
     section 483 of the Higher Education Act of 1965 (20 U.S.C. 
     1090);'';
       (B) in paragraph (9), by striking ``and'' at the end;
       (C) in paragraph (10), by striking the period and inserting 
     ``; and''; and
       (D) by adding at end the following:
       ``(11) examining the intersection between the runaway and 
     homeless youth populations and trafficking in persons, 
     including noting whether such youth who are victims of 
     trafficking in persons were previously involved in the child 
     welfare or juvenile justice systems.''; and
       (2) in subsection (c)(2)(B), by inserting ``, including 
     such youth who are victims of trafficking in persons or 
     sexual exploitation'' after ``runaway or homeless youth''.
       (d) Periodic Estimate of Incidence and Prevalence of Youth 
     Homelessness.--Section 345 (42 U.S.C. 5714-25) is amended--
       (1) in subsection (a)--
       (A) in paragraph (1)--
       (i) by striking ``13'' and inserting ``12''; and
       (ii) by striking ``and'' at the end;
       (B) in paragraph (2), by striking the period and inserting 
     a semicolon; and
       (C) by adding at the end the following:
       ``(3) that includes demographic information about and 
     characteristics of runaway or homeless youth, including such 
     youth who are victims of trafficking in persons or sexual 
     exploitation; and
       ``(4) that does not disclose the identity of any runaway or 
     homeless youth.''; and
       (2) in subsection (b)(1)--
       (A) in the matter preceding subparagraph (A), by striking 
     ``13'' and inserting ``12'';
       (B) in subparagraph (A), by striking ``and'' at the end;
       (C) by redesignating subparagraph (B) as subparagraph (C);
       (D) by inserting after subparagraph (A) the following:
       ``(B) incidences, if any, of--
       ``(i) such individuals who are victims of trafficking in 
     persons; or
       ``(ii) such individuals who are victims of sexual 
     exploitation; and''; and
       (E) in subparagraph (C), as so redesignated--
       (i) in clause (ii), by striking ``; and'' and inserting ``, 
     including mental health services;''; and
       (ii) by adding at the end the following:
       ``(iv) access to education and job training; and''.

     SEC. 7. SEXUAL ABUSE PREVENTION PROGRAM.

       Section 351 (42 U.S.C. 5714-41) is amended--
       (1) in subsection (a)--
       (A) by inserting ``public and'' before ``nonprofit''; and
       (B) by striking ``prostitution, or sexual exploitation.'' 
     and inserting ``violence, trafficking in persons, or sexual 
     exploitation.''; and
       (2) by adding at the end the following:
       ``(c) Eligibility Requirements.--To be eligible to receive 
     a grant under subsection (a), an applicant shall certify to 
     the Secretary that such applicant has systems in place to 
     ensure that such applicant can provide age, gender, and 
     culturally and linguistically appropriate services to all 
     youth described in subsection (a).''.

     SEC. 8. GENERAL PROVISIONS.

       (a) Reports.--Section 382(a) (42 U.S.C. 5715(a)) is 
     amended--
       (1) in paragraph (1)--
       (A) by redesignating subparagraphs (B) through (D) as 
     subparagraphs (C) through (E), respectively; and
       (B) by inserting after subparagraph (A) the following:
       ``(B) collecting data on trafficking in persons and sexual 
     exploitation of runaway and homeless youth;''; and
       (2) in paragraph (2)--
       (A) by striking subparagraph (A) and inserting the 
     following:
       ``(A) the number and characteristics of homeless youth 
     served by such projects, including--
       ``(i) such youth who are victims of trafficking in persons 
     or sexual exploitation;
       ``(ii) such youth who are pregnant or parenting;
       ``(iii) such youth who have been involved in the child 
     welfare system; and
       ``(iv) such youth who have been involved in the juvenile 
     justice system;''; and
       (B) in subparagraph (F), by striking ``intrafamily 
     problems'' and inserting ``problems within the family, 
     including (if appropriate) individuals identified by such 
     youth as family,''.
       (b) Nondiscrimination.--Part F is amended by inserting 
     after section 386A (42 U.S.C. 5732-1) the following:

     ``SEC. 386B. NONDISCRIMINATION.

       ``(a) In General.--No person in the United States shall, on 
     the basis of actual or perceived race, color, religion, 
     national origin, sex, gender identity (as defined in section

[[Page 12852]]

     249(c)(4) of title 18, United States Code), sexual 
     orientation, or disability, be excluded from participation 
     in, denied the benefits of, or subjected to discrimination 
     under any program or activity funded in whole or in part with 
     funds made available under this title, or any other program 
     or activity funded in whole or in part with amounts 
     appropriated for grants, cooperative agreements, or other 
     assistance administered by the Administration for Children 
     and Families of the Department of Health and Human Services.
       ``(b) Disqualification.--Any State, locality, organization, 
     agency, or entity that violates the requirements of 
     subsection (a) shall not be eligible to receive any grant, 
     assistance, or funding provided under this title.''.
       (c) Definitions.--Section 387 (42 U.S.C. 5732a) is 
     amended--
       (1) by redesignating paragraphs (7) and (8) as paragraphs 
     (8) and (9), respectively;
       (2) in paragraph (5)(B)(v)--
       (A) by redesignating subclauses (II) through (IV) as 
     subclauses (III) through (V), respectively;
       (B) by inserting after subclause (I), the following:

       ``(II) trafficking in persons;'';

       (C) in subclause (IV), as so redesignated--
       (i) by striking ``diseases'' and inserting ``infections''; 
     and
       (ii) by striking ``and'' at the end;
       (D) in subclause (V), as so redesignated, by striking the 
     period and inserting ``; and''; and
       (E) by adding at the end the following:

       ``(VI) suicide.'';

       (3) in paragraph (6)(B), by striking ``prostitution,'' and 
     inserting ``trafficking in persons,'';
       (4) by inserting after paragraph (6), the following:
       ``(7) Trafficking in persons.--The term `trafficking in 
     persons' has the meaning given the term `severe forms of 
     trafficking in persons' in section 103 of the Trafficking 
     Victims Protection Act of 2000 (22 U.S.C. 7102).'';
       (5) in paragraph (8), as so redesignated--
       (A) by inserting ``to homeless youth'' after ``provides''; 
     and
       (B) by inserting ``, to establish a stable family or 
     community supports,'' after ``self-sufficient living''; and
       (6) in paragraph (9)(B), as so redesignated--
       (A) in clause (ii)--
       (i) by inserting ``or able'' after ``willing''; and
       (ii) by striking ``or'' at the end;
       (B) in clause (iii), by striking the period and inserting 
     ``; or''; and
       (C) by adding at the end the following:
       ``(iv) who is involved in the child welfare or juvenile 
     justice system, but who is not receiving government-funded 
     housing.''.
       (d) Authorization of Appropriations.--Section 388(a) (42 
     U.S.C. 5751(a)) is amended--
       (1) in paragraph (1), by striking ``for fiscal year 2009,'' 
     and all that follows through the period and inserting ``for 
     each of fiscal years 2015 through 2019.'';
       (2) in paragraph (3)(B), by striking ``such sums as may be 
     necessary for fiscal years 2009, 2010, 2011, 2012, and 
     2013.'' and inserting ``$2,000,000 for each of fiscal years 
     2015 through 2019.''; and
       (3) in paragraph (4), by striking ``for fiscal year 2009'' 
     and all that follows through the period and inserting ``for 
     each of fiscal years 2015 through 2019.''.

  Ms. COLLINS. Mr. President, I rise today to introduce the Runaway and 
Homeless Youth and Trafficking Prevention Act with Senate Judiciary 
Committee Chairman Leahy. This bill would reauthorize the Runaway and 
Homeless Youth Act, which expired last September. The programs 
supported by this Act have provided lifesaving services and housing for 
America's homeless and human trafficked youth for forty years and are a 
vital tool in addressing the problem of homelessness among young people 
in our country.
  Homelessness is affecting youth in unprecedented numbers. According 
to the Health Resources and Services Administration, there are 
approximately 1.6 million homeless teens in the United States. Some 
advocacy groups estimate that 39 percent of the homeless population is 
under the age of 18. Some of these youth may stay away from home for 
only one or two nights, while others have been living on the street for 
years.
  Of the 1.6 million homeless youth, the National Alliance to End 
Homelessness estimates that, in any given year, there are approximately 
550,000 unaccompanied, single youth and young adults up to age 24 who 
experience a homelessness episode of longer than one week. 
Approximately 200,000 youth each year live permanently on the street--a 
life that is extremely difficult, often dangerous, and unhealthy. 
Sadly, 5,000 teenagers are buried each year in unmarked graves either 
because they are unidentified or unclaimed.
  Teens run away and become homeless for many reasons. A study 
conducted by the U.S. Department of Health and Human Services found 
that 46 percent of homeless youth left home because of physical abuse 
and 17 percent because of sexual abuse. This population is at greater 
risk of suicide, unintended pregnancy, and substance abuse. Many are 
unable to continue with school and are more likely to enter our 
juvenile justice system.
  As the Ranking Member of the Transportation, Housing and Urban 
Development, and Related Agencies Subcommittee on Appropriations, I 
have made addressing homelessness a priority. Since 2010, we have seen 
a 16 percent drop in chronic homelessness. We must build on this 
success and ensure our nation's homeless youth have opportunities to 
succeed just as other youth. The Administration has set a goal, which I 
fully support, to prevent and end youth homelessness by 2020.
  The programs reauthorized by this bill serve homeless youth by 
meeting their immediate needs and providing long-term residential 
services for youth who cannot be safely reunified with family. In 2013, 
94 percent of the minors who entered Basic Center Programs exited these 
programs safely and appropriately, and 72 percent were reunited with 
their families. Similarly, 88 percent of youth in Transitional Living 
Programs made safe and appropriate exits.
  In Portland, Maine, the Preble Street Resource Center has used 
Runaway and Homeless Youth Act resources to connect with youth who need 
food, a safe place to sleep, health services, and education support. 
Over 200 individual youth were served at the Joe Kreisler Teen Shelter 
last year, and dozens received the support they needed to return home, 
find independent living options, and deal with trauma, substance abuse, 
and mental health challenges. The Street Outreach Program allows Preble 
Street to operate a Drop-In center and helps caseworkers and social 
workers connect with youth who appear homeless or in distress. This 
support often translates into powerful success stories. In fact, Preble 
Street has seen some of its youth go on to become physicians, 
attorneys, film makers, and social workers.
  Mr. President, homeless youth are at high risk of victimization, 
abuse, targeting by human traffickers, criminal activity, and death. 
Research shows that 40 to 60 percent of homeless youth have experienced 
physical abuse. Without a safe place to stay, young people suffer and 
remain disconnected from education, the workforce, and community 
involvement, and they struggle to enter adulthood successfully.
  The Runaway and Homeless Youth and Trafficking Prevention Act will 
support the critically needed services for young people who run away, 
are thrown out, or are disconnected from families. A caring and safe 
place to sleep, eat, grow, and develop is critical for all young 
people, and the programs reauthorized through this legislation help 
extend those basic services to the most vulnerable youth in our 
communities.
  I urge my colleagues to join Senator Leahy and me in supporting this 
bill.
                                 ______
                                 
      By Mr. CORKER (for himself, Mr. Graham, Mr. Rubio, Mr. McCain, 
        Mr. Risch, and Mr. Johnson of Wisconsin):
  S. 2650. A bill to provide for congressional review of agreements 
relating to Iran's nuclear program, and for other purposes; to the 
Committee on Foreign Relations.
  Mr. CORKER. Mr. President, in order to set the context, I am going to 
say a few words on the opening, and then enter into a discussion with 
Senator Graham, Senator Rubio, and Senator McCain. But let me say that 
all of us--I know certainly myself--want to start by saying I strongly 
support the negotiations regarding Iran's nuclear program. I also 
strongly support the President's stated goal that we must prevent Iran 
from obtaining a nuclear weapon.
  Congress, in fact, has led the way on this point--Senator Graham, 
Senator Menendez, and many others, Senator Kirk--by building a broad 
multilateral sanctions regime that has forced Iran

[[Page 12853]]

to the negotiating table. That is why today we are introducing the 
bill, the Iran Nuclear Negotiations Act, with a simple message: Allow 
Congress to weigh in on behalf of the American people on what is one of 
the most important national security issues facing our Nation.
  We hope the administration reaches a good agreement over the next 4 
months that will prevent a nuclear-armed Iran from becoming a reality. 
But if and when they reach an agreement, let's bring all the details 
out in the open. Let's examine the agreement in its entirety, and let's 
determine if it is in our national security interests.
  To help ensure that that is the case, Senators Graham, McCain, Rubio, 
and myself are offering this bill that will do three things: First of 
all, have a Congressional review. First, it allows Congress to weigh in 
on any final deal the President reaches with Iran. The bill requires 
the President to submit any final deal to Congress for review, and then 
allows Congress to introduce a joint resolution of disapproval should 
it choose to do so.
  Second, it ensures Iran does not cheat on any final agreement. The 
bill requires the Director of National Intelligence to report on any 
violation by Iran to Congress. If determined there is credible and 
accurate evidence that Iran violated the agreement, all sanctions that 
have been temporarily lifted should be reimposed.
  Thirdly, in order to ensure the interim deal does not become the 
final deal, the bill puts a clock on negotiations. This clock is 
consistent with the timeline the administration itself has outlined. If 
the President does not submit a comprehensive final agreement to 
Congress, all sanctions lifted under the interim agreement would be 
restored immediately on November 28, 2014, 4 days after the end of the 
extension period.
  Let me be clear: Nothing in this bill talks about imposing new 
sanctions of any kind. Nothing in this bill would prohibit Congress 
from seeking further sanctions if it chooses to do so. This bill does 
not dictate the terms of what a final deal should look like. Rather, it 
helps to ensure the Iranians do not use the negotiations as a delaying 
tactic or cover for advancing their program. This bill is all about 
transparency.
  The administration can go out and try to get the best deal possible. 
They simply have to show Congress and the American people the results, 
letting the deal fail or succeed on its own merits. This should be an 
area of broad support and broad bipartisan agreement. Even Secretary 
Kerry, in testimony before the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, said 
that any final deal would have to pass muster with Congress.
  I want to stop here. I have some additional comments I might make. I 
know there are numbers of people here who wish to speak. I want to 
close with this. This bill represents a constructive, responsible role 
for Congress to play on this important national security issue to try 
to prevent a nuclear-armed Iran, in the hope that Members on both sides 
of the aisle will agree, as Secretary Kerry has stated, that any final 
deal should have to pass muster with Congress and the American people.
  I know Senator Graham from South Carolina--no one has played a bigger 
role in trying to ensure that Iran does not become a nuclear-armed 
country. With that, I would love to hear his thoughts and his reason 
for wanting to be a part, with five Senators, in creating this piece of 
legislation.
  Mr. GRAHAM. I thank the Senator very much.
  Senators McCain, Rubio, and Corker on the Foreign Relations 
Committee, all have I think revived the committee, along with Senator 
Menendez. The committee is probably the most effective it has been in a 
very long time. The committee is doing a lot of work in a bipartisan 
fashion. I hope one day this becomes a bipartisan piece of legislation. 
But credit to the three of you all for coming up with this idea. I am 
glad to be part of it.
  I wish to hear from Senator Rubio about his view of why this 
legislation is necessary.
  Mr. RUBIO. Mr. President, I appreciate the opportunity to speak for a 
few moments. I thank both the Senators from Tennessee, South Carolina, 
and Arizona for allowing me this opportunity to join them in this 
effort.
  For those who are watching at home, I know so many other issues are 
going on around the world--we see the things going on with regard to 
Israel over the last few days; certainly the shootdown of that airplane 
by Ukrainian separatists, being armed by the Russians, is of great 
concern.
  But what should not be lost in all of this is there is another urgent 
matter before the Nation and the world; that is, the ambitions of a 
rogue, radical regime in Iran to acquire a nuclear weapon that they 
will use to hold the world hostage and establish dominance in the 
region and in their stated goal, to destroy Israel and wipe it off the 
face of the Earth.
  What has happened here over the last few months, for those who have 
been following this, is the White House has engaged in negotiations, 
along with some other countries, with Iran to get them to walk away 
from this. These negotiations have been ongoing. I have never been very 
optimistic about it, although we all hope to wake up one day to the 
news that the Ayatollah and the Supreme Leader in Iran and those who 
surround him have somehow decided to walk away from this ambition and 
change their direction.
  These negotiations are not going very well. That is why they have now 
been extended for another 4 months. The administration claims there has 
been great progress being made, although it is not clear what that 
progress is toward. For example, Iran's right to enrich, which they do 
not have one, but this right to enrich uranium has essentially been 
recognized as part of these negotiations, meaning there will be no 
guarantee that Iran cannot at some time in the future come back and 
exploit this agreement to develop nuclear weapons. If they keep the 
machines, and if they keep the process in place to enrich uranium, if 
they decide at some point in the future to go from a symbolic nuclear 
program, or a nascent one, into a full-fledged weapons one, they can do 
that rather quickly.
  That is what they have agreed to do, already allowed them to retain a 
right to enrich. That, in and of itself, should be reason, in my 
opinion--perhaps it is not shared by others but in my opinion--to pull 
the plug on these negotiations. But it is not even clear in this 
instance that the administration is still insisting that Iran dismantle 
all of its nuclear-related facilities. In fact, according to some press 
reports, the Iranians want to keep all of their current centrifuges and 
the United States is supposedly open to allowing Iran to retain 
thousands of them. Iran's Supreme Leader even said recently that they 
need a larger enrichment capability than the one they currently have.
  Another thing that has happened as part of this extension is that the 
P5+1 countries are going to allow Iran to access another $2.8 billion 
in sanctions relief. Basically what they have done here is they have 
forced the hand of this extension, and they get even more relief as a 
result of it.
  I am also worried that the administration seems willing to allow Iran 
to have even more than 4 months to provide simply answers about its 
past work on nuclear weapons.
  If they are not even willing to come clean on what they have done in 
the past, how can we possibly treat them as a reliable, responsible 
actor. Beyond that, there seems to be no attention whatsoever paid to 
the need to address Iran's ballistic missile program, its ICBMs. There 
is only one reason why you have ICBMs and that is these are long-range 
rockets capable of one day reaching the United States as they continue 
to develop them. The only reason they would even have one of those is 
to put a nuclear warhead on it. Just imagine a world where Iran has 
nuclear weapons capable of reaching this very city or New York or any 
part of the continental United States.
  It would be all-out chaos. They would now have to be treated very 
differently, and they would basically be able to act with impunity 
anywhere in

[[Page 12854]]

the world. And that reaches my last point. Absent in this whole 
conversation and in all these negotiations is any discussion about 
Iran's ongoing sponsorship of terrorism and their ongoing human rights 
violations, including a pastor--an American, with strong links to this 
country--being held unjustly in that country.
  All of this is to say this is the reason why this bill is so 
important. Any final agreement on a matter of this consequence should 
be reviewed by this body, should come before Congress, and Congress 
should have the ability to provide oversight. The absence of that, I 
believe, unfortunately, leaves us vulnerable, not only to a terrible 
deal but to a dangerous one that could potentially endanger the future 
of our allies and even of our own country.
  I am grateful to join these Senators. I don't know who would want to 
speak next. I know all of my colleagues--I know the Senator from 
Arizona has spent a tremendous amount of time sounding the alarm on the 
danger--not just of this deal--that Iran poses in this region.
  I would be interested in hearing from the Senator from Arizona on his 
views about this extension.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Arizona.
  Mr. McCAIN. I thank the Senator from Florida and I thank him for his 
advocacy for freedom and democracy throughout the world. Frankly, I 
have been incredibly impressed with his knowledge and depth, including 
in our own hemisphere, which I think he and I would agree has been very 
much ignored. There are enormous challenges ahead there as well.
  I would ask a couple of questions of my friend from Tennessee and my 
friend from South Carolina.
  Isn't it true that in order to have a true nuclear capability you 
have to have a warhead and you have to have a delivery system, and the 
Iranians are proceeding apace forward in acquiring those capabilities? 
Would anybody believe that if they were truly interested in not going 
to nuclear weapons, they would not be spending time and effort on that 
capability?
  Doesn't that destroy any credibility they might have about a 
commitment to not continue the development of nuclear weapons?
  Mr. GRAHAM. Well, I would say that if there was a group of people in 
the world to be suspicious of, I would put Iran very close to the top 
of that list.
  The international intelligence community believes they have tried to 
militarize their nuclear program in the past. Senator Rubio made a good 
point. They deny this, but before you go forward, you would want to 
answer that question: Were they engaged in militarization of what was 
claimed to be a peaceful nuclear power program?
  Second, why would you go through all of this upheaval, build a 
nuclear powerplant secretly at the bottom of a mountain, if all you 
wanted to do was have peaceful nuclear power? None of this really adds 
up. Why do you need an ICBM if all you want to do is produce peaceful 
nuclear power?
  Having said that, suspicion is warranted here. But more than anything 
else, the final deal that may be reached should come to this body 
because I would suggest that of all the problems in the world today, 
this is the top of the list for me.
  If they did break out as did North Korea, if a bad deal turned into a 
dangerous deal just as with North Korea, Sunni Arabs would respond in 
kind and we are on the road to Armageddon. I cannot think of a much 
worse scenario for our national security than the ayatollahs with 
nukes. I cannot think of a much more direct threat to the survival of 
the State of Israel than ayatollahs in Iran with nukes. I can't believe 
the Sunni Arabs would allow the Shia Persians to have a nuclear 
capability unanswered.
  Mr. McCAIN. I would ask my friend from Tennessee, was he surprised 
and shocked that there would be an extension of these negotiations? Was 
he shocked and surprised that the end date is now after the midterm 
elections that we have in the United States of America?
  Was he shocked that even though there has not been ``sufficient 
progress,'' there was still more relaxation of the sanctions, which 
then gives the Iranians billions of dollars worth of a boost to their 
economy? Was he surprised and shocked that this extension took place?
  Mr. CORKER. Obviously, just the way the Senator asks the question--
and obviously nobody in this Senate has spent more time on these issues 
than the Senator from Arizona--and I thank the Senator so much for his 
leadership on the Armed Services Committee and also on the Foreign 
Relations Committee and on all of these issues--absolutely not.
  When you have a deal that is aimed, that says there is a built-in 
extension, you know that people aren't going to focus until the very 
end. So we expected there to be an extension. I was very disappointed, 
though, to know that we were giving additional sanctions relief.
  I am very concerned because of the way this has happened. In March 
the administration agreed to allow them to enrich uranium, which was a 
big setback. I mean, we don't allow our best friends. We approved one, 
two, three agreements. The Senator and I just did one the other day in 
the committee with Senator Rubio. Senator Risch is also a part of this 
bill. But with our closest friends and allies we do not approve 
enrichment.
  So here we are really doing something that will undo many of the 
agreements that we have and certainly have--as Senator Graham of South 
Carolina mentioned--a tremendous impact on the region. There is no 
question people in the Arabian Peninsula right across the strait are 
looking at a country that has been their foe--and looking at 
potentially their having the capability to enrich uranium. Yes, this 
agreement started in a very bad place, but I think we all want to see a 
diplomatic solution. We want this to be successful.
  I would add that Rouhani has the Supreme Leader whom he has to go 
back and talk to. He can always use that. The Supreme Leader, as 
Senator Graham mentioned, wants 100,000 centrifuges--not the 19,000 
centrifuges they have.
  I would say to our administration to have us as a backstop--where 
Congress has to approve this. That would actually be an aid to them as 
they move down this negotiating path. I look at this as an asset to 
them, and I look at our fulfilling our responsibilities if this bill 
becomes law. I thank the Senator for asking.
  Mr. McCAIN. Finally, could I ask the Senator from Florida, we judge 
nations by their behavior, I believe. In fact, we don't view them in a 
vacuum. For example, the President of the United States said that if 
Syria crossed the red line in the use of chemical weapons, we would 
have to respond, and obviously we didn't.
  Meanwhile, 170,000 people have been slaughtered--men, women, and 
children. So isn't it appropriate for us to not look at the Iranians in 
a very narrow spectrum but to look at overall behavior going all the 
way back to the bombing of the barracks in Beirut, the USS Cole, and a 
plot to kill the Saudi Ambassador here? And maybe the worst, most of 
all, is the Revolutionary Guard that has gone into Syria and the 
incredible flow of weapons and training on the part of the Iranians 
which has turned the tide in favor of Bashar al-Assad.
  What about the Iranian missiles, some of which are threatening and 
raining down on Israel. Shouldn't we understand better? Shouldn't the 
American people and the world understand better what we are dealing 
with--a country with leaders who are dedicated to the extinction of 
everything we stand for and believe in? Therefore, wouldn't that impact 
our calculations as to their sincerity about a nuclear weapons program?
  Mr. RUBIO. I think the Senator from Arizona touches on the exact 
point.
  First, we have to understand Iran is the world's leading state 
sponsor of terrorism. No nation on Earth uses terrorism as an active 
form of tradecraft as they do. They use terrorism the way we use 
military forces when necessary. They view it as a very active part of 
their agenda.

[[Page 12855]]

  The Senator is correct. Virtually every major terrorist organization 
in the Middle East, absent a couple, they provide extraordinary 
assistance to. I think the Senator touched on another point: What is 
their goal? That is important to understand.
  What is the Iranians' goal in these negotiations? In my mind those 
goals are quite clear. In fact, it is shocking to me because I know the 
administration knows this as well.
  The goal of Iran is pretty simple. They want relief from as many 
sanctions as possible without agreeing to any irreversible concessions 
on their nuclear program.
  Let's go through what they want to achieve. They want to be able to 
achieve or obtain an internationally recognized right to enrich--check.
  They want the capability to enrich, process in the future, and keep 
that much in place as possible. They have already gotten that--check.
  They want to continue to develop their long-range rockets and missile 
capabilities so that one day they can be in that position where, when 
we negotiate with them in the future on anything else, they are 
untouchable because they can launch a nuclear attack against the United 
States and certainly against our allies. They continue to do that--
check.
  The Iranians in this whole negotiation view themselves to be in a 
position of strength. To be quite frank, they believe that our 
President wants this deal more than they do. They believe he wants this 
deal more than they do, and that is what puts them in this tremendous 
position of strength.
  The result is that these negotiations are not going to, in my view--I 
hope that I am wrong. I hope that tomorrow when we open the paper and 
read: You know what. They have changed their mind. They don't want to 
do any more terrorism--no more rockets and no nuclear weapons program--
and they have become just a normal government in a normal country. 
Don't hold your hopes out for that because that is not what they have 
shown in the past. That is not what they are doing now, and they are 
negotiating from a position of strength because they know the President 
wants a deal much more than they want or need a deal.
  Mr. McCAIN. I would ask again, going full circle with the Senator 
from South Carolina, wouldn't we actually be helping the administration 
at the negotiating table to say wait a minute, we have a Congress full 
of people who have spent a lot of time on this issue, are very 
skeptical and, one, are going to have to be convinced of this deal?
  Wouldn't we actually be strengthening the United States' hand at the 
bargaining table, in the Senator's view, if it were something of this 
magnitude that Congress would have to be involved in, as we have been 
in other major treaties that have been made, some of them much less 
significant than this agreement?
  Mr. GRAHAM. The answer, unequivocally to me would be yes, assuming 
one thing: that those of us in this body would handle this in a mature 
fashion, assuming that Republicans would not vote no because this is 
the Obama deal and Democrats would not be tempted to vote yes because 
their President did this, a Democratic President.
  I have confidence in the body that they would not do that. Let me 
tell you why. There are a lot of treaties out there that affect our 
national security. I can't think of an event in my life that is going 
to affect our national security one way or the other greater than the 
Iranian nuclear deal that I think is coming.
  If a Republican scuttled the deal that was good, you would have a 
very unique place in history because you would have done a disservice 
to our country and the world at large.
  Is it possible to know that it is a good deal? Yes, because the 
Israelis would comment on it. The Sunni Arab world would comment on it. 
If it is truly a deal unlike North Korea, which led to a bad outcome, I 
think you would have a score of people, including me, that would 
acknowledge that the President did the world a great service.
  If it is a bad deal, if Senator Rubio is right that they want to 
check the box and get a deal for the sake of getting a deal, I hope my 
Democratic colleagues would stand and say: This will come back to bite 
us as a nation.
  I have confidence the body can do this because I can't think of 
anything more serious we will vote on other than going to war.
  Mr. McCAIN. I thank the Senator from Tennessee. As the Senator from 
South Carolina noted, the relationship that exists between the Senator 
from Tennessee and the Senator from New Jersey, I believe, has 
reinvigorated the Foreign Relations Committee in a very incredible way. 
What has taken place, thanks to that bipartisanship and hard work, has 
really been some remarkable results.
  Frankly, thanks to the Senator's leadership and under the chairman, 
we have been able to have a significant impact on the conduct of 
national security in what I would argue is probably the greatest 
turmoil in my lifetime.
  I thank the Senator from Tennessee for his great work.
  Mr. CORKER. If I could, since the Senator and I have worked together 
on the committee, the administration came to us when they didn't have 
to. They came to us on the authorization for the use of force in Syria. 
We came together over a very short amount of time, Democrats and 
Republicans, and crafted something of which I am very proud. It didn't 
end up coming to the floor because a different course of action was 
taken, but the fact is that the administration sought our input on 
something that, as the Senator from South Carolina just mentioned, may 
pale compared to the impact of this Iranian negotiation relative to 
nuclear arms.
  So this is something that is very important. I agree with the Senator 
from South Carolina--I believe that if something is presented, we would 
act very much in the same manner. It would be a sober discussion. 
People would understand the importance of it. And I think, from the 
administration's standpoint, the Senate saying grace over it and 
approving it gives him additional buy-in from the American people that 
we are behind him if they negotiate a good deal. On the other hand, if 
they don't, obviously we should have the right to weigh in and keep the 
sanctions that have been put in place by us.
  Everybody says: Well, the administration still has to come back and 
talk with you all about sanctions.
  That is not true. There is a waiver provision in there. They can't be 
undone permanently. But I think it gives us the appropriate say-so.
  I thank the Senator so much for his leadership and for everybody's 
time on the floor and for working on this issue. Hopefully, as the 
Senator mentioned, this will become something that is very bipartisan.

                          ____________________