[Congressional Record (Bound Edition), Volume 160 (2014), Part 3]
[Senate]
[Pages 3317-3318]
[From the U.S. Government Publishing Office, www.gpo.gov]




                                  IRAN

  Mr. McCONNELL. Mr. President, there is a broad bipartisan majority in 
the Senate that would like to vote on Iran sanctions. The dilemma we 
have here is that the majority leader does not want this vote to occur. 
So I would like to start this morning with a few words about an issue 
that should be of grave concern to all of us; that is, the threat of a 
nuclear-armed Iran.
  It is no exaggeration to say that this is one of the significant 
foreign policy challenges of our time and one we simply have to get 
right. That is why a strong bipartisan majority has sought to pass 
legislation in the Senate that puts teeth into the negotiations that 
have followed November's interim agreement. The challenge we have had 
is the majority leader does not want us to vote on it. It could be that 
he is afraid it will actually pass. Republican Senators--and hopefully 
some Democratic Senators as well--are going to continue to press the 
majority leader to allow a vote on this legislation before these 
negotiations end.
  The Nuclear Weapon Free Iran Act is a perfectly reasonable bill. This 
is a Menendez-Kirk bill. It does not disrupt ongoing negotiations. It 
simply provides an incentive for Iran to keep its commitment under the 
interim agreement. It says that if Iran does not keep its word, then it 
will face even tougher sanctions at the end of this 6-month period. In 
other words, it does not disrupt the negotiations at all, even though 
the big--sort of the high leader, the Supreme Leader in Iran says he is 
not paying any attention to these talks. Nevertheless, it does not 
disrupt these talks, which seem to be going nowhere.
  But it does say at the end of the 6-month period: You are going to 
get tougher sanctions if nothing comes of the discussions. It puts 
teeth into the talks that are already taking place. It is a recognition 
of the success we have already had as a result of prior sanctions. 
After all, there is a good reason to believe sanctions are what brought 
the Iranians to the table in the first place. They were hurting. So it 
stands to reason that if the Iranians break the interim deal, they 
should get tougher sanctions. If nothing happens, we should send a 
message: You cannot keep talking forever. Something will happen at the 
end of the interim period.
  That is especially true given the fact that we are actually running 
out of tools here short of the use of force. This bill is the best 
mechanism we have to keep the Iranians at the table until we get the 
right outcome and to ensure they are sticking to their end of the 
agreement. We should not fall victim to Iran's efforts at public 
diplomacy.
  Let me repeat that a strong bipartisan majority in both Houses of 
Congress agrees with this approach, so there is simply no good reason 
for the majority leader to prevent a vote on this crucial legislation. 
He is gridlocking the Senate, preventing the Senate from working its 
will on a bill that enjoys broad bipartisan support, makes elementary 
good sense, and is the best hope we have to prevent a nuclear-armed 
Iran. There is no excuse for muzzling the Congress on an issue of this 
importance to our national security, to the security of Israel, our 
closest ally in the Middle East, and to international stability more 
broadly.

[[Page 3318]]

  I know many active members of AIPAC--the majority leader mentioned 
AIPAC. They want to have this vote. They will be coming to Washington 
next week from all over the country. I will bet this is a vote they 
want to have.
  This is a rare issue that should unite both parties in common 
purpose. There is no question that it would if the majority leader 
would simply drop his reflexive deference to a President whose foreign 
policy is focused on withdrawing from our overseas commitments, a 
foreign policy that at worst poses a serious threat to our own security 
and that of our allies.
  So once again I call on the majority leader to allow the Congress, 
allow the Senate to serve its purpose and express itself in our 
Nation's policy toward Iran. Let our constituents speak on this all-
important issue on which so many of us in both parties actually agree.
  In the Joint Plan of Action, the President made clear that he opposes 
additional sanctions. Why don't we let Congress speak? Let Congress 
have a voice. Let's stand together for a forward-deployed, ready, and 
lethal force that makes our commitments real in the eyes of friend and 
foe alike. Let's hold Iran accountable--actually hold them accountable. 
Let's do the right thing--approve this legislation and send it to the 
President's desk. The clock is ticking. The time to act is now.

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