[Congressional Record (Bound Edition), Volume 160 (2014), Part 3]
[Senate]
[Pages 3806-3807]
[From the U.S. Government Publishing Office, www.gpo.gov]




                                UKRAINE

  Mr. DURBIN. Mr. President, Sunday was a perfect Chicago afternoon--
not in terms of weather, which has not been too kind to us lately, but 
in terms of my events and schedule.
  My first stop was at Navy Pier for the Lithuanian Independence Day 
celebration, an event which is important to me personally because my 
mother was born there. I happened to be on hand for the latest round of 
independence in Lithuania when the Soviet Union was finally dispelled 
and this country was allowed to stand on its feet. It was a great 
celebration with regional food people might expect, dancing and music.
  I left there to go over to a section of Chicago known as Ukrainian 
Village. I asked, after church on Sunday, if my friends in the 
Ukrainian-American community would come gather and we would invite a 
telephone call from Kiev from the American Ambassador, Geoffrey Pyatt. 
I expected a nice crowd. I didn't expect an overflowing crowd, but that 
is what I found.
  The concern of Ukrainian-Americans and many others about the 
situation in that country is very tense and very personal. Many of them 
have family members there and strong cultural family ties, and they are 
very worried. So the Ambassador called in and gave a few moments of 
remarks and then answered questions. Then we met later to talk about 
some of the possibilities as we consider the future of Ukraine.
  I looked through the audience and found many of my Polish friends, 
many of my Lithuanian friends--friends from all of the different ethnic 
groups which had endured some form of Soviet Union or Russian 
aggression in the past. They felt bonded with the people of Ukraine, 
the Ukrainian-Americans, as we discussed this.
  I had hoped a few weeks ago that we had turned a corner in Ukraine--
that the difficult events of the last few months were coming to an 
end--but that didn't happen. We saw horrific violence in Maidan Square 
and sadly many innocent people were killed. Just as Ukraine seemed to 
be emerging from this difficult period with the departure of President 
Yanukovych, the Russians moved into Crimea. I think that situation has 
moderated somewhat, although I don't know because it changes by the 
hour, but their decision to have a show of force in Crimea is one we 
cannot ignore.
  The operation in Crimea was so well orchestrated that it had to have 
been planned by Russian President Vladimir Putin during the 22nd Winter 
Olympic Games hosted in Sochi, Russia. Can anyone imagine anything so 
crass or brazen as to lavishly try to present Russia to the world as a 
peaceful and moderate nation while secretly planning the military 
occupation of another neighboring country? The Russian taxpayers should 
get their $51 billion back they paid to set up the Olympics. It was 
money wasted by Vladimir Putin to try to create an impression of Russia 
which sadly does not exist.
  The former Ukraine President, Viktor Yanukovych, freely elected, also 
squandered a historic opportunity to further modernize Ukraine, to 
overcome corruption, and to lift the aspirations of his people. He 
unnecessarily and cynically divided his Nation. Instead of 
strengthening economic and political ties with Europe, reforming his 
economy, and respecting Ukraine's historical ties to Russia, he set off 
to become a pawn in Moscow. He saw his survival politically teaming up 
with Vladimir Putin. As the emerging pictures from Yanukovych's opulent 
palace illustrate, he enriched himself personally and his enablers 
while allowing the country's promising yet troubled economy to 
deteriorate. Ultimately, his government led the bloody assault on his 
own people using heavily armed snipers to massacre the Ukrainian people 
on the streets of Kiev.
  I met with Mr. Yanukovych and many in his government just a year and 
a half ago. Yanukovych said he truly saw his country's future with 
greater ties to the West. But under enormous Russian pressure and 
unable to let go of his own political grudges and terrified of the 
transparency that an Association Agreement with the European Union 
would mean for his corrupt regime, he ultimately put his own political 
future ahead of the good and the needs of the Ukrainian people.
  We all know the likely tragic consequences of such self-serving 
political calculations. Look at President Assad in Syria and President 
Maduro in Venezuela. The Ukraine will be no different.
  I understand the Crimea region of Ukraine has a long and complicated 
history. I understand that then-Soviet Premier Nikita Khrushchev 
actually gave Crimea to Ukraine in 1954, probably never imagining the 
collapse of the Soviet Union and an independent Ukraine to follow.
  Let's be clear about what happened. Ukraine wasn't joining NATO. 
Ukraine wasn't joining the European Union. Ukraine wasn't proposing 
cutting off its economic and political ties with Russia. Ukraine was 
simply contemplating signing a long-negotiated trade agreement with the 
European Union. For that rationale alone, Vladimir Putin decided to 
militarily invade and occupy Ukraine.
  I know Mr. Putin says he was protecting Russian citizens, but there 
have been no credible examples of threats to any Russian citizens in 
Ukraine. In fact, the New York Times

[[Page 3807]]

reported this week that Russian tourists have been sent to eastern 
Ukraine, where they are stirring up anger and resentment against the 
Ukrainian Government in Kiev. Arguing that Russia can militarily invade 
another country any time to protect the Russian people is an ominous 
suggestion that raises alarms for independent sovereign nations all 
along the Russian borders, and it also raises the chapters of history 
back in the middle of the 20th century which we need not recount in 
detail.
  One need only look at the two regions of Georgia--South Ossetia and 
Abkhazia--that have been militarily occupied by Russia since 2008. 
Russia continues to illegally occupy these areas and has erected fences 
along administrative lines and permanent military bases in violation of 
the cease-fire agreement negotiated with the European Union. I have 
been there myself, and I have seen the deeply troubling permanent bases 
and boundary fences in Georgia.
  The Prime Minister of the Republic of Georgia came to see me the day 
after the final Olympic ceremonies at Sochi, and he said there was a 
report that morning after the final ceremony that the Russians were 
stringing barbed wire around the perimeters of the places they were 
occupying in Georgia. Russia even stopped some of the demarcation 
during the Olympics but started again, as I have said, after the games' 
conclusion. Russian actions in Ukraine and Georgia are a clear 
violation of international obligations and treaties.
  For example, Russia was a signatory to the 1994 Budapest Memorandum 
that reaffirmed its commitment to Ukraine to respect the independence 
and sovereignty and existing borders of that nation, to refrain from 
the threat or use of force against the territorial integrity or 
political independence of Ukraine, to refrain from economic coercion to 
subordinate Ukraine to Russia's interests, and to consult in the event 
a situation arises that raises a question concerning these commitments.
  Remember why the Budapest Memorandum was entered into by Russia, the 
United States, and the United Kingdom as well as Ukraine. It was 
entered into because the Ukrainians were surrendering their nuclear 
weapons. They had decided to give up their nuclear arsenal as long as 
they had an assurance they would be protected and their sovereignty 
would be respected. Russia signed on and then summarily ignored it by 
basically an act of aggression in Crimea in this last week.
  In 1997, the Russian Federation and Ukraine signed a friendship 
treaty. It was during that time that Russian President Boris Yeltsin 
said in Kiev, ``We respect and honor the territorial integrity of 
Ukraine.'' As a participating state in the Final Act of the Conference 
for Security and Cooperation in Europe in 1975, Russia committed to 
respect the sovereign equality and individuality of other participating 
States.
  It is clear that in many respects Russia has violated the very 
agreements it signed. It has shown an act of aggression in the 
sovereign nation of Ukraine.
  I will concede the situation is complicated because of the basic 
agreement between Russia and Ukraine when it comes to that critical 
piece of real estate in the Black Sea, but it still does not warrant 
the efforts that have been made by Putin to destabilize an effort for a 
peaceful government.
  Mr. Putin has argued that the change in government in Ukraine was 
just the mob in the street. Nothing could be further from the truth. 
The change in government in Ukraine occurred through its Parliament, 
through its Constitution, and with the promise of an open and free 
election on May 25. It is up to us in the West and all countries that 
believe Ukraine deserves our assistance and support to make sure that 
election is carefully monitored, is totally legal and free, and the 
people of Ukraine have the last word about their future and their 
leadership.
  Mr. Putin ought to be part of the observation team--at least his 
representatives--so that there is no argument about a free and fair 
election in Ukraine.
  We also need to help this country that is going through some 
extremely difficult economic times. A recent article I read suggested 
Ukraine needs our assistance--way beyond the $1 billion Secretary Kerry 
has talked about in his visit. But in order to achieve that, they are 
going to have to make some significant and maybe unpopular reforms in 
their economy, in their gas program, and the like. It is tricky. To do 
that runs the risk of an unpopular backlash against these reformers. 
But without the reforms there can be no meaningful aid package. We need 
to stand with Ukraine, and Ukraine needs to stand for the reforms 
necessary to strengthen their economy.
  This week I am working with Senators Brown, Shaheen, Wicker, Murphy, 
Kaine, Collins, and Warner to construct a resolution condemning the 
Russian action in Crimea. There is more to be done. Senator Menendez, 
at our luncheon, spoke today about the need to discuss aid, as well as 
sanctions, that may be necessary. I sincerely hope the sanctions will 
not be necessary. I hope Vladimir Putin and the Russians understand 
they cannot show this kind of aggression toward Crimea without a cost, 
but I hope they will do it soon so we can see the return of stability 
to Ukraine.
  Ukraine is a critically important country, the second largest country 
in Europe today. It was a major part of the Soviet Union, and its 
independence, I am sure, has rankled Mr. Putin and his dreams of 
Russian empire. But the people of Ukraine should decide their future, 
not Vladimir Putin. We need to work with those people in Ukraine to 
give them that chance of self-governance, to give them a chance to 
pursue those values which we share here in the United States.
  I hope my colleagues on a bipartisan basis will join us in this 
effort condemning this Russian aggression and standing by the people of 
Ukraine.
  I see another colleague in the Chamber.
  I yield the floor.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Wyoming.

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