[Congressional Record (Bound Edition), Volume 160 (2014), Part 4]
[House]
[Pages 4977-4989]
[From the U.S. Government Publishing Office, www.gpo.gov]




                          UKRAINE SUPPORT ACT

  Mr. ROYCE. Mr. Speaker, I move to suspend the rules and pass the bill 
(H.R. 4278) to support the independence, sovereignty, and territorial 
integrity of Ukraine, and for other purposes, as amended.
  The Clerk read the title of the bill.
  The text of the bill is as follows:

                               H.R. 4278

       Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of 
     the United States of America in Congress assembled,

     SECTION 1. SHORT TITLE AND TABLE OF CONTENTS.

       (a) Short Title.--This Act may be cited as the ``Ukraine 
     Support Act''.
       (b) Table of Contents.--The table of contents for this Act 
     is as follows:

Sec. 1. Short title and table of contents.
Sec. 2. United States policy.

                     TITLE I--ASSISTANCE PROVISIONS

Sec. 101. Support for democratic governance and civil society in 
              Ukraine.
Sec. 102. Economic reform in Ukraine.
Sec. 103. United States international programming to Ukraine and 
              neighboring regions.
Sec. 104. Overseas Private Investment Corporation.
Sec. 105. Enhanced assistance for law enforcement and the judicial 
              system in Ukraine.
Sec. 106. Enhanced security cooperation among Central and Eastern 
              European NATO member states.
Sec. 107. United States-Ukraine security assistance.
Sec. 108. Recovery of assets linked to corruption in Ukraine.
Sec. 109. European Bank for Reconstruction and Development.
Sec. 110. Offset.

                     TITLE II--SANCTIONS PROVISIONS

Sec. 201. Continuation in effect of sanctions with respect to the 
              blocking of certain persons contributing to the situation 
              in Ukraine.
Sec. 202. Imposition of additional sanctions on persons responsible for 
              violence or who undermine the independence, sovereignty, 
              or territorial or economic integrity of Ukraine.
Sec. 203. Imposition of additional sanctions on persons complicit in or 
              responsible for significant corruption in the Russian 
              Federation.
Sec. 204. Report on certain foreign financial institutions.
Sec. 205. Sense of Congress on human rights in the Russian Federation.
Sec. 206. Certification described and submission to Congress.
Sec. 207. Sense of Congress on suspension of all activities and 
              meetings of the NATO-Russia Council.
Sec. 208. Definitions.

                    TITLE III--REPORTING PROVISIONS

Sec. 301. Annual report on security developments in the Russian 
              Federation and their effects on Ukrainian sovereignty.
Sec. 302. Presidential determination and report on compliance by 
              Russian Federation of its obligations under INF Treaty.
Sec. 303. Report on geopolitical impact of energy exports.
Sec. 304.  Amendment to the Iran, North Korea, and Syria 
              Nonproliferation Act.

     SEC. 2. UNITED STATES POLICY.

       It is the policy of the United States--
       (1) to support the right of the people of Ukraine to freely 
     determine their future, including their country's 
     relationship with other nations and international 
     organizations, without interference, intimidation, or 
     coercion by other countries;
       (2) to support the people of Ukraine in their desire to 
     address endemic corruption, consolidate democracy, and 
     achieve sustained prosperity;
       (3) to support the efforts of the Government of Ukraine to 
     bring to justice those responsible for the acts of violence 
     against peaceful protestors and other unprovoked acts of 
     violence related to the anti-government protests that began 
     on November 21, 2013;
       (4) to support the efforts of the Government of Ukraine to 
     identify, investigate, recover, and return to the Ukrainian 
     state assets unaccounted for under the leadership and 
     departure from Ukraine of former President Yanukovych, his 
     family, and other current and former members of the Ukrainian 
     government, along with others legitimately charged by 
     government authorities with similar offenses;
       (5) to assist the Government of Ukraine in preparations for 
     the presidential election scheduled for May 25, 2014, and to 
     participate in efforts to ensure that this election is 
     conducted in accordance with international standards;
       (6) to promote democratic values, transparent and 
     accountable government institutions, and advance United 
     States national security interests through United States 
     international broadcasting, including the Voice of America 
     and Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty (RFE/RL), Incorporated;
       (7) to support needed economic structural reforms in 
     Ukraine, including in the fiscal, energy, pension, and 
     banking sectors, among others;
       (8) to support energy diversification initiatives to reduce 
     Russian control of energy supplies to Ukraine and other 
     European countries, including United States promotion of 
     increased natural gas exports to, and energy efficiency in, 
     Ukraine, which could be enhanced by advances in new energy 
     technologies;
       (9) to condemn the armed intervention of the Russian 
     Federation in Ukraine, including its continuing political, 
     economic, and military aggression against that country;
       (10) to work with United States allies and partners in 
     Europe and around the world, including at the United Nations, 
     to ensure that all nations refuse to recognize the illegal 
     annexation of Crimea by the Russian Federation and reaffirm 
     the independence, sovereignty, and territorial integrity of 
     Ukraine;
       (11) to refuse to recognize the legitimacy of the illegal 
     referendum in Crimea on March 16, 2014, on the status of that 
     region of Ukraine, which was held under conditions of 
     occupation and coercion by Russian forces;
       (12) to support the deployment of international monitors to 
     Ukraine to assess the current status of its territorial 
     integrity and the safety of all people in Ukraine;
       (13) to encourage the Government of Ukraine to continue to 
     respect and protect the rights of all ethnic, religious, and 
     linguistic minorities;
       (14) to encourage the Government of Ukraine to promote and 
     protect the human rights, as recognized by the Universal 
     Declaration of Human Rights, of all individuals as they seek 
     freedom, democracy, and equality under the law;
       (15) to work with United States allies and partners to 
     condemn any violation by Russian Federation occupation forces 
     or their proxies of the rights of ethnic, religious, and 
     linguistic minorities in Crimea, including the region's Tatar 
     population;
       (16) to call on all Ukrainians to respect the legitimate 
     government authorities, as well as all Ukrainian laws and the 
     Constitution of Ukraine in all regions of Ukraine, including 
     Crimea;
       (17) to maintain existing sanctions against and consider 
     all available options for further sanctions on the Russian 
     Federation until Ukrainian sovereignty, independence, and 
     territorial integrity are not being violated by the Russian 
     Federation; and
       (18) to honor and abide by its commitments undertaken 
     pursuant to Article 5 of the North Atlantic Treaty, signed at 
     Washington, District of Columbia, on April 4, 1949, and 
     entered into force on August 24, 1949.

                     TITLE I--ASSISTANCE PROVISIONS

     SEC. 101. SUPPORT FOR DEMOCRATIC GOVERNANCE AND CIVIL SOCIETY 
                   IN UKRAINE.

       (a) In General.--The President is authorized and encouraged 
     to provide assistance to support democracy and civil society, 
     including community-based and faith-based organizations, in 
     Ukraine by undertaking the activities described in subsection 
     (b).
       (b) Activities Described.--The activities described in this 
     subsection are--
       (1) improving democratic governance, transparency, 
     accountability, rule of law, and anti-corruption efforts;
       (2) supporting Ukrainian efforts to foster greater unity 
     among people and regions of the country, combat anti-Semitism 
     and discrimination, and promote respect for religious 
     freedom;
       (3) supporting the people and Government of Ukraine in 
     preparing to conduct and participate in free and fair 
     elections, including through domestic and international 
     election monitoring;

[[Page 4978]]

       (4) assisting Ukraine in diversifying its economy, trade, 
     and energy supplies, including at the national, regional, and 
     local levels;
       (5) strengthening democratic institutions and political and 
     civil society organizations; and
       (6) expanding free and unfettered access to independent 
     media of all kinds in Ukraine and assisting with the 
     protection of journalists and civil society activists who 
     have been targeted for free speech activities.
       (c) Authorization of Appropriations.--There is authorized 
     to be appropriated to the President $50,000,000 for fiscal 
     year 2014 to carry out this section.

     SEC. 102. ECONOMIC REFORM IN UKRAINE.

       (a) Findings.--Congress finds the following:
       (1) The Ukrainian economy is weak and vulnerable, as 
     evidenced by short-term debt interest rates as high as 15 
     percent, a high proportion of foreign exchange-denominated 
     government debt that will mature in 2014 and 2015, a banking 
     sector with non-performing loans at the high level of 14 
     percent, a financing gap which the Government of Ukraine has 
     estimated will amount to $35 billion over the next two years, 
     and a large underground economy. This economic condition 
     undermines democratic prospects in Ukraine.
       (2) Years of poor economic management and performance have 
     undermined and may continue to undermine political stability 
     and unity within Ukraine.
       (3) On March 6, 2014, the House of Representatives passed 
     H.R. 4152, to redirect previously appropriated funds to cover 
     the cost of roughly $1 billion in loan guarantees for 
     Ukraine.
       (b) Statement of Policy.--It shall be the policy of the 
     United States to work with other countries and international 
     institutions to stabilize the Ukrainian economy, while 
     promoting critically needed structural economic reforms in 
     Ukraine, including--
       (1) cutting the massive natural gas subsidies that have led 
     to market inefficiencies;
       (2) reducing the bloated public sector;
       (3) maintaining a market-determined exchange rate;
       (4) strengthening the vulnerable banking sector;
       (5) promoting a robust, independent, and impartial 
     judiciary, due process, and uniform application of law; and
       (6) reducing corruption, such as by supporting reform 
     efforts of the Government of Ukraine to pass legislation 
     related to greater accountability for government officials, 
     greater protection of private property, and increased 
     transparency of government funds.
       (c) Sense of Congress.--It is the sense of Congress that 
     loan guarantees provided by the United States for Ukraine 
     should be used to promote government, banking and energy 
     sector reform, and anti-corruption efforts in Ukraine.

     SEC. 103. UNITED STATES INTERNATIONAL PROGRAMMING TO UKRAINE 
                   AND NEIGHBORING REGIONS.

       (a) Findings and Declarations.--Congress finds and declares 
     the following:
       (1) The Russian Government has deliberately blocked the 
     Ukrainian people's access to uncensored sources of 
     information and has provided alternative news and information 
     that is both inaccurate and inflammatory.
       (2) United States international programming exists to 
     advance the United States interests and values by presenting 
     accurate and comprehensive news and information, which is the 
     foundation for democratic governance.
       (3) The opinions and views of the Ukrainian people, 
     especially those people located in the eastern regions and 
     Crimea, are not being accurately represented in Russian 
     dominated mass media.
       (4) Russian forces have seized more than five television 
     stations in Crimea and taken over transmissions, switching to 
     a 24/7 Russian propaganda format; this increase in 
     programming augments the already robust pro-Russian 
     programming to Ukraine.
       (5) United States international programming has the 
     potential to combat this anti-democratic propaganda.
       (b) Programming.--Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty (RFE/RL), 
     Incorporated, and the Voice of America service to Ukraine and 
     neighboring regions shall--
       (1) provide news and information that is accessible, 
     credible, and accurate;
       (2) emphasize investigative and analytical journalism to 
     highlight inconsistencies and misinformation provided by 
     Russian or pro-Russian media outlets;
       (3) prioritize programming to areas where access to 
     uncensored sources of information is limited or non-existent, 
     especially populations serviced by Russian supported media 
     outlets;
       (4) increase the number of reporters and organizational 
     presence in eastern Ukraine, especially in Crimea;
       (5) promote democratic processes, respect for human rights, 
     freedom of the press, and territorial sovereignty; and
       (6) take necessary preparatory steps to continue and 
     increase programming and content that promotes democracy and 
     government transparency in Russia.
       (c) Programming Surge.--RFE/RL, Incorporated, and Voice of 
     America programming to Ukraine and neighboring regions 
     shall--
       (1) prioritize programming to eastern Ukraine, including 
     Crimea, and Moldova, and to ethnic and linguistic Russian 
     populations, as well as to Tatar minorities;
       (2) prioritize news and information that directly 
     contributes to the target audiences' understanding of 
     political and economic developments in Ukraine and Moldova, 
     including countering misinformation that may originate from 
     other news outlets, especially Russian supported news 
     outlets;
       (3) provide programming content 24 hours a day, seven days 
     a week to target populations, using all available and 
     effective distribution outlets, including--
       (A) at least 8 weekly hours of total original television 
     and video content in Ukrainian, Russian, and Tatar languages, 
     not inclusive of live video streaming coverage of breaking 
     news, to be distributed on satellite, digital, and through 
     regional television affiliates by the Voice of America; and
       (B) at least 14 weekly hours the total audio content in 
     Ukrainian, Russian, and Tatar languages to be distributed on 
     satellite, digital, and through regional radio affiliates of 
     RFE/RL, Incorporated;
       (4) expand the use, audience, and audience engagement of 
     mobile news and multimedia platforms by RFE/RL, Incorporated, 
     and the Voice of America, including through Internet-based 
     social networking platforms; and
       (5) partner with private sector broadcasters and affiliates 
     to seek and start co-production for new, original content, 
     when possible, to increase distribution.
       (d) Authorization of Appropriations.--There is authorized 
     to be appropriated for fiscal year 2014, in addition to funds 
     otherwise made available for such purposes, up to $10,000,000 
     to carry out programming in the Ukrainian, Balkan, Russian, 
     and Tatar language services of RFE/RL, Incorporated, and the 
     Voice of America, for the purpose of bolstering existing 
     United States programming to the people of Ukraine and 
     neighboring regions, and increasing programming capacity and 
     jamming circumvention technology to overcome any disruptions 
     to service.
       (e) Report.--Not later than 15 days after the date of the 
     enactment of this Act, the Broadcasting Board of Governors 
     shall submit to the Committees on Foreign Affairs and 
     Appropriations of the House of Representatives and the 
     Committees on Foreign Relations and Appropriations of the 
     Senate a detailed report on plans to increase broadcasts 
     pursuant to subsections (a) and (b).

     SEC. 104. OVERSEAS PRIVATE INVESTMENT CORPORATION.

       It is the sense of Congress that the Overseas Private 
     Investment Corporation should prioritize investments in 
     Ukraine.

     SEC. 105. ENHANCED ASSISTANCE FOR LAW ENFORCEMENT AND THE 
                   JUDICIAL SYSTEM IN UKRAINE.

       (a) Statement of Policy.--It shall be the policy of the 
     United States--
       (1) to assist Ukraine to eliminate the human rights abuses 
     associated with the Berkut forces in order to foster a 
     democratically reformed police force with strong public 
     oversight, which is critical to fostering political unity and 
     stability throughout Ukraine; and
       (2) to assist Ukraine to develop a robust, independent, and 
     impartial judicial system at national, regional, and local 
     levels, which is essential to ensure that the rights of all 
     citizens are respected, and maintain appropriate checks and 
     balances between the co-equal branches of government.
       (b) Authorization of Appropriations.--There is authorized 
     to be appropriated $8,000,000 for fiscal year 2014 to enhance 
     United States efforts to assist Ukraine to strengthen law 
     enforcement capabilities and maintain the rule of law.

     SEC. 106. ENHANCED SECURITY COOPERATION AMONG CENTRAL AND 
                   EASTERN EUROPEAN NATO MEMBER STATES.

       (a) In General.--The Secretary of State, in consultation 
     with the heads of other appropriate United States departments 
     and agencies, shall seek to provide enhanced security 
     cooperation with Central and Eastern European North Atlantic 
     Treaty Organization (NATO) member states by undertaking the 
     activities described in subsection (b).
       (b) Activities Described.--The activities described in this 
     subsection are--
       (1) enhancing existing security cooperation, including 
     defense and military-to-military cooperation, among Central 
     and Eastern European NATO member states;
       (2) enhancing security relationships among the United 
     States, the European Union, and Central and Eastern European 
     NATO member states;
       (3) providing defense articles, defense services, and 
     military training to Central and Eastern European NATO member 
     states;
       (4) expanding the scope and frequency of military exercises 
     among Central and Eastern European NATO member states; and
       (5) supporting greater reform, professionalism, and 
     capacity-building efforts within the military, intelligence, 
     and security services in Central and Eastern European NATO 
     member states.

     SEC. 107. UNITED STATES-UKRAINE SECURITY ASSISTANCE.

       (a) Findings.--Congress finds that--

[[Page 4979]]

       (1) in fiscal year 2013 the United States provided Ukraine 
     with nearly $2,000,000 in assistance under chapter 5 of part 
     II of the Foreign Assistance Act of 1961 (22 U.S.C. 2347 et 
     seq.; relating to International Military Education Training) 
     and nearly $7,000,000 in assistance under section 23 of the 
     Arms Export Control Act (22 U.S.C. 2763; relating to the 
     Foreign Military Financing Program); and
       (2) Ukraine has been a longstanding member of NATO's 
     Partnership for Peace.
       (b) Sense of Congress.--It is the sense of Congress that--
       (1) United States assistance to Ukraine under chapter 5 of 
     part II of the Foreign Assistance Act of 1961 and section 23 
     of the Arms Export Control Act should be increased;
       (2) consistent with section 506(a) of the Foreign 
     Assistance Act of 1961 (22 U.S.C. 2318(a)), the President is 
     encouraged to draw down defense articles from the stocks of 
     the Department of Defense, in order to provide security 
     assistance, which could include communication equipment, 
     clothing, fuel and other forms of appropriate assistance, to 
     the Government of Ukraine; and
       (3) the Government of Ukraine should make greater efforts 
     to secure the protection of classified information and 
     military equipment.
       (c) Statement of Policy.--It shall be the policy of the 
     United States, in consultation with the Government of 
     Ukraine, to enhance Ukraine's self defense, including through 
     appropriate assistance to improve the capabilities of the 
     country's armed forces.
       (d) Review of Security Assistance.--
       (1) In general.--Not later than 30 days after the date of 
     the enactment of this Act, the Secretary of State, in 
     consultation with the heads of other appropriate United 
     States departments and agencies, shall submit to Congress a 
     report on the results of a review of all United States 
     security assistance to the Government of Ukraine.
       (2) Form.--The report required by paragraph (1) shall be 
     submitted in unclassified form but may contain a classified 
     annex.

     SEC. 108. RECOVERY OF ASSETS LINKED TO CORRUPTION IN UKRAINE.

       (a) Sense of Congress.--It is the sense of Congress that 
     the Administration should provide expedited assistance to the 
     Government of Ukraine through appropriate United States 
     Government and multilateral programs, including the 
     Department of Justice's Kleptocracy Asset Recovery 
     Initiative, the Egmont Group, the Stolen Asset Recovery 
     Initiative, the Camden Asset Recovery Inter-Agency Network, 
     and the Asset Recovery Focal Point Initiative, to identify, 
     investigate, secure, and recover assets missing from the 
     Government of Ukraine or linked to purported acts of 
     corruption by former President Viktor Yanukovych, members of 
     his family, other former or current senior foreign political 
     figures of the Government of Ukraine, and their accomplices 
     in any jurisdiction.
       (b) Definition.--In this section, the term ``senior foreign 
     political figure'' has the meaning given the term in section 
     208.

     SEC. 109. EUROPEAN BANK FOR RECONSTRUCTION AND DEVELOPMENT.

       (a) Findings.--The Congress finds the following:
       (1) Article 1 of the Agreement Establishing the European 
     Bank for Reconstruction and Development (EBRD) states that 
     the EBRD should support investments in countries that are 
     committed to and applying the principles of multiparty 
     democracy, pluralism, and market economics, and the EBRD has 
     recognized that Russian ``progress in the application of 
     these principles . . . has been uneven''.
       (2) Russia received 21 percent of the investments made by 
     the EBRD in 2013, which is more than any other country 
     received from the EBRD in that year, and has received an 
     inordinate ratio of investment from the EBRD since the 2006 
     Capital Resources Review.
       (b) Sense of the Congress.--It is the sense of the Congress 
     that the European Bank for Reconstruction and Development 
     (EBRD) should increase investments in Ukraine and cease new 
     investments in the Russian Federation, and the United States 
     Government should press the EBRD to support new investment in 
     Ukraine and halt consideration of new investment in Russia.

     SEC. 110. OFFSET.

       Section 102(a) of the Enhanced Partnership with Pakistan 
     Act of 2009 (22 U.S.C. 8412(a); Public Law 111-73; 123 Stat. 
     2068) is amended by striking ``$1,500,000,000'' and inserting 
     ``$1,430,000,000''.

                     TITLE II--SANCTIONS PROVISIONS

     SEC. 201. CONTINUATION IN EFFECT OF SANCTIONS WITH RESPECT TO 
                   THE BLOCKING OF CERTAIN PERSONS CONTRIBUTING TO 
                   THE SITUATION IN UKRAINE.

       (a) In General.--United States sanctions described in 
     subsection (b), as in effect on the day before the date of 
     the enactment of this Act, shall remain in effect until the 
     earlier of--
       (1) the date that is 90 days after the date on which the 
     President submits to the appropriate congressional committees 
     the certification described in subsection (a) of section 206 
     in accordance with subsection (b) of such section; or
       (2) the date that is 30 days after any date subsequent to 
     January 1, 2020, on which the President submits to the 
     appropriate congressional committees in writing a 
     determination that the termination of such sanctions imposed 
     is in the vital national security interests of the United 
     States.
       (b) Sanctions Described.--United States sanctions described 
     in this subsection are sanctions imposed under the following 
     executive orders:
       (1) Executive Order 13660 (March 6, 2014; relating to 
     blocking property of certain persons contributing to the 
     situation in Ukraine).
       (2) Executive Order 13661 (March 16, 2014; relating to 
     blocking property of additional persons contributing to the 
     situation in Ukraine).
       (3) Executive Order 13662 (March 20, 2014; relating to 
     blocking property of additional persons contributing to the 
     situation in Ukraine).

     SEC. 202. IMPOSITION OF ADDITIONAL SANCTIONS ON PERSONS 
                   RESPONSIBLE FOR VIOLENCE OR WHO UNDERMINE THE 
                   INDEPENDENCE, SOVEREIGNTY, OR TERRITORIAL OR 
                   ECONOMIC INTEGRITY OF UKRAINE.

       (a) Statement of Policy.--It shall be the policy of the 
     United States to impose sanctions with respect to those 
     individuals within and outside of the Government of the 
     Russian Federation whom the President determines wields 
     significant influence over the formation and implementation 
     of Russian foreign policy, in particular with respect to the 
     violation of Ukraine's sovereignty, democracy, and 
     territorial integrity.
       (b) Criteria for Imposition of Sanctions.--A foreign person 
     or an alien is subject to sanctions under subsection (c) in 
     accordance with the provisions of such subsection if the 
     foreign person or alien, on or after November 21, 2013--
       (1) is knowingly responsible for or complicit in, or 
     engaged in, directly or indirectly--
       (A) actions that significantly undermine democratic 
     processes or institutions in Ukraine;
       (B) actions that significantly threaten the peace, 
     security, stability, sovereignty, or territorial integrity of 
     Ukraine;
       (C) acts of significant corruption in Ukraine, or the 
     seizure or expropriation of significant economic assets from 
     Ukraine, including the expropriation of private or state 
     assets for personal gain, or the facilitation or transfer of 
     the proceeds of such expropriation to foreign jurisdictions; 
     or
       (D) the commission of serious human rights abuses against 
     citizens of Ukraine or citizens of the Russian Federation;
       (2) is a current or former senior foreign political figure 
     of the Government of the Russian Federation who has engaged 
     in any activity described in paragraph (1);
       (3) operates in the arms or related materiel sector in the 
     Russian Federation that has engaged in any activity described 
     in paragraph (1);
       (4) is a current or former senior foreign political figure 
     of an entity that has, or whose members have, knowingly 
     engaged in any activity described in paragraph (1), (2), or 
     (3) or of an entity whose property and interests in property 
     are blocked pursuant to this section;
       (5) has knowingly materially assisted, sponsored, or 
     provided financial, material, or technological support for, 
     or goods or services to or in support of, any activity 
     described in paragraph (1), (2), or (3) or of any person 
     whose property and interests in property are blocked pursuant 
     to this section; or
       (6) is owned or controlled by, or has acted or purported to 
     act for or on behalf of, directly or indirectly, any person 
     whose property and interests in property are blocked pursuant 
     to this section.
       (c) Sanctions Described.--
       (1) In general.--The sanctions described in this subsection 
     are the following:
       (A) Asset blocking.--With respect to a foreign person who 
     the President, acting through the Secretary of the Treasury 
     and in consultation with the Secretary of State (or their 
     designees), determines meets the requirements described in 
     subsection (b) (and, if the President determines such foreign 
     person is a senior foreign political figure, such foreign 
     person is not included in the classified annex of a report 
     submitted to the appropriate congressional committees under 
     subsection (e)(1)), the President, acting through the 
     Secretary of the Treasury and in consultation with the 
     Secretary of State (or their designees), shall to the extent 
     necessary investigate, block during the pendency of an 
     investigation, regulate, direct and compel, nullify, void, 
     prevent or prohibit, any acquisition, holding, withholding, 
     use, transfer, withdrawal, transportation, or exportation of, 
     or dealing in, or exercising any right, power, or privilege 
     with respect to, or transactions involving, any property or 
     interests in property of such person to the extent such 
     property or interests in property are subject to the 
     jurisdiction of the United States, pursuant to the applicable 
     provisions of the International Emergency Economic Powers Act 
     (50 U.S.C. 1701 et seq.).
       (B) Aliens ineligible for visas, admission, or parole.--
       (i) Visas, admission, or parole.--An alien who the 
     Secretary of State or the Secretary

[[Page 4980]]

     of Homeland Security (or a designee of one of such 
     Secretaries) knows, or has reason to believe, meets any of 
     the criteria described in subsection (b) is--

       (I) inadmissible to the United States;
       (II) ineligible to receive a visa or other documentation to 
     enter the United States; and
       (III) otherwise ineligible to be admitted or paroled into 
     the United States or to receive any other benefit under the 
     Immigration and Nationality Act (8 U.S.C. 1101 et seq.).

       (ii) Current visas revoked.--

       (I) In general.--The issuing consular officer, the 
     Secretary of State, or the Secretary of Homeland Security (or 
     a designee of one of such Secretaries) shall revoke any visa 
     or other entry documentation issued to an alien who meets any 
     of the criteria described in subsection (b), regardless of 
     when issued.
       (II) Effect of revocation.--A revocation under subclause 
     (I)--

       (aa) shall take effect immediately; and
       (bb) shall automatically cancel any other valid visa or 
     entry documentation that is in the alien's possession.
       (2) Penalties.--A person that violates, attempts to 
     violate, conspires to violate, or causes a violation of 
     paragraph (1)(A) or any regulation, license, or order issued 
     to carry out paragraph (1)(A) shall be subject to the 
     penalties set forth in subsections (b) and (c) of section 206 
     of the International Emergency Economic Powers Act (50 U.S.C. 
     1705) to the same extent as a person that commits an unlawful 
     act described in subsection (a) of that section.
       (3) Regulatory authority.--The President shall, not later 
     than 90 days after the date of the enactment of this Act, 
     promulgate regulations as necessary for the implementation of 
     this section.
       (4) Exception to comply with united nations headquarters 
     agreement.--Sanctions under paragraph (1)(B) shall not apply 
     to an alien if admitting the alien into the United States is 
     necessary to permit the United States to comply with the 
     Agreement regarding the Headquarters of the United Nations, 
     signed at Lake Success June 26, 1947, and entered into force 
     November 21, 1947, between the United Nations and the United 
     States, or other applicable international obligations.
       (5) Rule of construction.--Nothing in this section shall be 
     construed to limit the authority of the President to impose 
     additional sanctions pursuant to the International Emergency 
     Economic Powers Act (50 U.S.C. 1701 et seq.), relevant 
     executive orders, regulations, or other provisions of law.
       (d) Waiver.--The President may waive the application of 
     sanctions under subsection (c) with respect to a foreign 
     person or alien if the President--
       (1) determines that such a waiver is vital to the national 
     interest of the United States; and
       (2) not less than 15 days after the waiver takes effect, 
     submits to the appropriate congressional committees a notice 
     of the waiver and a justification for such waiver.
       (e) Report.--
       (1) Report required.--
       (A) In general.--Not later than 30 days after the date of 
     the enactment of this Act, and at least once every 180 days 
     thereafter for a period not to exceed 2 years, the Secretary 
     of State, in consultation with the Secretary of the Treasury, 
     shall submit to the appropriate congressional committees a 
     detailed report with respect to senior foreign political 
     figures of the Russian Federation that have been determined 
     to have engaged in activities described in subsection (b).
       (B) Form.--The report required by subparagraph (A) shall be 
     submitted in unclassified form but may contain a classified 
     annex.
       (2) Requests by chairperson and ranking member of 
     appropriate congressional committees.--
       (A) In general.--Not later than 120 days after receiving a 
     written request from the chairperson and ranking member of 
     one of the appropriate congressional committees with respect 
     to whether a senior foreign political figure of the Russian 
     Federation is responsible for engaging in activities 
     described in subsection (b), the President shall submit a 
     response to the chairperson and ranking member of the 
     committee which made the request with respect to the status 
     of the person.
       (B) Form.--The President may submit a response required by 
     subparagraph (A) in classified form if the President 
     determines that it is necessary for the national security 
     interests of the United States to do so.
       (f) Definitions.--In this section:
       (1) Admitted.--The term ``admitted'' has the meaning given 
     such term in section 101(a)(13)(A) of the Immigration and 
     Nationality Act (8 U.S.C. 1101(a)(13)(A)).
       (2) Alien.--The term ``alien'' has the meaning given such 
     term in section 101(a)(3) of the Immigration and Nationality 
     Act (8 U.S.C. 1101(a)(3)).
       (3) Financial institution.--The term ``financial 
     institution'' has the meaning given that term in section 5312 
     of title 31, United States Code.
       (4) Foreign person.--The term ``foreign person'' means--
       (A) an individual who is not a United States person;
       (B) a corporation, partnership, or other nongovernmental 
     entity which is not a United States person; or
       (C) any representative, agent or instrumentality of, or an 
     individual working on behalf of a foreign government.
       (5) Paroled.--The term ``paroled'' means paroled into the 
     United States under section 212(d)(5) of the Immigration and 
     Nationality Act (8 U.S.C. 1182(d)(5)).
       (6) United states person.--The term ``United States 
     person'' means--
       (A) a United States citizen or an alien lawfully admitted 
     for permanent residence to the United States; or
       (B) an entity organized under the laws of the United States 
     or of any jurisdiction within the United States, including a 
     foreign branch of such an entity.
       (g) Termination.--This section and any sanction imposed by 
     this section shall remain in effect until the earlier of--
       (1) the date that is 90 days after the date on which the 
     President submits to the appropriate congressional committees 
     the certification described in subsection (a) of section 206 
     in accordance with subsection (b) of such section; or
       (2) the date that is 30 days after any date subsequent to 
     January 1, 2020, on which the President submits to the 
     appropriate congressional committees in writing a 
     determination that the termination of this section and the 
     sanctions imposed by this section is in the vital national 
     security interests of the United States.

     SEC. 203. IMPOSITION OF ADDITIONAL SANCTIONS ON PERSONS 
                   COMPLICIT IN OR RESPONSIBLE FOR SIGNIFICANT 
                   CORRUPTION IN THE RUSSIAN FEDERATION.

       (a) Findings.--Congress finds the following:
       (1) On March 20, 2014, the Department of the Treasury 
     designated four individuals and one financial institution for 
     acting for or on behalf of or materially assisting, 
     sponsoring, or providing financial, material, or 
     technological support for, or goods or services to or in 
     support of, a senior official of the Government of the 
     Russian Federation.
       (2) Widespread corruption at senior levels of the 
     Government of the Russian Federation, in combination with the 
     suppression of political freedoms and the concentration of 
     enormous wealth in the hands of individuals exercising 
     extensive influence over government policy, has contributed 
     to the establishment of an authoritarian system that does not 
     respect the rights of the Russian people.
       (b) Authority for Imposition of Sanctions.--
       (1) Asset blocking.--The President, acting through the 
     Secretary of the Treasury and in consultation with the 
     Secretary of State (or their designees), is authorized to 
     impose sanctions described in paragraph (1)(A) of section 
     202(c) in accordance with the provisions of such section 
     against a foreign person if the foreign person is a senior 
     foreign political figure or a close associate of such senior 
     foreign political figure with respect to whom the President, 
     acting through the Secretary of the Treasury and in 
     consultation with the Secretary of State (or their 
     designees), determines meets one or more of the criteria 
     described in subsection (c).
       (2) Aliens ineligible for visas, admission, or parole.--The 
     Secretary of State or the Secretary of Homeland Security (or 
     a designee of one of such Secretaries) is authorized to 
     impose sanctions described in paragraph (1)(B) of section 
     202(c) in accordance with the provisions of such section 
     against an alien if the alien is a senior foreign political 
     figure or a close associate of such senior foreign political 
     figure with respect to whom the Secretary of State or the 
     Secretary of Homeland Security (or a designee of one of such 
     Secretaries) knows, or has reason to believe, meets one or 
     more of the criteria described in subsection (c).
       (c) Criteria for Imposition of Sanctions.--The criteria 
     described in this subsection are the following:
       (1) The foreign person or alien is responsible for, or 
     complicit in, or responsible for ordering, controlling, or 
     otherwise directing, acts of significant corruption in the 
     Russian Federation, including the expropriation of private or 
     public assets for personal gain, corruption related to 
     government contracts or the extraction of natural resources, 
     bribery, or the facilitation or transfer of the proceeds of 
     corruption to foreign jurisdictions.
       (2) The foreign person or alien has materially assisted, 
     sponsored, or provided financial, material, or technological 
     support for, or goods or services in support of, an act 
     described in paragraph (1).
       (d) Waiver.--The waiver provisions of subsection (d) of 
     section 202 shall apply with respect to this section and any 
     sanction imposed by this section to the same extent and in 
     the same manner as such waiver provisions apply to section 
     202 and any sanction imposed by such section.
       (e) Definitions.--In this section, the terms ``foreign 
     person'' and ``alien'' have the meanings given such terms in 
     section 202(f).

     SEC. 204. REPORT ON CERTAIN FOREIGN FINANCIAL INSTITUTIONS.

       (a) Findings.--Congress finds the following:
       (1) On February 26, 2014, the Department of the Treasury's 
     Financial Crimes Enforcement Network advised United States 
     financial institutions of their responsibility to

[[Page 4981]]

     take reasonable, risk-based steps regarding the potential 
     suspicious movement of assets related to Viktor Yanukovych 
     departing Kyiv and abdicating his responsibilities and other 
     senior officials resigning from their positions or departing 
     Kyiv.
       (2) United States financial institutions are required to 
     apply enhanced scrutiny to private banking accounts held by 
     or on behalf of senior foreign political figures and to 
     monitor transactions that could potentially represent 
     misappropriated or diverted state assets, the proceeds of 
     bribery or other illegal payments, or other public corruption 
     proceeds.
       (3) On March 3, 2014, the Government of Ukraine announced 
     that it had initiated criminal proceedings against a number 
     of former Ukrainian officials or close associates of former 
     Ukrainian officials.
       (4) On March 5, 2014, the European Union, based on 
     information from Ukraine's Prosecutor General, issued a 
     Council Regulation requiring the European Union to freeze the 
     funds and economic resources of various former Ukrainian 
     officials and their close associates.
       (5) The Government of Canada has taken similar action 
     against the same individuals.
       (6) The measures being taken against these former Ukrainian 
     officials and their close associates increase the risk that 
     they will seek to move their assets in a deceptive fashion.
       (7) Foreign financial institutions should apply similar, 
     enhanced due-diligence and reporting requirements.
       (8) The United States has a strong interest in seeing the 
     international financial system protected from illicit 
     financial activity, including money laundering, terrorism and 
     proliferation financing, transnational organized crime, and 
     the misappropriation of state assets, and international 
     sanctions evasion, among others.
       (9) The Department of the Treasury possesses a range of 
     authorities to insulate the United States financial system 
     from entities or jurisdictions that pose an illicit financing 
     risk.
       (b) Statement of Policy.--It shall be the policy of the 
     United States to use all of its regulatory and statutory 
     authorities to closely scrutinize all foreign financial 
     institutions, including those in the Russian Federation, that 
     may be complicit in enabling foreign persons and 
     transnational criminal enterprises to evade or otherwise 
     circumvent United States and international sanctions, launder 
     the proceeds of criminal activity, finance acts of terrorism 
     and the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction, or any 
     other illicit activity that presents risks and 
     vulnerabilities to the United States financial system.
       (c) Report.--
       (1) In general.--Not later than 30 days after the date of 
     the enactment of this Act, and every 180 days thereafter for 
     a period not to exceed 2 years, the Secretary of State and 
     the Secretary of the Treasury shall jointly submit to the 
     appropriate congressional committees a report on--
       (A) foreign financial institutions that are in direct 
     control of Government of Ukraine state-owned or controlled 
     assets in a manner determined by the Secretary of State and 
     the Secretary of the Treasury to be contrary to the interests 
     of the Government of Ukraine;
       (B) foreign financial institutions determined by the 
     Secretary of State and the Secretary of the Treasury to be 
     complicit in illicit financial activity, including money 
     laundering, terrorism and proliferation financing, 
     transnational organized crime, or misappropriation of state 
     assets, that are--
       (i) organized under the laws of the Russian Federation; or
       (ii) owned or controlled by a foreign person described in 
     section 202(b); and
       (C) foreign financial institutions that are directly or 
     indirectly assisting or otherwise aiding the violation of 
     Ukrainian sovereignty, independence, and territorial 
     integrity, including the Crimea.
       (2) Form.--The report required to be submitted under this 
     subsection shall be submitted in an unclassified form, to the 
     extent appropriate, but may include a classified annex.

     SEC. 205. SENSE OF CONGRESS ON HUMAN RIGHTS IN THE RUSSIAN 
                   FEDERATION.

       It is the sense of Congress that the President should 
     greatly expand the list of 18 Russian officials and others 
     published on April 12, 2013, who were engaged in actions 
     described in section 404 of the Sergei Magnitsky Rule of Law 
     Accountability Act of 2012 (title IV of Public Law 112-208; 
     22 U.S.C. 5811) regarding the death of Sergei Magnitsky, 
     illegal activity by officials of the Government of the 
     Russian Federation, or violations of human rights and other 
     offenses in Russia.

     SEC. 206. CERTIFICATION DESCRIBED AND SUBMISSION TO CONGRESS.

       (a) In General.--A certification described in this section 
     is a certification of the President to Congress that 
     Ukrainian sovereignty, independence, and territorial 
     integrity is not being violated by the Russian Federation or 
     any other state actor.
       (b) Submission to Congress.--
       (1) In general.--The President shall submit the 
     certification described in subsection (a) to the appropriate 
     congressional committees in writing and shall include a 
     justification for the certification.
       (2) Form of certification.--The certification described in 
     subsection (a) shall be submitted in unclassified form but 
     may contain a classified annex.

     SEC. 207. SENSE OF CONGRESS ON SUSPENSION OF ALL ACTIVITIES 
                   AND MEETINGS OF THE NATO-RUSSIA COUNCIL.

       It is the sense of Congress that the United States should 
     work to temporarily suspend all activities and meetings of 
     the NATO-Russia Council.

     SEC. 208. DEFINITIONS.

       In this title:
       (1) Appropriate congressional committees.--Except as 
     otherwise provided, the term ``appropriate congressional 
     committees'' means--
       (A) the Committee on Foreign Affairs, the Committee on 
     Financial Services, the Committee on Ways and Means, and the 
     Committee on the Judiciary of the House of Representatives; 
     and
       (B) Committee on Foreign Relations, the Committee on 
     Banking, Housing, and Urban Affairs, and the Committee on the 
     Judiciary of the Senate.
       (2) Senior foreign political figure.--The term ``senior 
     foreign political figure'' has the meaning given the term in 
     section 1010.605 of title 31, Code of Federal Regulations.

                    TITLE III--REPORTING PROVISIONS

     SEC. 301. ANNUAL REPORT ON SECURITY DEVELOPMENTS IN THE 
                   RUSSIAN FEDERATION AND THEIR EFFECTS ON 
                   UKRAINIAN SOVEREIGNTY.

       (a) Report.--Not later than September 30, 2014, and 
     September 30 of each year thereafter through 2020, the 
     Secretary of State shall submit to the specified 
     congressional committees a report, in both classified and 
     unclassified form, on the current and future security and 
     foreign policy posture of the Russian Federation (in this 
     section referred to as ``Russia'').
       (b) Matters to Be Included.--The report required under 
     subsection (a) shall include the following:
       (1) An assessment of the security situation in regions 
     neighboring Russia, including Crimea.
       (2) The goals and factors shaping the security strategy of 
     the Government of Russia, including potential annexation of 
     non-Russian territory.
       (3) Trends in Russian security behavior that would be 
     designed to achieve, or that are consistent with, the goals 
     described in paragraph (2).
       (4) An assessment of the global and regional security 
     objectives of the Government of Russia, including objectives 
     that would affect the North Atlantic Treaty Organization, the 
     Middle East, or the People's Republic of China.
       (5) A detailed assessment of the sizes, locations, and 
     capabilities of the nuclear, special operations, land, sea, 
     and air forces of the Government of Russia and how they 
     affect neighboring countries, including Ukraine.
       (6) Developments in Russian military doctrine and training 
     and whether the developments have differed from before the 
     annexation of Crimea.
       (7) Other security developments involving Russia that the 
     Secretary of State considers relevant to United States 
     national security.
       (c) Specified Congressional Committees Defined.--In this 
     section, the term ``specified congressional committees'' 
     means--
       (1) the Committee on Foreign Affairs and the Committee on 
     Armed Services of the House of Representatives; and
       (2) the Committee on Foreign Relations and the Committee on 
     Armed Services of the Senate.

     SEC. 302. PRESIDENTIAL DETERMINATION AND REPORT ON COMPLIANCE 
                   BY RUSSIAN FEDERATION OF ITS OBLIGATIONS UNDER 
                   INF TREATY.

       (a) Finding.--Congress finds that there are reports that 
     the Russian Federation is in material breach of its 
     obligations under the Treaty Between the United States of 
     America and the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics on the 
     Elimination of Their Intermediate-Range and Shorter-Range 
     Missiles, commonly referred to as the Intermediate-Range 
     Nuclear Forces (INF) Treaty, signed at Washington December 8, 
     1987, and entered into force June 1, 1988.
       (b) Report.--
       (1) In general.--Not later than 30 days after the date of 
     the enactment of this Act, the President shall submit to the 
     Committee on Foreign Affairs of the House of Representatives 
     and the Committee on Foreign Relations of the Senate a report 
     that includes a determination as to whether or not the 
     Russian Federation is in material breach of its obligations 
     under the INF Treaty.
       (2) Additional matters to be included.--If the President 
     determines that the Russian Federation is in material breach 
     of its obligations under the INF Treaty, the report shall 
     also include the following:
       (A) A description of the measures taken to hold the Russian 
     Federation accountable for its violation of its obligations 
     under the INF Treaty.
       (B) A description of the measures being taken to ensure 
     that the Russian Federation completely and verifiably 
     eliminates any military system that constitutes a material

[[Page 4982]]

     breach of its obligations under the INF Treaty.
       (3) Form.--The report required by this subsection shall be 
     submitted in unclassified form but may contain a classified 
     annex.

     SEC. 303. REPORT ON GEOPOLITICAL IMPACT OF ENERGY EXPORTS.

       (a) Report Required.--Not later than 90 days after the date 
     of the enactment of this Act, the Department of State's 
     Special Envoy and Coordinator for International Energy 
     Affairs shall submit to the appropriate congressional 
     committees a detailed, quantitative, and substantive report 
     on the potential short, medium, and long-term impacts of 
     increased United States natural gas and oil exports on 
     Russia's economic and political influence over Ukraine and 
     other European countries.
       (b) Definition.--In this subsection, the term ``appropriate 
     congressional committees'' means--
       (1) the Committee on Foreign Affairs and the Committee on 
     Energy and Commerce of the House of Representatives; and
       (2) the Committee on Foreign Relations and the Committee on 
     Energy and Natural Resources of the Senate.

     SEC. 304. AMENDMENT TO THE IRAN, NORTH KOREA, AND SYRIA 
                   NONPROLIFERATION ACT.

       (a) Findings.--Congress finds the following:
       (1) Iran continues its longstanding effort to obtain banned 
     components for its nuclear and missile programs in violation 
     of its obligations under successive United Nations Security 
     Council Resolutions.
       (2) Russian entities, including Rosoboronexport, have been 
     sanctioned with respect to proliferation activities, 
     particularly sanctions under the Iran, North Korea, and Syria 
     Nonproliferation Act (Public Law 106-178; 50 U.S.C. 1701 
     note).
       (3) The Department of State must expeditiously restore the 
     deterrent effect of the Iran, North Korea, and Syria 
     Nonproliferation Act by fully applying and enforcing such 
     Act.
       (b) Amendment.--Section 2 of the Iran, North Korea, and 
     Syria Nonproliferation Act (Public Law 106-178; 50 U.S.C. 
     1701 note) is amended by adding at the end the following:
       ``(f) Plan To Expedite Reports and Sanctions Under This 
     Act.--
       ``(1) In general.--Not later than 30 days after the date of 
     the enactment of the Ukraine Support Act, the President shall 
     submit to the Committee on Foreign Affairs of the House of 
     Representatives and the Committee on Foreign Relations in the 
     Senate, a plan, to include specific timetables, to expedite 
     the implementation of this Act with respect to submission of 
     reports required under subsection (a) and the application of 
     measures to certain foreign persons under section 3.
       ``(2) Special emphasis on syria.--In the submission of 
     reports required under subsection (a) and in accordance with 
     the plan required under paragraph (1), the President is 
     encouraged to place a special emphasis on any foreign person 
     in Russia, including any Russian Federation official, that is 
     engaged in any activity described in subsection (a) with 
     respect to the government of President Bashar al-Assad and 
     any affiliates thereof.
       ``(3) Rule of construction.--Nothing in this subsection 
     shall be construed to preclude or exempt the President from 
     fulfilling or otherwise deviating from the requirements under 
     subsection (b).''.

  The SPEAKER pro tempore. Pursuant to the rule, the gentleman from 
California (Mr. Royce) and the gentleman from New York (Mr. Engel) each 
will control 20 minutes.
  The Chair recognizes the gentleman from California.


                             General Leave

  Mr. ROYCE. Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members have 
5 legislative days to revise and extend their remarks and include any 
extraneous materials in the Record.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. Is there objection to the request of the 
gentleman from California?
  There was no objection.
  Mr. ROYCE. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
  Mr. Speaker, President Vladimir Putin's decision to forcibly annex 
Crimea was based on his calculation that the price would be bearable.
  Now, in fact, Russia is susceptible to pressure. Seventy percent of 
all the exports from Russia are from oil and gas; 52 percent of the 
budget that goes to the power behind Mr. Putin's military and his 
government comes from that monopoly pricing on natural gas. That 
supplies the budget for Russia. That is what gives him the power to 
manipulate the situation, the monopoly over gas that he has in Eastern 
Europe, to manipulate this situation with respect to Ukraine.
  If we want to check aggression from Russia, we must push back, and we 
must work together quickly, not only to confront this monopoly 
circumstance that exists there, but also to quickly impose tough 
sanctions on President Putin and on those who have been his accomplices 
in carrying out this aggression.
  Diplomatically, our European allies have helped to eject Russia from 
the G8 and have suspended all other engagement with Russia until this 
crisis is peacefully resolved. Economically, they have also imposed 
sanctions, including asset freezes and visa bans, against many Russian 
leaders. Our targets must include government officials as well as those 
who hold no formal position but who, nevertheless, exercise great 
influence over President Putin's policy and have supported aggression. 
That includes the so-called oligarchs and others who have amassed 
enormous wealth through corruption and through other illegitimate 
means.
  We must make clear that if they do not end this crisis--which they 
have deliberately created, by the way--or if they choose to go even 
further, then we and our allies will ratchet up the sanctions pressure.
  We must also move quickly to strengthen Ukraine by reinforcing its 
sovereignty, its independence and territorial integrity, and assist the 
new government in meeting the enormous challenges it faces.
  This bill provides assistance to strengthen civil society in Ukraine, 
to combat corruption, to help recover assets stolen by former Ukrainian 
officials, to reform the police and the justice sector, to promote the 
independent media, to strengthen Ukraine's defense, and to help prepare 
for the run-up to the Presidential election, which is scheduled now on 
May 25.
  And I will add that, in several weeks, I will be leading a bipartisan 
delegation from this House, with the gentleman from New York (Mr. 
Engel), to Ukraine. And I will add that his forefathers, in fact, come 
from Ukraine. We will be there to meet with the Parliament, the 
leadership, and the electoral commission in advance of that election.
  This bill also directs the assistance already approved by the House 
to help get the Ukrainian economy back on its feet, including by 
promoting fundamental economic reforms in the country. Those tough 
reforms will be essential.
  Mr. Speaker, Moscow is using propaganda to sow confusion and fear and 
unrest inside Ukraine right now, which it then exploits to justify its 
actions. To counter that effort, this legislation enhances funding for 
Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty and the Voice of America to expand 
broadcasting in the Russian language, in Ukrainian, in Tatar in order 
to provide the accurate news and information on the ground across 
Ukraine. No amount of aid will help Ukraine if Russian propaganda rules 
the day.
  Another priority must be to end Russia's ability to use its energy 
reserves to blackmail Ukraine and other countries, including many of 
our NATO allies. Russia supplies 100 percent of Lithuania's natural 
gas. Well, it might not be that surprising, then, that Lithuania pays 
the highest price for gas of any country in Eastern Europe. And it 
supplies two-thirds of Poland's gas.
  Energy sales earn Russia not only dollars, but they earn Russia 
influence because Russia, in the dead of winter, has turned off the 
valves. Russia's state-controlled gas company, Gazprom, threatened to 
cut off supplies to Ukraine earlier this month, as it did during the 
winters of 2006 and 2009. Gazprom has stated that it is preparing to 
double the price Ukraine pays for its natural gas, which could cripple 
the country's already weak economy.
  Now, we have a powerful tool to counter this pressure, one that is 
just waiting to be used, and that is our own energy reserves. We must 
remove restrictions on the export of U.S. crude oil and natural gas 
into Eastern Europe. We have, in fact, a letter to the Speaker of the 
House from the heads of state of Poland, of the Czech Republic, of 
Slovakia, of Hungary, asking us--asking us--to direct resources, to 
sell resources.
  Listen, at the end of the day, if we do this, we end the flaring of 
gas here in the United States because of the glut.

[[Page 4983]]

We are able to help our balance of payments. It will help to reduce our 
deficits. It increases Russia's deficits, frankly. It produces jobs 
here in the United States. But it comes at a time when Vladimir Putin 
has a grip on the necks of the decisionmakers in Eastern Europe with 
respect to his power on monopoly over gas.
  Lifting, frankly, these self-imposed sanctions on ourselves in terms 
of not exporting our excess gas would not only boost the U.S. economy 
and create American jobs, as I indicated, but would reduce the energy 
revenues that comprise 52 percent of the budget for the military and 
the government in Russia. We must break Putin's energy grip over 
Ukraine and Eastern Europe. This is a strategic issue.
  I am pleased, by the way, to have worked closely with Ranking Member 
Eliot Engel of New York and with all of the members of the committee to 
produce this strong, effective, and much-needed bipartisan bill, and I 
look forward to its passage today and to working with our Senate 
colleagues to have the President sign the bill into law as soon as 
possible.
  Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

                                         House of Representatives,


                                   Committee on the Judiciary,

                                   Washington, DC, March 26, 2014.
     Hon. Ed Royce,
     Chairman, Committee on Foreign Affairs,
     Washington, DC.
       Dear Chairman Royce: I am writing with respect to H.R. 
     4278, the ``Ukraine Support Act,'' which the Committee on 
     Foreign Affairs ordered reported favorably on March 25, 2014. 
     As a result of your having consulted with us on provisions in 
     H.R. 4278 that fall within the Rule X jurisdiction of the 
     Committee on the Judiciary, I agree to discharge our 
     Committee from further consideration of this bill so that it 
     may proceed expeditiously to the House floor for 
     consideration.
       The Judiciary Committee takes this action with our mutual 
     understanding that by foregoing consideration of H.R. 4278 at 
     this time, we do not waive any jurisdiction over subject 
     matter contained in this or similar legislation, and that our 
     Committee will be appropriately consulted and involved as 
     this bill or similar legislation moves forward so that we may 
     address any remaining issues in our jurisdiction. Our 
     Committee also reserves the right to seek appointment of an 
     appropriate number of conferees to any House-Senate 
     conference involving this or similar legislation, and asks 
     that you support any such request.
       I would appreciate a response to this letter confirming 
     this understanding with respect to H.R. 4278, and would ask 
     that a copy of our exchange of letters on this matter be 
     included in the Congressional Record during Floor 
     consideration of H.R. 4278.
           Sincerely,
                                                    Bob Goodlatte,
     Chairman.
                                  ____

                                         House of Representatives,


                                 Committee on Foreign Affairs,

                                   Washington, DC, March 26, 2014.
     Hon. Bob Goodlatte,
     Chairman, Committee on the Judiciary,
     Washington, DC.
       Dear Chairman Goodlatte: Thank you for consulting with the 
     Committee on Foreign Affairs on H.R 4278, the Ukraine Support 
     Act, and for agreeing to be discharged from further 
     consideration of that bill. The suspension text contains 
     edits to portions of the bill within the Rule X jurisdiction 
     of the Committee on the Judiciary that were requested by your 
     committee.
       I agree that your forgoing further action on this measure 
     does not in any way diminish or alter the jurisdiction of the 
     Committee on the Judiciary, or prejudice its jurisdictional 
     prerogatives on this resolution or similar legislation in the 
     future. I would support your effort to seek appointment of an 
     appropriate number of conferees to any House-Senate 
     conference involving this legislation.
       I will seek to place our letters on H.R. 4278 into the 
     Congressional Record during floor consideration of the 
     resolution. I appreciate your cooperation regarding this 
     legislation and look forward to continuing to work with the 
     Committee on the Judiciary as this measure moves through the 
     legislative process.
           Sincerely,
                                                  Edward R. Royce,
     Chairman.
                                  ____

                                         House of Representatives,


                              Committee on Financial Services,

                                   Washington, DC, March 26, 2014.
     Hon. Edward R. Royce,
     Chairman, Committee on Foreign Affairs,
     Washington, DC.
       Dear Chairman Royce: On March 25, 2014, the Committee on 
     Foreign Affairs considered H.R. 4278, the Ukraine Support 
     Act, and ordered it, as amended, to be reported favorably to 
     the House. As a result of your having consulted with the 
     Committee on Financial Services concerning provisions of the 
     bill that fall within our Rule X jurisdiction both before and 
     since your markup, I agree not to seek a sequential referral 
     of the measure to my committee so that it may proceed 
     expeditiously to the House Floor.
       The Committee on Financial Services takes this action with 
     our mutual understanding that, by foregoing a request for a 
     sequential referral of H.R. 4278, as amended, at this time, 
     we do not waive any jurisdiction over the subject matter 
     contained in this or similar legislation, and that our 
     committee will be appropriately consulted and involved as the 
     bill or similar legislation moves forward so that we may 
     continue to address any issues that fall within our Rule X 
     jurisdiction. Our committee also reserves the right to seek 
     appointment of an appropriate number of conferees to any 
     House-Senate conference involving this or similar 
     legislation, and requests your support for any such request.
       Finally, I would appreciate your response to this letter 
     confirming this understanding with respect to H.R. 4278, as 
     amended, and would ask that a copy of our exchange of letters 
     on this matter be included in your committee's report to 
     accompany the legislation and/or in the Congressional Record 
     during floor consideration thereof.
           Sincerely,
                                                   Jeb Hensarling,
     Chairman.
                                  ____

                                         House of Representatives,


                                 Committee on Foreign Affairs,

                                   Washington, DC, March 26, 2014.
     Hon. Jeb Hensarling,
     Chairman, Committee on Financial Services,
     Washington, DC.
       Dear Chairman Hensarling: Thank you for consulting with the 
     Committee on Foreign Affairs on H.R 4278, the Ukraine Support 
     Act, and for agreeing to forgo a sequential referral request 
     on that bill. The suspension text contains edits to portions 
     of the bill within the Rule X jurisdiction of the Committee 
     on Financial Services that were requested by your committee.
       I agree that your forgoing further action on this measure 
     does not in any way diminish or alter the jurisdiction of the 
     Committee on Financial Services, or prejudice its 
     jurisdictional prerogatives on this resolution or similar 
     legislation in the future. I would support your effort to 
     seek appointment of an appropriate number of conferees to any 
     House-Senate conference involving this legislation.
       I will seek to place our letters on H.R. 4278 into the 
     Congressional Record during floor consideration of the 
     resolution. I appreciate your cooperation regarding this 
     legislation and look forward to continuing to work with the 
     Committee on the Financial Services as this measure moves 
     through the legislative process.
           Sincerely,
                                                  Edward R. Royce,
     Chairman.
                                  ____

                                         House of Representatives,


                                  Committee on Ways and Means,

                                   Washington, DC, March 26, 2014.
     Hon. Edward R. Royce,
     Chairman, Committee on Foreign Affairs,
     Washington, DC.
       Dear Chairman Royce: I am writing concerning H.R. 4278, the 
     ``Ukraine Support Act,'' which was favorably reported out of 
     your Committee on March 25, 2014.
       Given that certain provisions in the bill are within the 
     jurisdiction of the Committee on Ways and Means, I appreciate 
     that you have addressed these provisions in response to the 
     Committee's concerns. As a result, in order to expedite floor 
     consideration of the bill, the Committee on Ways and Means 
     will forgo action on H.R. 4278. Further, the Committee will 
     not oppose the bill's consideration on the suspension 
     calendar, based on our understanding that you will work with 
     us as the legislative process moves forward to ensure that 
     our concerns continue to be addressed. This is also being 
     done with the understanding that it does not in any way 
     prejudice the Committee with respect to the appointment of 
     conferees or its jurisdictional prerogatives on this or 
     similar legislation.
       I would appreciate your response to this letter, confirming 
     this understanding with respect to H.R. 4278, and would ask 
     that a copy of our exchange of letters on this matter be 
     included in the Congressional Record during Floor 
     consideration.
           Sincerely,
                                                        Dave Camp,
     Chairman.
                                  ____

                                         House of Representatives,


                                 Committee on Foreign Affairs,

                                   Washington, DC, March 26, 2014.
     Hon. Dave Camp,
     Chairman, Committee on Ways and Means,
     Washington, DC.
       Dear Chairman Camp: Thank you for consulting with the 
     Committee on Foreign Affairs on H.R 4278, the Ukraine Support 
     Act,

[[Page 4984]]

     and for agreeing to forgo a sequential referral request on 
     that bill. The suspension text contains edits to the bill 
     related to the Rule X jurisdiction of the Committee on the 
     Ways and Means that were requested by your committee.
       I agree that your forgoing further action on this measure 
     does not in any way diminish or alter the jurisdiction of the 
     Committee on Ways and Means, or prejudice its jurisdictional 
     prerogatives on this resolution or similar legislation in the 
     future. I would support your effort to seek appointment of an 
     appropriate number of conferees to any House-Senate 
     conference involving this legislation.
       I will seek to place our letters on H.R. 4278 into the 
     Congressional Record during floor consideration of the 
     resolution. I appreciate your cooperation regarding this 
     legislation and look forward to continuing to work with the 
     Committee on the Ways and Means as this measure moves through 
     the legislative process.
           Sincerely,
                                                  Edward R. Royce,
                                                         Chairman.

  Mr. ENGEL. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
  I rise in strong support of H.R. 4278, the Ukraine Support Act.
  Let me begin by thanking the chairman of our Foreign Affairs 
Committee, Mr. Royce, for his strong leadership on Ukraine. As always, 
he is working with us in a bipartisan and constructive manner on this 
very important and timely bill. I am very pleased to be the lead 
Democratic cosponsor. I would also like to thank my other Democratic 
and Republican colleagues on the Foreign Affairs Committee for their 
important contributions.
  The United States has long been a steadfast supporter of a 
democratic, prosperous, and independent Ukraine, and with the people of 
Ukraine now in dire need of assistance and under imminent threat, there 
has never been a more critical moment to show our support.
  President Putin's invasion of Crimea is a flagrant violation of 
international law and Russia's commitments to its neighbor. The phony 
and illegal referendum Putin orchestrated at the barrel of a gun has 
resulted in the first outright annexation of territory in Europe since 
the end of World War II. And now Putin is amassing troops on Ukraine's 
border, threatening to seize more Ukrainian territory and incite 
further violence and conflict.
  Putin's destabilizing and dangerous moves threaten not only Ukraine, 
but other states in the region, including Moldova and Georgia and, 
indeed, all of Europe. The United States, our European partners, and 
the entire international community must take a stand against Putin's 
naked aggression.
  This legislation reaffirms our strong support for the people of 
Ukraine at this critical time. It authorizes assistance for Ukraine as 
it attempts to right its struggling economy, increase energy security, 
strengthen civil society, and prepare for democratic elections this 
spring. It supports Ukraine's efforts to recover missing assets, to 
bolster the rule of law, and to professionalize its law enforcement. It 
supports additional broadcasting to Ukraine--and Chairman Royce has 
been a champion of that--and other countries in the region to counter 
the dangerous and hateful propaganda coming from the Kremlin and its 
media outlets. And it endorses the deployment of significant numbers of 
international monitors throughout Ukraine to help reduce tensions and 
ensure the security of all Ukrainians.
  The legislation also sends a clear message to Putin and his cronies 
that their landgrab and reckless actions will have serious 
consequences. Specifically, it supplements the President's efforts to 
sanction those responsible for violating Ukraine's sovereignty and 
international integrity, looting Ukraine's economy, and violating human 
rights in Ukraine.
  And here I would like to applaud President Obama for imposing 
measures which have already impacted Putin's inner circle, for taking 
the lead in suspending Russia's participation in the G8, and for 
rallying support and coordinating actions with our European partners 
and others throughout the world.
  Finally, the bill expresses support for continuing U.S. security 
assistance to Ukraine and reaffirms our commitment to the security of 
NATO, the security of our NATO partners in Eastern and Central Europe.
  Mr. Speaker, the coming days, weeks, and months will be very 
difficult for Ukraine. Its leaders must continue the process of 
reconciliation and reach out to all regions of the country. They must 
scrupulously respect minority and human rights, and they must make the 
hard decisions and take the difficult steps that will return their 
country to political and economic health. And they must do all of this 
in the face of opposition and likely provocations from Putin and his 
cronies.
  But as they do so, they and the people of Ukraine should know that 
they have our support. By passing this bill, we are making clear that 
the United States stands with Ukraine, that we are committed to helping 
its people build a more democratic, prosperous, secure, and just state 
for themselves and their children.
  You know, if we continue to work with Ukraine and continue to help 
Ukraine and turn them westward, rather than eastward, then Putin will 
have lost. He may have a landgrab in Crimea, but he will lose the rest 
of Ukraine. And we should be doing everything possible to make sure 
that our European allies are working closely with Ukraine, offering 
them the incentives they need so that they will look westward and not 
eastward.
  I urge my colleagues to join me in supporting this important 
legislation.
  Finally, I want to say, foreign policy should be bipartisan whenever 
possible. I think this is bipartisanship as its best.

                              {time}  1045

  We send a clear message to the people of Ukraine that the United 
States stands with them. It is not a Republican or a Democratic stand. 
It is an American stand, and I am proud to be part of it.
  I reserve the balance of my time.
  Mr. ROYCE. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from 
Virginia (Mr. Cantor), our respected majority leader.
  Mr. CANTOR. Mr. Speaker, I thank the chairman, the gentleman from 
California.
  Mr. Speaker, today I rise in strong support of the Ukraine Support 
Act. Vladimir Putin's recent military invasion and illegal annexation 
of Crimea stand in direct violation of Ukraine's sovereignty and 
international law. His aggression may only continue unless we in 
America, along with our allies, respond with strength.
  Newspaper reports indicate that Putin may not be content with 
swallowing Crimea whole and that he is now amassing troops on the 
border with eastern Ukraine and may soon have his eyes on Moldova.
  The eyes of the world are on the United States and our EU and NATO 
partners. Adversaries and allies around the world are watching to see 
how we respond to this outrageous provocation, to see whether we mean 
it when we say Putin's actions are unacceptable.
  It is vitally important that the United States, in conjunction with 
our EU and NATO allies, send an unmistakable signal that this 
aggression will not be tolerated. Together we must be prepared to exact 
a significant cost for Russia's behavior and that Mr. Putin's actions 
will be met with the firmest of resolve.
  This bill is a first step towards supporting the Ukrainians and our 
Central and Eastern European partners and imposing truly significant 
costs on Moscow--but it is only a first step. We must fundamentally 
reassess our assumptions about Russia and acknowledge that Putin 
himself scrapped the administration's ``reset'' policy a long time ago. 
We need a new strategy that understands Putin for who he is, not who we 
wish him to be.
  We need a new grand strategy. We need a foreign policy that stands up 
for our allies and stands up to our adversaries. We need to prioritize 
defense in our budget so that we maintain a military that can respond 
promptly to contingencies around the world and that instills fear in 
our enemies while reassuring our allies.
  Mr. Speaker, I hope this bill, modest though it may be, will prove to 
be the

[[Page 4985]]

first step on a long march to restore America's defenses and alliances. 
Now, more than ever, the threats to the very fabric of the 
international system require an America that leads.
  I want to thank very much the gentleman from California, Chairman 
Royce, and Ranking Member Engel and the rest of the Committee on 
Foreign Affairs for their bipartisan work and for all of their efforts 
on this issue. I urge my colleagues in the House to support our friends 
in Ukraine by passing this bill.
  Mr. ENGEL. Mr. Speaker, I now yield 3 minutes to the gentleman from 
Virginia (Mr. Connolly), a very distinguished member of our committee.
  Mr. CONNOLLY. Mr. Speaker, I thank my friend. I also congratulate the 
ranking member, Mr. Engel, and the chairman, Mr. Royce, for their 
bipartisan leadership on this critical, critical resolution.
  Mr. Speaker, apparently, once a KGB agent, always a KGB agent. Mr. 
Putin seems to have learned nothing from history other than that there 
is power at the end of the barrel of a gun. To cite the fact that there 
are Russian speakers in Crimea as a rationale for one of the most 
audacious power grabs of the 21st century--in Europe, no less--forgets 
history.
  Let us not forget that Crimea was settled by Stalin when he expelled 
and executed the native Tatars, and this recent so-called referendum in 
Crimea was also done at the end of the barrel of a gun.
  Russian interests were never threatened in the Crimea after the 
revolution in Kiev. The new government in Kiev never abrogated the 
treaty that allowed Russia naval privileges through 2042. The 
Ukrainians didn't occupy military stations in Crimea and around the 
region. It was the other way around.
  For the United States and its allies to allow this naked aggression 
to go unaddressed would be truly an abrogation of our moral 
responsibility and would be to turn our backs on the very lessons we 
should have learned from the 20th century's tragic history.
  Mr. Speaker, we need to stop talking about the he-better-not-go-
further argument. I am stuck at Crimea, and I hope my colleagues are, 
too. It is wrong. It cannot be allowed to stand, and we must make him 
pay a price.
  The difference between now and Stalin's time is that his economy is 
integrated into the global economy. The ruble will fall. The stock 
market in Russia will pay a price, and investment will suffer because 
we will help make it so unless he relents, until they pay a price that 
is so great--systematic and comprehensive--that he will understand that 
we no longer operate by the rule of the jungle in Europe or, indeed, 
anywhere else on this planet, not with our blessing and not with our 
apology.
  So I strongly support the legislation before us and urge my 
colleagues to join with all of us in telling Mr. Putin we will not 
stand idly by with history doomed to repeat itself.
  Mr. ROYCE. Mr. Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the gentleman from New 
Jersey (Mr. Smith), chairman of the Foreign Affairs Subcommittee on 
Africa, Global Health, Global Human Rights, and International 
Organizations.
  Mr. SMITH of New Jersey. I thank my friend for yielding.
  Mr. Speaker, I rise in strong support of the Ukraine Support Act. I 
want to thank my friends and colleagues, Chairman Royce and Ranking 
Member Engel, for introducing this comprehensive legislation to support 
Ukraine in its urgent effort to meet its current crisis, including by 
building up its democratic institutions.
  Mr. Speaker, Russia's landgrab in Crimea violates the core principles 
of several bilateral and multilateral agreements and treaties between 
Ukraine and Russia, the Budapest Memorandum, and the United Nations 
Charter, as well as the Helsinki Final Act. This legislation includes 
strong sanctions against Russians directly responsible for the 
aggression.
  H.R. 4278 also authorizes targeted sanctions against Ukrainians 
involved in undermining the democratic processes and provides 
assistance to the Ukrainian Government for identifying and recovering 
stolen assets. It is, after all, these criminal officials, including 
and especially Yanukovych and his cronies, who have so harmed the 
Ukrainian people and placed the country in the vulnerable position 
which Russia has exploited.
  Another key provision of the bill provides support for Ukraine's 
democracy and civil society; and I want to here recognize the 
importance of supporting, as well, the faith-based groups and 
organizations that played such a prominent role, particularly on the 
humanitarian side, in supporting the movement for democracy and the 
rule of law.
  The Ukrainian democracy movement is, in large part, a religious 
movement. Orthodox and Catholic clergy, for example, were prominent in 
the protests, and the drama of priests carrying icons confronting 
soldiers became as much a symbol of the democratization movement as 
anything else. And, again, when people were wounded and when people 
were being dragged away, it was the clergy that tried to step in to 
mitigate the violence against them.
  Let me also point out a Catholic News Service article that just hit 
the wire that points out that members of the Ukrainian Catholic Church 
are fleeing Crimea to escape threats of arrest and property seizures.
  Father Milchakovskyi, a parish rector in Crimea, said:

       The situation remains very serious, and we don't know what 
     will happen--the new government here is portraying us all as 
     nationalists and extremists.

  The article also says:

       Officials from Russia's Federal Security Service, or FSB, 
     had called him in for questioning about his community and to 
     ask whether or not he ``recognized the new order.''

  He pointed out that one priest in particular was actually beaten by 
Russian forces. And, again, Members will recall, and I remember during 
the 1980s when I first came here, how so many within the church, 
including the orthodox church, were beaten and sent to the gulag 
because of their religious faith. This could be the harbinger of a new 
wave of repression against people of faith. The Ukrainian Catholic 
Church, by way of reminder, was one of those churches that was outlawed 
during Soviet times, and now we see the same kind of repetition of that 
kind of repression.
  This legislation is a clear step in the right direction. No piece of 
legislation will do it all. We have to appeal to the Russians to stop 
this, but, again, to cease their persecution of people in the Crimea.
  Mr. ENGEL. Mr. Speaker, it is now my pleasure to yield 3 minutes to 
the gentleman from Maryland (Mr. Hoyer), the Democratic whip.
  Mr. HOYER. I thank my friend, the ranking member, Mr. Engel from New 
York, and I thank Mr. Royce, the chairman of the committee, for 
bringing this bill to the floor and working in a bipartisan fashion to 
effect an objective that I strongly support. I thank both of them for 
their work.
  Mr. Speaker, the ongoing Russian aggression against Ukraine is 
unacceptable and a gross violation of international law. I agree with 
President Obama that Russia is acting from a position of weakness, 
however. Strong nations do not invade and annex territory from their 
smaller neighbors by force, and strong nations do not suppress the free 
expression of ideas and the voices of dissent within their own society. 
Those are the hallmarks not of a great nation but of an insecure bully.
  Great nations are those that stand together to reaffirm the 
principles of liberty and international order. Great nations are those 
that commit to peaceful diplomacy while protecting free and open debate 
among our citizens.
  The American people continue to stand with the people of Ukraine, Mr. 
Speaker, because we believe they have a right to join the nations of 
the world that are free and able to shape their own future. That is 
why, through this bill, we pledge our support as the new government in 
Kiev works to stabilize its economy, provide security to its citizens, 
and ensure that all Ukrainians are afforded the opportunities that

[[Page 4986]]

come with vibrant, democratic institutions and basic freedoms. That is 
what this bill offers the people of Ukraine.
  What it offers President Putin and his associates is an opportunity 
to end their misguided, unjustified, and the illegal incursion into 
Ukraine's internal affairs, because it affords them a choice, Mr. 
Speaker: adhere to international law and end their aggression or face 
increasingly punitive sanctions that will further isolate Russia from 
the global community.
  The one item missing from this otherwise strong bill, unfortunately, 
is ratification of IMF quota reform, and I hope the House will take 
action on that piece soon.
  However, this is a good bill. We ought to support this bill. We ought 
to pass this bill and send Mr. Putin a clear message that the United 
States Congress and the Nation we represent will not stand for Russia's 
actions and that we are ready to help Ukraine reach for the future it 
so richly deserves.
  Mr. ROYCE. Mr. Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the gentleman from 
California (Mr. Rohrabacher), chairman of the Foreign Affairs 
Subcommittee on Europe, Eurasia, and Emerging Threats.
  Mr. ROHRABACHER. Mr. Speaker, I rise in opposition to this 
legislation, and I realize that I am a lone voice--or almost a lone 
voice--in this discussion today.
  I see this legislation as a bipartisan green light to reigniting the 
cold war. Unfortunately, many of my friends and colleagues, both 
colleagues today and my friends from the time when I spent in the 
Reagan White House, 7 years, many of these people feel that the cold 
war is not over, that it never did end. They are more comfortable with 
treating Russia as if it were still under Communist rule. Well, Putin 
is not a Communist leader. Putin is a nationalist who loves his country 
and he is looking out for the national interests of his country. For us 
to try to demonize him and to try to suggest that he is doing this as 
he did in the cold war and he is still KGB, et cetera, is not doing the 
cause of peace any good.
  This is what started this whole slide in the wrong direction toward 
the type of confrontation we are having today. In Ukraine, a 
democratically elected President was removed from power, and that was a 
democratically elected President who is more inclined towards better 
relations with Russia. He was removed from power. And then the Russian 
Government, under Mr. Putin, decided to ensure the people of Crimea the 
right to self-determination. Because even Secretary of State Kerry has 
verified and testified before our committee that the people of Crimea 
obviously want to be part of Russia, this is not a power grab.

                              {time}  1100

  This is defending their right to self determination, and certainly 
the people of Crimea have the right to make that determination just as 
the people of Kosovo had their right to leave Serbia behind.
  Our military action there to try to protect the right of self 
determination of the Kosovars, it cost many, many lives. This Russian 
military move, with all this power grab, et cetera, has resulted in the 
loss of one life. That is in stark contrast to when we bombed Belgrade, 
we bombed Serbia.
  No, we should not permit ourselves to reignite a cold war. We should 
make sure that we realize that the actions we are taking here 
suggesting the United States must rush in and be the arbiter in every 
one of these type of conflicts is always stretching our budget. But in 
this particular bill, we are going to put our name on a loan of $800 
billion to a country that we are going have to borrow the money from 
China to get.
  The United States can no longer afford to right every wrong in the 
world and be the arbiter. In this case we would be arbitrating in the 
wrong direction.
  Mr. ROYCE. I yield myself such time as I may consume.
  Mr. Speaker, part of our problem here is with President Putin's 
definition of what is the Russian Nation in his speech to the Duma. 
When he says the Russian Nation is divided by borders, he is sending a 
message that, with respect not just to Crimea but other areas 
throughout Europe, Russia may be staking a claim.
  Here is the difficulty. In Crimea, yes, the population today is 
majority ethnic Russian, but there was a time when, before Joe Stalin 
moved a wide segment of the Tatars population into Siberia and before 
the forced collectivization, there was a time when the majority 
population was very different than it is today. Fifty-six percent of 
that ethnic group perished. But this is a problem that we also have in 
Eastern Europe and in eastern and southern Ukraine, because you had 
some 8 million Ukrainians also perish during Stalin's rule, and ethnic 
Russians came into that area as a consequence.
  The thing we need to remember is that it is, in fact, the Russian-
speaking population in the east, as well as the Ukrainians speaking in 
the west, that voted for independence for Ukraine, that voted strongly 
to have a separate state. And if this issue is allowed to stand without 
the world responding, the question is: Is that argument then made in 
Latvia and Estonia? Is that argument then made in Latvia and Estonia? 
Is that argument made in all of the former Russian states?
  I do not think in any way this is comparable to Kosovo. In Kosovo, 
NATO responded to a brutal campaign of ethnic cleansing by former 
Yugoslavian forces. In Crimea, Russia attempted to justify its actions 
by fabricating the myth of widespread violence against the ethnic 
Russian population, even going as far as to equate it to the bloodshed 
occurring in Syria. Clearly, this is not true. We know it is not true.
  In terms of the election itself, opponents were silenced. 
International monitors were barred. Crimean Tatars themselves boycotted 
the very election. Voters were not given the option of preserving 
Crimea's current status within Ukraine. Independence and de facto 
independence were the only options, and the bogus vote there was also 
unnecessary because the Ukrainian Government had made it clear that it 
was willing to discuss increased autonomy for Crimea.
  Now, here is the problem going forward. We know the view taken 
internationally on this subject. The U.N. Security Council condemned 
Russia's unprovoked aggression against Ukraine, and Russia stood 
alone--stood absolutely alone in this case--because even Ukrainians 
themselves have gone to the sites of the Russian media-reported attacks 
against ethnic Russian minorities to show that that is not occurring. 
That is, in fact, propaganda. We can't let this stand.
  One of the other things we are doing in this bill is improving our 
broadcasting into Ukraine and the region to dispel these myths and 
spread the truth about the situation there.
  So I reserve the balance of my time.
  Mr. ENGEL. Mr. Speaker, I now yield 2 minutes to the gentlewoman from 
Texas (Ms. Jackson Lee).
  Ms. JACKSON LEE. Mr. Speaker, let me thank the managers of this 
legislation, the chairman of the Foreign Affairs Committee and the 
ranking member of the Foreign Affairs Committee, for their leadership 
and for their commitment, as I acknowledge the other body as well.
  This morning, a bright announcement came from Mr. Putin that he was 
drawing Russians to a program of exercise in the name of labor and 
defense. Someone said it is reminiscent of past history, when other 
despots drew their Nation together in massive public exercises to show 
the world that they were not going to be part of the world order.
  I believe in peace. I believe that we should be engaged, that 
diplomacy is right. I also don't believe in condemnation of a Nation 
purely for its ideological disagreement.
  In this instance, it is important for the United States to make a 
public stand. As a member of the Inter-Parliamentary Exchange, meeting 
with Europeans over the years, I know that they are proud of the 
democracy that they have maintained since the horrors of World War II.
  Today, the United States, with the passage of this legislation, and 
ultimately hopefully the signing by the President, will tell the world 
that the United States stands firmly with its

[[Page 4987]]

own democratic principles. But the people of Ukraine, those in Kiev and 
places around, will still have the knowledge that America stands by it 
economically, with loan guarantees, but it also stands against a despot 
who has illegally moved into a sovereign Nation, with no provocation, 
undermining the military base of Ukraine. So I would ask my colleagues 
to join against a despot and for a people and support the underlying 
legislation.
  Mr. ROYCE. Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from Texas 
(Mr. Poe), chairman of the Foreign Affairs Subcommittee on Terrorism, 
Nonproliferation, and Trade.
  Mr. POE of Texas. Mr. Speaker, I thank the chairman for the time, and 
I also thank the chairman and the ranking member for bringing this 
legislation to the floor in a very speedy and efficient manner.
  I will also say I have great respect for my friend from California 
(Mr. Rohrabacher). He knows a lot about foreign affairs, but we 
disagree on what the evidence shows in this particular matter.
  Mr. Speaker, Mark Twain once said that, ``History doesn't repeat 
itself, but it does rhyme.'' Well, Russia is quite the poet these days.
  In 2008, Russia invaded Georgia and confiscated one-third of that 
Nation's territory. The world watched, complained a little bit. The 
world moved on. There were no consequences. And the Russians, Mr. 
Speaker, are still there. Again, second verse, same as the first.
  The ``Napoleon of Siberia'' has invaded Ukraine and seized Crimea. 
Putin is bent on establishing a Soviet-style empire and allegedly 
uniting Russian-speaking people throughout the world. Well, who knows 
who his next target will be. It could be our friends in Moldova, the 
rest of Ukraine, or Estonia.
  Russia has been able to maintain dominance over the region because of 
its vast energy sources, especially natural gas. Six countries in 
Europe rely 100 percent on Russia for their natural gas. Russia uses 
gas as a political and economic weapon to manipulate these countries.
  I was in Ukraine in winter when Russia turned off the gas for 
political reasons. It was cold. It was dark. This bill helps disarm 
that hostage tactic. It includes my amendment that commits the U.S. to 
helping Ukraine use American natural gas.
  There must be consequences for the bully, Putin, for invading other 
Nations like Ukraine. Justice requires there be consequences. Mr. 
Speaker, justice is what we do.
  And that's just the way it is.
  Mr. ENGEL. Mr. Speaker, may I inquire about how much time each of us 
has?
  The SPEAKER pro tempore (Mr. Holding). The gentleman from New York 
has 8 minutes remaining, and the gentleman from California's time has 
expired.
  Mr. ENGEL. Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that the gentleman 
from California be allowed to control 3 minutes of my remaining time.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. Is there objection to the request of the 
gentleman from New York?
  There was no objection.
  Mr. ENGEL. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
  What we are doing this morning is the Congress at its best. What we 
are doing this morning is standing up to a bully and telling him that 
his actions will not stand. What we are doing is saying that in the 
21st century it is no longer acceptable for dictators to invade other 
countries.
  What we are saying to the people of Ukraine is that we stand behind 
you, we are with you, we haven't forgotten you, and we are going to do 
everything possible to make you whole again. We are going to do 
everything possible to let you know the West wants to partner with you. 
We are going to do everything possible to stand up for freedom and 
democracy with you.
  I think that is a very noble cause. It is not pie in the sky. No one 
is advocating a war with boots on the ground against Russia, but we are 
advocating that there have to be some standards in the world.
  If we let Putin get away with this, then it sends a green light to 
Putin that he can continue to do this and to every other despot and 
dictator around the world that they can do whatever they like and the 
world is just indifferent or too afraid to act.
  I think this is an opportunity, and I think that this is a time when 
one day we will be able to say to our grandchildren that we acted 
together.
  I want to again commend Chairman Royce for working with me in a 
bipartisan fashion. We will be going to Ukraine together in a few short 
weeks to show the Ukrainian people that America stands with them.
  I urge my colleagues again to support the bill, and I reserve the 
balance of my time.
  Mr. ROYCE. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from 
Indiana (Mr. Messer), a member of the Committee on Foreign Affairs.
  Mr. MESSER. Mr. Speaker, I rise in support of this important 
bipartisan bill. I commend Chairman Royce and Ranking Member Engel for 
bringing this measure forward.
  Today's legislation makes clear that, as a Nation, we speak with one 
voice regarding Russia's aggression.
  The situation in Ukraine is undoubtedly complex. The history between 
Crimea and Russia dates back centuries. Close to 60 percent of the 
population identifies as ethnic Russians.
  Several facts are clear: Russia has massed troops and perpetrated a 
breach of international law with its unwarranted aggression.
  The elections in Crimea took place under an illegal occupation. It 
did not resemble anything close to a real election. Consequently, the 
results should not and cannot be recognized.
  Lastly, there is little doubt that if the world does not act, 
Russia's territorial aggression will expand and continue. Whatever the 
complexities, this invasion of a sovereign country is not justified, 
period.
  Today's bill makes clear America will not tolerate Russia's 
territorial aggression in Ukraine or elsewhere. I urge my colleagues to 
support it.

                              {time}  1115

  Mr. ENGEL. Mr. Speaker, may I inquire as to how much time is 
remaining?
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. The gentleman from New York has 3\1/2\ 
minutes remaining.
  Mr. ENGEL. Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from 
Michigan (Mr. Levin), the ranking member of the Ways and Means 
Committee.
  Mr. LEVIN. Mr. Speaker, I rise in strong support of this bill.
  As Ukraine is fighting for its independence and the people of Ukraine 
are fighting to preserve and to deepen their democracy, we must stand 
squarely with them. It has been said here, including by the majority 
leader, that this is a first step.
  I would like to make very clear, we really should be taking, in this 
bill, another step; we should be providing, in this bill, as was 
proposed in the Senate and by many of us, some assistance to make sure 
that the IMF can perform its fullest role.
  That was the preference of President Obama. He made it clear we 
should act, the U.S. We should also be able to help the IMF to act as 
fully and effectively as possible.
  So I think, today, instead of anybody here coming and criticizing the 
President, they should essentially be supporting him in his efforts to 
have the fullest array of assistance to Ukrainian democracy.
  If this is only the first step, let's take some additional steps and 
stand together on a bipartisan basis, instead of at times, I think, 
taking partisan shots verbally at the President of the United States.
  Mr. ENGEL. Mr. Speaker, may I inquire as to how much time is 
remaining?
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. The gentleman from New York has 1\1/2\ 
minutes remaining.
  Mr. ENGEL. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentlewoman from Ohio 
(Ms. Kaptur).
  Ms. KAPTUR. Mr. Speaker, I want to thank the esteemed ranking member 
of New York (Mr. Engel), a dear friend, for yielding time in support of 
the

[[Page 4988]]

Ukraine Support Act, H.R. 4278, and for his leadership from the time we 
traveled to Ukraine together well over a decade ago; and to Congressman 
Royce, the chairman of the committee, to reaffirm America's strong 
support for liberty and the people of Ukraine at this really critical 
time in world history and the history of Central and Eastern Europe.
  The assistance that is contemplated here is in the form of a loan 
guarantee and will aid Ukraine's efforts to recover its own missing 
assets to pay the money back. Ukraine is fully capable of earning its 
way forward. It is already the third largest grain exporter in the 
world, so this is nothing that can't be repaid.
  In addition, the bill authorizes $10 million for international 
broadcasting to Ukraine. I can guarantee you--I did an interview with 
Voice of America about a week ago--I received emails from people in 
Ukraine. They are waiting to hear the song of liberty.
  Let us sing it loudly by passing this legislation quickly on a 
bipartisan basis and stand for freedom when it matters most.
  Mr. ENGEL. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
  In closing, let me, again, say what a pleasure it is to work with 
Chairman Royce on a bipartisan basis. You can see, again, strong 
bipartisan support for this bill.
  Ms. Kaptur didn't mention that she was cochair of the Ukrainian 
Caucus. We have Members on both sides of the aisle all standing 
together to say the United States stands with the people of Ukraine. 
Please vote ``yes.''
  I yield back the balance of my time.
  Mr. ROYCE. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
  This is not a new cold war. President Reagan ended the cold war. The 
way he did that, frankly, was by leading, but also with a strategy 
which drove down the price of oil and gas, which was the stranglehold, 
which not only Russia had over Eastern Europe, but also funded the 
ability of the former Soviet Union militarily to carry out an expansion 
program.
  Today, you have the circumstance where President Putin relies almost 
solely--70 percent of the exports, 52 percent of the budget, as I 
indicated--from a monopoly position on oil and gas.
  That is why I think it is very important that we understand what the 
polls and what the Hungarians understood when they exported 2 billion 
cubic yards of gas last year to Ukraine in order to try to keep the 
ability of Russia from manipulating the situation into leading to the 
very chaos that was brought about.
  We need to understand, when the U.S.-EU annual summit just occurred 
and the EU asked us to be part of a program to ship gas into that 
market in order to offset this monopoly control and pricing by Russia, 
that we should be part of this. This is part of this bill.
  Also part of the bill is the important consequence of communicating 
to the people in that region and offsetting the propaganda that Russia 
right now is sending into the country.
  We address that issue, as well, in this legislation, as well as good 
governance issues, and the steps that are needed in order to reform the 
economy inside Ukraine in order to set up the rule of law, independent 
courts.
  The polls are on the ground working on this issue right now. The 
United States needs to support that effort. This sends one last message 
that, if you are in the business of helping to invade a country, there 
will be consequences.
  I urge an ``aye'' vote, and I yield back the balance of my time.
  Ms. JACKSON LEE. Mr. Speaker, I rise in strong support of H.R. 4278, 
the ``Ukraine Support Act.'' I support this legislation because I stand 
in solidarity with the freedom loving people of Ukraine, who are under 
siege from Russian encroachment.
  Mr. Speaker, H.R. 4278 authorizes $70 million in aid to Ukraine, 
including $50 million for democracy and civil society efforts.
  The bill also codifies and expands sanctions imposed this month by 
the Obama Administration against certain Russian officials and calls on 
President Obama to sanction Russian officials, corporations and those 
engaged in the Russian arms sector who have undermined the Ukrainian 
government or committed human rights abuses. The President is also 
authorized to examine whether Russia has violated a 1988 arms treaty 
and permits him to freeze assets and deny visas.
  Specifically, the bill authorizes $50 million for the President to 
provide assistance to support democracy and strengthen civil society in 
Ukraine. This assistance is to be used to improve transparency, rule of 
law, and anti-corruption efforts; strengthen political organizations; 
and protect independent media as Ukraine prepares for free and fair 
elections in May.
  Additionally, up to $10 million is authorized for Radio Free Europe/
Radio Liberty and Voice of America to increase broadcasts into eastern 
Ukraine (including Crimea), Moldova and other nearby ethnic Russian 
communities. The broadcasts should, in particular, counter 
misinformation from Russia-supported news outlets.
  In addition to this direct aid, the bill also supports the people of 
Ukraine in the following ways:
  1. Encourages the Overseas Private Investment Corporation (OPIC) to 
prioritize investments in Ukraine;
  2. Authorizes $8 million to help Ukraine develop an independent 
judiciary and eliminate human rights abuses by law enforcement 
authorities;
  3. Encourages increased U.S. security cooperation among NATO states 
in Central and Eastern Europe through military training, exercises and 
the exchange of defense articles, and directs the Secretary of State to 
report to Congress within 30 days of enactment with a review of U.S. 
security assistance to that country;
  4. Expresses the sense of Congress that the administration should 
provide expedited assistance to the Ukrainian government to identify 
and recover assets stolen from the government or linked to corruption 
by former officials, including former President Viktor Yanukovych; and
  5. Offsets the cost of assistance to Ukraine by reducing the $1.5 
billion authorized for Pakistan in the Enhanced Partnership with 
Pakistan Act of 2009 by $70 million.
  That is why I strongly support the codification of three Presidential 
executive orders issued in March sanctioning individuals involved in 
the violence in Ukraine or who undermine the independence, sovereignty, 
or territorial or economic integrity of Ukraine. Such sanctions could 
include the seizure of financial assets, the denial of visas, and other 
penalties.
  The sanctions could be ended if the President certifies to Congress 
that Ukrainian sovereignty, independence or territorial integrity is 
not being violated by Russia or any other state actor, or after Jan. 1, 
2020, if the President certifies that their termination is in the 
national security interest of the United States.
  Finally, the bill requires the President, within 30 days of enactment 
and within 180 days thereafter for at least two years, to report to 
Congress on senior Russian political figures who are engaged in such 
activity.
  It also requires the President, along identical timelines, to report 
to Congress on foreign financial institutions (especially Russian 
banks) to determine whether they are involved in the confiscation of 
Ukrainian assets; money laundering, terrorist or proliferation 
financing, or actively helping to skirt sanctions; or helping to annex 
Crimea.
  The bill expresses the sense of Congress that the President should 
expand the list of Russian officials--currently at 18--sanctioned for 
gross human rights violations under the Magnitsky Act of 2012.
  Mr. Speaker, it is right that the civilized world, led by the United 
States, opposes aggression and the violation of territorial sovereignty 
by the Putin regime.
  I urge my colleagues to join me in voting to pass H.R. 4278.
  Mr. KING of New York. Mr. Speaker, today I rise in support of H.R. 
4278, the Ukraine Support Act. One of the many important initiatives 
included in this legislation is language urging the President to 
greatly expand the list of Russian officials and others who have been 
sanctioned for gross human rights violations. Until this past week, 
only eighteen had been sanctioned. This is unacceptable. After the 
recent actions of the Russian Federation, we must expand this list 
beyond those involved in the death of the Russian anti-corruption 
lawyer Sergei Magnitsky, whose imprisonment and subsequent death was 
the impetus for the creation of these sanctions. I am glad to hear that 
the President just sanctioned 20 additional individuals, freezing their 
assets and barring U.S. travel. However, more must be done.
  Others who deserve to be held accountable for their human rights 
abuses include militant anti-Westerner Dmitry Kiselyov--head of the

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Russian government-owned news agency and called the ``Kremlin's New 
Chief Propagandist'' by the Moscow Times--who was recently sanctioned 
by the European Union, and Maxim Martsinkevich, head of Neo-Nazi 
extremist group ``Occupy Pedophilia'' which has engaged in kidnapping 
and torture. There are others who are allies and friends of Vladimir 
Putin whom the Administration seems to have avoided placing on the list 
to avoid Russian retaliation--but it is clear a policy of appeasement 
has done nothing to deter Putin's government.
  Last month, the State Department released its 2013 county report on 
human rights practices in Russia, which documented widespread human 
rights abuses under the Russian government. The report found that 
``[t]he government continued its crackdown on dissent that began after 
Vladimir Putin's return to the presidency,'' seeking ``to harass, 
pressure, discredit, and/or prosecute individuals and entities that had 
voiced criticism of the government.'' It depicted a suppressive 
environment where ``law enforcement personnel engaged in torture, 
abuse, and violence to coerce confessions from suspects,'' politically 
motivated disappearances continued to occur, and conditions in prisons 
could be harsh or life-threatening. The State Department noted that 
Russia had adopted several laws discriminating against LGBT 
individuals, continued to prosecute some religious minorities, and 
found some authorities ``discriminated against ethnic minorities, 
arbitrarily detaining thousands of migrant workers amid a wave of anti-
immigrant sentiment. Laws, actions, and official rhetoric restricting 
the rights of the LGBT community, migrants, and other minorities 
coincided with a marked increase in violent attacks against these 
groups.''
  This scathing report makes clear there are more Russian individuals 
who belong on the sanctioned list. I strongly urge the President to 
hold these human rights abusers accountable for their crimes.

  Mr. PASCRELL. Mr. Speaker, I rise today in support of H.R. 4278, the 
Ukraine Support Act.
  This bill will send an important signal to the Ukrainian people that 
the United States of America will stand by them as they resist Russia's 
aggression. This is not just a symbolic gesture on our part. In 
addition to the condemnation of Russia's actions through targeted 
sanctions, this vital legislation provides assistance to stabilize 
Ukraine's economy and to support important anti-corruption initiatives.
  As a great nation of over 45 million people and a breadbasket for 
Europe and the world, Ukraine has the potential to be a true economic 
powerhouse. But decades of mismanagement and corruption at the highest 
levels have stifled Ukraine's economic growth and military readiness.
  This weakness has allowed Russia to bully its way into Ukraine's 
internal affairs--culminating in the recent invasion and annexation of 
Crimea. Although the world is condemning this illegal land grab, 
Russian actions continue to threaten Ukraine's prosperity and 
territorial integrity.
  Our support is vital to ensuring that Ukraine has the ability to 
defend its sovereignty and strengthen its democracy in order to resist 
external coercion. By extending a hand to Ukraine, we give them the 
opportunity to shake off Russia's influence once and for all. The 
people of Ukraine, as well as Ukrainian-Americans in New Jersey and 
around the nation, want the United States to hold true to our values by 
standing shoulder-to-shoulder with Ukraine in her time of great need.
  I am grateful that we can come together on a bipartisan basis to 
quickly bring forward this much-needed legislation. It is high time 
that we solidified our commitment to Ukraine. Much more remains to be 
done, but this bill is a step in the right direction. I urge my 
colleagues to support it.

  The SPEAKER pro tempore. The question is on the motion offered by the 
gentleman from California (Mr. Royce) that the House suspend the rules 
and pass the bill, H.R. 4278, as amended.
  The question was taken.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. In the opinion of the Chair, two-thirds 
being in the affirmative, the ayes have it.
  Mr. ROYCE. Mr. Speaker, on that I demand the yeas and nays.
  The yeas and nays were ordered.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. Pursuant to clause 8 of rule XX, further 
proceedings on this motion will be postponed.

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