[Congressional Record (Bound Edition), Volume 160 (2014), Part 3]
[Senate]
[Pages 3452-3454]
[From the U.S. Government Publishing Office, www.gpo.gov]




                                 SYRIA

  Mr. KAINE. Mr. President, I rise this morning to speak about the 
widening dimensions of the slaughter in Syria. A country of 23 million 
people, a proud country, is being transformed before our eyes into 
skeletons, refugees, and ghosts.
  Three million Syrians have fled to neighboring countries. That number 
will likely exceed 4 million by the end of the year. Nearly 7 million 
Syrians are refugees within their own country, driven from their homes 
by the atrocities of the Assad regime. More than 130,000 innocent 
people have lost their lives during the 3-year civil war. We are 
witnessing one of the greatest humanitarian crises since World War II, 
and it can be stopped.
  Last summer my Committee on Armed Services colleague Senator Angus 
King of Maine and I visited Turkey and Jordan to explore the dimension 
of the refugee crisis in both of those nations. We visited refugee 
camps and talked to government leaders and NGOs about the damaged lives 
and the stressed communities that result from this unprecedented 
displacement of Syrians.
  Last week the Senator from Maine and I visited Lebanon to see the 
scale of the Syrian crisis in that country. In a country of only 
slightly more than 4 million people, there are already over 1 million 
Syrian refugees who have fled into Lebanon over the last 3 years, one 
in four. Think of the scale of that refugee crisis. If we were to 
receive in the United States war refugees at that scale, it would be 75 
to 80 million people, nearly one in four.
  In Lebanon last week we met with government leaders, NGOs, and the 
U.N. High Commissioner on Refugees. What we learned is staggering. The 
Lebanese people have been unbelievably resilient and welcoming, almost 
beyond the point of belief. The water and health infrastructure of that 
Nation is strained to the breaking point.
  The Lebanese economy, already fragile, is teetering. Schools in 
Lebanon now operate on double shifts with Lebanese children in the 
morning and refugee children in the afternoon, accommodating tens of 
thousands of refugee children, with more coming every day.
  The decision by the Lebanese terrorist militia Hezbollah to go all in 
to support the Syrian regime of Bashar al-Assad has led to a wave of 
extremist bombings against Hezbollah-connected sites and leaders within 
Lebanon in which many civilians are casualties. Senator King and I 
witnessed a bombing in downtown Beirut while we were there, seeing it 
miles away. Many in our group saw the explosion, saw the smoke rise. We 
felt certain that our meetings would be canceled that day, but one of 
the most grim aspects of our trip is a bombing, a suicide bombing that 
killed 5 people and injured nearly 100, caused no one to change their 
daily routine. That is what life is in Lebanon largely because of the 
Syrian civil war.
  The crisis extends beyond Turkey, Jordan, and Lebanon. Refugees are 
streaming into nearby Iraq by the thousands--30,000 in 1 day in 
August--exacerbating the deterioration of that country's stability and 
drawing it deeper into sectarian conflict.
  This photo is on the Iraq border with Syria, and we see these 
refugees stretching into the distance in the hills beyond. This is what 
is happening with all of the neighboring countries to Syria.
  The United States is the largest provider of assistance to the 
refugees who have fled outside of Syria. We have provided $1.3 billion 
in aid thus far, $340 million in Lebanon alone, but getting relief into 
Syria is the next challenge.
  The conditions in Syria are even worse than the conditions I 
described in Lebanon. Nearly 7 million Syrians are displaced within 
their own country, more than 9 million Syrians need humanitarian aid, 
but they have not been able to receive basic humanitarian aid, food, 
and medicine due to the actions of the Bashar al-Assad regime and also 
due to the complicity of the regime's patron, Russia.
  The denial of humanitarian aid is a war crime, pure and simple. 
Thousands are dying of starvation. Cases of tuberculosis, polio, 
typhoid, and other diseases are expanding at an exponential rate. None 
of this is an accident. The Assad regime is using forced starvation and 
forced sieges as a weapon to destroy the Syrian people.
  Last month I met in the Senate with Syrians who had survived the 
chemical weapons attacks carried out by the Assad regime in August of 
2013. They described in gruesome detail what they and their families, 
many young children, endured in August. But the most shocking moment of 
the interview came when a 22-year-old survivor, who had fled Syria 
through Lebanon, said if she had to pick, she would rather die a death 
because of chemical weapons than be hit by a barrel bomb or starved to 
death because death by chemical weapons would be quicker.
  In recent weeks nothing has epitomized the brutality of the regime 
more than the use of these barrel bombs. The bombs are crude weapons. 
They are simple oil drums that are filled with shrapnel and explosives. 
Helicopters often deliver the weapons, and helicopters often hover over 
neighborhoods for minutes to just scare everyone who knows what is 
coming. The barrel bombs drop. They explode shrapnel and level 
neighborhoods.
  This is an example of a neighborhood in Aleppo. At one point hundreds 
were killed when barrel bombs were dropped on Aleppo earlier this 
month. We see the size and scope of the devastation and see families 
and their children fleeing the area in the aftermath of a barrel bomb, 
and this is going on every day in Syria. Secretary Kerry has rightly 
called these barrel bomb attacks unacceptable and barbaric.
  The primary architect of these crimes is Bashar Assad, but he has a 
patron who funds and supports what he does and who has the ability to 
stop the atrocities. Russia is Assad's principal support, and since the 
start of the Syrian civil war Russia has shown it is complicit in these 
war crimes. But it is also capable of stopping them.
  In the United Nations Russia has used its veto power and threat of 
veto on the Security Council numerous times to block international 
action to help the Syrian people. Three of these vetoes were used to 
block basic humanitarian aid. What possible reason could any civilized 
nation have to deny war victims food and medical supplies?
  But Russia has shown it can be persuaded or shamed into taking action 
to promote the basic safety of the Syrian citizens. In August, with the 
threat of U.S. military action to punish the Assad regime for use of 
chemical weapons against its own civilians, Russia realized it could no 
longer be the sole global apologist for this atrocity. So it persuaded 
Syria to admit to the crime, acknowledge the existence of a stockpile, 
and commit to the complete destruction of these inhumane weapons. While 
that process has been slow, the weaponry has not been used since Russia 
realized the world would not tolerate such a clear violation of 
international law.
  Similarly, after repeatedly blocking U.N. action to deliver 
humanitarian aid in Syria, Russia decided, in the midst of the Sochi 
Olympics, it could no longer stand in the way of basic humanitarian 
aid. The eyes of the world were on it and it knew it could no longer be 
seen as the sole obstacle blocking people from receiving food and 
medicine. So it finally agreed to U.N. Security Council Resolution 2139 
calling for the provision of humanitarian aid inside Syria.

[[Page 3453]]

  When Russia could no longer comfortably block progress, when the eyes 
of the world were on it in the middle of the Olympics last week, it 
finally joined with the rest of the world in calling on Syria to allow 
aid to its people. In the aftermath of that resolution, the real test 
lies ahead, because those were words on paper and now we must see 
whether the aid will be delivered.
  This is the situation in Syria today. This is a recent photo from a 
suburb of Damascus that has been under siege by the Assad regime 
without access to food and basic medical care. Witness this photo. Look 
at the destruction; look at the rubble; look at the throng of hungry 
people stretching to oblivion in the distance. See the hunger in their 
faces and bodies, and look at the questions in their eyes. It is 
incumbent upon the Syrian regime to allow unhindered access of 
humanitarian aid to all Syrians. Opposition groups have that same 
obligation.
  In conclusion, let me say a final word about Russian responsibility 
to respond to these poor Syrian people. When the Russian Government and 
its people see this picture, it should remind them of their own 
history. During the siege of Leningrad during World War II, the Nazis 
deliberately used these same techniques and tactics--forced starvation 
and siege--as a tactic of war to cause horrible deprivation to the 
Russian population of that city. Russians should look in the eyes of 
these victims of intentional starvation and grapple with their 
responsibility to them.
  Russia can cause the Assad regime, just as it did in August, to open 
access so these people can have food and medicine. Russia has finally 
agreed to words on paper at the U.N., but the world will watch the 
actions of this nation.
  One final thought. When Senator King and I were traveling last week 
in the Middle East, we went to other countries as well. In one country, 
where we are engaged in a back-and-forth over the provision of U.S. 
military assistance, where we are raising what we think are legitimate 
questions about some democracy reforms this nation needs to undertake 
if we are to be better and better partners, a leader of that nation 
said to me: If the United States won't provide assistance, then we will 
find a way to make Russia our partner.
  Well, to anyone who thinks making Russia your partner is a good 
thing, you ought to look at this photo too, because this is what has 
become of Syria choosing Russia as its principal partner. Is this the 
kind of partner you want?
  We must keep the spotlight on these atrocities; we must keep the 
spotlight on Assad's responsibility; we must keep the spotlight on 
Russia's complicity to bring an end to these atrocities and work with 
other nations to find a resolution to the Syrian civil war.
  Mr. President, I yield the floor.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER (Mr. Booker). The Senator from Missouri.
  Mr. BLUNT. Mr. President, first of all, I want to say I am glad 
Senator Kaine has been here talking about this important issue today--
the tragedy of Syria, the tragedy of the barrel bombs, this hideous way 
to kill people where you fly over with helicopters and first terrorize 
people who are wondering where you are going to drop these weapons, and 
then basically shove them out the side door of a helicopter, and the 
Russian complicity in this.
  We are seeing even today that Russia is beginning to flex its muscles 
as it relates to the people of Ukraine. I had the Prime Minister from 
Georgia in to see me on Monday, and of course the day the Olympics were 
over the Russians were there the next day, more aggressively, 
partitioning off that part of Georgia they have seized in the last 
couple of years, the same argument they could easily try to make in 
Ukraine.
  Ukraine, of the Soviet satellite states, is the one that has 
potentially the most future positive impact on Russia, if they could 
get it back. The countries of the West, the countries of the European 
Union, and the United States should be aggressively uniting and trying 
to reinforce the desire for people in Ukraine to want to have economic 
freedom and want to have personal freedom, and sending the strongest 
possible message against those who work against that, whether they are 
in Russia or whether they were complicit in the activities of Ukraine.
  With this sudden moving around of Russian troops today, unannounced 
until just the last few hours that they would be maneuvering, it is 
usually no coincidence the Russians are moving troops around at a time 
of crisis on their borders. We should be very vigilant in sending the 
message of freedom, the message of supporting people who want freedom.
  My concern about Syria is that our policy hasn't worked there either 
and, frankly, our policy hasn't worked in such a way that it makes it 
hard for us now to say there will be consequences for Russia if 
something happens in Ukraine. We need to be sure the world knows, when 
the United States talks about consequences, that there will be 
consequences, they will be meaningful, they will be certain, and that 
things such as are happening in Syria can't be allowed to continue, and 
worse things, such as those happening in Ukraine, can't be allowed to 
happen.


                              Health Care

  I came to the floor today to talk about health care again. I heard 
the leader's comments over the weekend--Senator Reid's comments--where 
he is referring to the President's health care plan. He said: There are 
plenty of horror stories being told. Then Senator Reid said: They are, 
all of them, untrue. All of them are untrue.
  I don't think anybody has come to the floor more frequently than I 
have in the last 2 months, 3 months, 10 weeks. I believe I have been 
coming to the floor every week, the 10 weeks we were in session, with 
stories from Missourians. We call them. We talk to them about it. We 
say: Senator Blunt is going to the floor and he is going to talk about 
what you have talked to us about. He would like to mention your first 
name, where you are from, but if you don't want him to do that, he 
won't do that. In virtually every case, they say: We told you these 
stories because we want other people to know. We want people to know 
how we are being affected by the President's health care bill.
  They seem to have plenty of facts backing them up, way beyond Senator 
Reid's assertion that all of them are untrue. They are not all untrue. 
In fact, I have every reason to believe they are all true, and there 
are many more stories out there to be told.
  Today I wanted to talk about the changes in Medicare Advantage and I 
had to have some discussion with our team, and they asked: Well, how 
many of these stories are you not going to tell this week if you just 
tell the stories about Medicare Advantage? If you are in agreement with 
Senator Reid's view of the world, I guess you think the active 
imagination of Missourians is running wild, because they are contacting 
our office constantly telling us about higher premiums, higher 
deductibles, insurance they used to have that worked and insurance that 
doesn't work, and it doesn't work because the Federal Government, 
without thinking through the goal of trying to be sure more people had 
access to insurance, didn't think about all of the unintended 
consequences.
  The latest broken promise--I am afraid it won't be the last; I wish 
it would be the last broken promise, but it won't be the last, I 
suspect--relates to the 15 million people in America who have Medicare 
Advantage--something they liked and something they are not going to be 
able to have, in many cases, the way they used to have it. This is 
another application of that promise of if you like your insurance, you 
can keep it. Well, all the 15 million Americans who have Medicare 
Advantage, many of them, are going to find they can't keep it. And 
before this is over, all of them may find out they can't keep it.
  The President's health care plan has already cut hundreds of billions 
of dollars from Medicare--not to save Medicare but to fund the new 
program. Everybody knows Medicare is one of the

[[Page 3454]]

great challenges we have going forward. How are we going to maintain 
Medicare? Only in Washington would you be able to get by with saying: 
Medicare is in real trouble, so let's cut it to start another program. 
This is the only place in America you wouldn't be laughed off the city 
council dais or off the legislative floor if you said: We have this one 
program that is in big trouble. We are not going to do anything to 
reform it, we are just going to cut it so we can start another program. 
Yet that is what has happened here.
  We have already cut Medicare by $300 billion--that is Medicare 
Advantage--and on top of this cut to Medicare Advantage we now see that 
plans are being changed, and they are being changed in significant 
ways.
  Why did we have Medicare Advantage for States such as mine--the State 
of Missouri--with lots of rural areas, lots of rural hospitals, without 
always having competitive health care providers? Medicare Advantage 
provided the competition. It was that competition that made Medicare 
Advantage and Medicare Part D work and made them work at much less cost 
than anybody had anticipated. The marketplace works if you focus on a 
competitive marketplace rather than trying to run health care to be 
sure there is competition out there. That is what Medicare Advantage 
did. In our State, 1 out of 4 people on Medicare is on Medicare 
Advantage--237,000 Missourians on Medicare Advantage.
  On February 14, I joined my colleagues in urging CMS not to make any 
more cuts to Medicare Advantage. There were 40 of us who signed that 
letter, and 19 of the 40 Senators who signed that letter were 
Democrats, with 21 Republicans. So there is a pretty bipartisan sense 
that something must be happening out there to hurt these programs. That 
is true, not untrue.
  Why would we continue to do that? I don't know. So I have joined the 
Republican leaders in a letter this week calling on Secretary Sebelius 
to stop moving forward with these misguided policies that do things 
that impact people on Medicare Advantage; that do things that impact 
people who had health insurance with a deductible they could afford but 
now no longer have.
  The administration's proposals continue once again to contradict the 
promise that if you had health care you liked, you could keep your 
health care policy; that if you had doctors you liked, you could keep 
your doctors. More and more people are seeing that is not true.
  These many stories I have heard I firmly believe to be true, not 
untrue, no matter what the majority leader of the Senate might have 
said. Let me share a few of those today as I move toward the conclusion 
of what I want to talk about today.
  Darcie from Kansas City, MO, is a registered nurse and works with 
Medicare patients daily. She sees firsthand the effect the rising 
expenses on Medicare Advantage are having on people she deals with. 
This is a quote from her letter:

       Our seniors and other Medicare Advantage members should 
     not, as they already do, have to make choices between paying 
     for medicines and other healthcare related expenses or food 
     or housing expenses.
       I hope you are able to see the bigger picture, as I do, as 
     a 30-year-old professional nurse who is on the frontlines 
     each and every day taking care of these individuals and their 
     families.

  This sounds truthful to me.
  Edward and his wife, from Saint Peters, MO, live on a fixed income. 
He said:

       My wife and I are retired seniors living on a fixed income. 
     I have Medicare Advantage, which is provided by Mercy--a 
     Missouri based health insurance company. I am told I will 
     lose coverage next year due to ObamaCare cuts. Why must the 
     cost of ObamaCare--which Missourians did not want--be paid by 
     cuts to seniors? Please change the ObamaCare law to leave 
     Medicare Advantage alone.

  Again, 19 Democrats and 21 Republicans signed a letter last week 
asking the same question. This letter didn't even say: Go back and 
reverse what you have done. Just stop making these cuts being made 
right now.
  Ronald from Raytown, MO, says his copay has increased as a result of 
the administration's cuts to Medicare Advantage plans.

       Please protect our Medicare Advantage plans. As you know, 
     Medicare is presently underfunded. I do not appreciate those 
     that permit Obama to willfully take [hundreds of billions of] 
     dollars that we seniors have paid into Medicare and use those 
     monies to fund ObamaCare. I am counting on you to protect our 
     Medicare Advantage plans and realize that the less government 
     involvement in our Medicare Advantage plans, the more 
     efficient the plan. As a result of ObamaCare, my copay has 
     increased.

  My guess is Ronald knows whether or not his copay has increased. In 
speaking with him, I am certainly persuaded that the facts he is 
presenting--like the other people we are talking about today--are 
absolutely true.
  Jennifer from Blue Springs, MO, says:

       My husband and I are both on Medicare already . . . the co-
     pays for our ``Medicare Advantage'' plans have doubled and, 
     in some cases, tripled from 2013 to 2014 . . . [and that is 
     why I'm responding with a nightmare story].

  The other thing Jennifer said is she and her husband are retired. 
They are musicians, and they had a business where they would go to 
nursing homes and play gospel music just for their expenses. She points 
out that because of the increased health care costs, nursing homes no 
longer have room in their budget for something that is entertaining, 
such as live gospel music. The reverberations of what happens when the 
government decides that the government is better prepared to manage not 
just Medicare and Medicaid--as if we didn't have enough challenges 
already--but 16 percent or 17 percent of the economy are seen out there 
every day.
  I certainly believe there have to be some people who are benefiting 
from this, but the numbers don't suggest that the overall benefit is 
nearly as good as the overall damage: people losing insurance at 
greater numbers than people getting insurance; premiums going up more 
than going down; deductibles rising.
  It would be nice for those who supported this to convince people that 
all these stories are untrue, but I think too many people have true 
stories to tell for their neighbors and their friends not to realize 
what is happening because of this government interference with a health 
care system that was working instead of doing the handful of things we 
could have done to make the best health care system in the world work 
better. They were there. They were offered. The President knew they 
were there. That is not the course we followed, and the course we are 
following is not leading to a place where most Americans want to be.
  Mr. President, I yield the floor.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Indiana.
  Mr. COATS. Mr. President, may I inquire what the order is in morning 
business relative to time?
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. There is 15 minutes remaining on the 
Republican side.

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