[Congressional Record (Bound Edition), Volume 160 (2014), Part 6]
[Senate]
[Pages 8498-8499]
[From the U.S. Government Publishing Office, www.gpo.gov]




                STRONG START FOR AMERICA'S CHILDREN ACT

  Mr. ALEXANDER. Madam President, the question is not whether but how 
best to make early childhood education available to the largest number 
of children.
  The approach that I am offering is quite different than the 
Democratic proposal.
  Last year this time around, the Senate HELP Committee held a markup 
on another bill which was the Senate Democrats' proposal to reauthorize 
No Child Left Behind.
  I said then that over the last decade, the combination of No Child 
Left Behind, Race to the Top, and the Obama administration's use of 
waivers has created a congestion of Federal mandates and rules that 
amount, in effect, to a national school board for elementary and 
secondary education.
  The proposal that the HELP committee approved last year on a partisan 
vote would have ``doubled down'' on those mandates by setting 
performance standards, giving the Secretary of Education the authority 
to tell 100,000 public schools what their standards and tests should 
look like, how to measure their students' progress, and how to evaluate 
their teachers. And I said, then too, that if we wanted anyone to serve 
as chairman of the national school board, Arne Duncan would be a 
terrific one but Congress has said repeatedly that we don't want a 
national school board.
  Unfortunately, the bill that Senate Democrats are proposing today has 
a familiar ring to it. It would, in effect, create a national school 
board for 3- and 4-year-olds.
  It would spend $27 billion in new funding over 5 years with 
Washington making the decisions about how States should run their 
preschool programs.
  For example, it includes a lot of requirements for States that I 
don't think the Federal Government has ever even attempted with 
elementary and secondary education, such as: determining teacher 
salaries--that all preschool teachers be paid at a rate that is 
comparable to K-12 school teachers; class sizes, student-teacher 
ratios--class sizes can't be larger than 20 children, the ratio of 
students to teachers may be no higher than 10 to 1; length of the 
school day--a minimum of 5 hours or as long as a typical day in the K-
12 system.
  Never before, not even in No Child Left Behind, has the Federal 
Government told school districts in Maryville or Murfreesboro or 
Memphis how to run their schools in such detail.
  The bill also includes requirements that sound a lot like what hasn't 
worked so well under No Child Left Behind, Race to the Top, and 
waivers, such as: that States must ensure that preschool teachers have 
a bachelor's degree in early childhood education--sounds a lot like the 
Highly Qualified Teacher provision; that States must establish early 
learning and development standards and age appropriate standardized 
tests aligned to the State's academic standards under No Child Left 
Behind, which for more than 40 States now means Common Core.
  Furthermore, that these standards, curriculum, and tests must be: 
developmentally-appropriate; culturally and linguistically appropriate; 
address all domains of school readiness, including physical well-being, 
et cetera.
  Then there are an assortment of vague requirements on States, which 
will depend on the Department of Education issuing hundreds of pages of 
regulations and guidance of histories to

[[Page 8499]]

define and implement, such things as: vision, dental, and health 
services; mandatory family engagement such as parent conferences; 
nutritious meals and snack options--what they consist of; physical 
activity programs that are evidence-based according to guidelines; 
evidence-based health and safety standards; regular classroom 
observations and coaching for teachers.
  Finally, the bill also includes new maintenance of effort standards. 
We know what happened with those in Medicaid, during the last 5 or 6 
years.
  As State economies tumbled, States were forced to continue to spend 
more on Medicaid by maintenance of effort requirements. And that 
resulted in less money for higher education and driving up tuition 
rates.
  Washington would pay 90 percent of the program's cost for the first 
year for the Democratic proposal, but the required share of State 
spending will increase each year, eventually half the bill to Governors 
after 8 years. And that also has a familiar ring.
  Sounds a lot like Medicaid, where the State average is about 43 
percent and most of the rules are Federal, even though the States pay 
nearly half.
  What has happened with that model? Well, when I was Governor in the 
1980s in Tennessee, Medicaid was 8 percent of the State budget. Today 
it's 30 percent of the State budget.
  Americans don't want a national school board. We'd like to move in a 
different direction. I'd like to take, as an example of why we should, 
the testimony of a witness at a HELP Committee hearing on this issue.
  Superintendent John White of Louisiana testified that the ``greatest 
barrier to achieving these conditions that we want in early childhood 
education--no less than financial resources themselves--is the 
fragmentation of our country's early childhood education system.''
  He went on to say: ``You can't claim to be providing full access and 
full choice when you have separate centers, separate funding streams, 
separate sets of regulations that literally require no coordination in 
the offering of seats, even within the same neighborhood.''
  That's the situation in Louisiana, and the Government Accountability 
Office says it's true around the country.
  Forty-five different programs support early education and child care. 
Thirty-three of those permit the use of funds to provide support or 
related services to children from birth through 5. Twelve programs have 
the explicit purpose to provide childhood and preschool or child care 
services.
  Then there are 5 tax provisions that subsidize private expenditures 
in the area of early childhood and preschool programs.
  This year, Congress appropriated roughly $15 billion for the 12 
programs explicitly focused on early childhood, Head Start, Race to the 
Top, Individuals with Disabilities Education Act, and the Child Care 
and Development Block Grant.
  And then there's another $3 billion in tax credits.
  An earlier witness before our committee estimated that when you add 
up the 33 programs, the total Federal spending in this area is now 
about $22 billion.
  So, we believe a better way to give all children the best early 
learning experience is to provide States with the flexibility to use 
some or all of the more than $22 billion in Federal money that we 
already spend and allow States to use it in the way that best suits 
their needs.
  Under my proposal, Superintendent White would be able to take 
Louisiana's share of the $22 billion that the Federal Government spends 
on early childhood and preschool programs--about $300 million--and do 
just that. In Tennessee, we'd have about $440 million a year.
  If we were given this kind of flexibility, we could increase the 
vouchers for child care from 39,000 to 139,000; or the State-funded 
voluntary preschool program, from 18,000 4-year-olds to 109,000. Or we 
could expand Head Start, from 17,000 children to 56,000 or some 
combination of that. We could create Centers of Excellence and 
otherwise leave to Tennessee to figure out what works best for 
Tennesseans.
  So, the question is not whether, but how best to make early childhood 
education available to the largest possible number of children. The 
answer to that question is to not create a national school board for 3- 
and 4-year-olds to go along with the one we've effectively established 
for K-12 education.
  That is why I opposed the Democratic proposal and instead offered a 
proposal to enable States to take responsibility for developing the 
early learning systems that best meet their needs and to use up to $22 
billion of existing federal dollars to help fund that.

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