[Congressional Record (Bound Edition), Volume 160 (2014), Part 12]
[House]
[Pages 16524-16529]
[From the U.S. Government Publishing Office, www.gpo.gov]




            CONDEMNING THE ACTIONS OF THE RUSSIAN FEDERATION

  Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN. Mr. Speaker, I move to suspend the rules and agree 
to the resolution (H. Res. 758) strongly condemning the actions of the 
Russian Federation, under President Vladimir Putin, which has carried 
out a policy of aggression against neighboring countries aimed at 
political and economic domination, as amended.
  The Clerk read the title of the resolution.
  The text of the resolution is as follows:

                              H. Res. 758

       Whereas the Russian Federation has subjected Ukraine to a 
     campaign of political, economic, and military aggression for 
     the purpose of establishing its domination over the country 
     and progressively erasing its independence;
       Whereas the Russian Federation's invasion of, and military 
     operations on, Ukrainian territory represent gross violations 
     of Ukraine's sovereignty, independence, and territorial 
     integrity and a violation of international law, including the 
     Russian Federation's obligations under the United Nations 
     Charter;
       Whereas the Russian Federation has, since February 2014, 
     violated each of the 10 principles of the 1975 Helsinki 
     Accords in its relations with Ukraine;
       Whereas the Russian Federation's forcible occupation and 
     illegal annexation of Crimea and its continuing support for 
     separatist and paramilitary forces in eastern Ukraine are 
     violations of its obligations under the 1994 Budapest 
     Memorandum on Security Assurances, in which it pledged to 
     respect the independence and sovereignty and the existing 
     borders of Ukraine, and to refrain from the threat or use of 
     force against the territorial integrity or political 
     independence of Ukraine;
       Whereas the Russian Federation has provided military 
     equipment, training, and other assistance to separatist and 
     paramilitary forces in eastern Ukraine that has resulted in 
     over 4,000 civilian deaths, hundreds of thousands of civilian 
     refugees, and widespread destruction;
       Whereas the Ukrainian military remains at a significant 
     disadvantage compared to the armed forces of the Russian 
     Federation in terms of size and technological sophistication;
       Whereas the United States strongly supports efforts to 
     assist Ukraine to defend its territory and sovereignty 
     against military aggression by the Russian Federation and by 
     separatist forces;
       Whereas the terms of the cease-fire specified in the Minsk 
     Protocol that was signed on September 5, 2014, by 
     representatives of the Government of Ukraine, the Russian 
     Federation, and the Russian-led separatists in the eastern 
     area of Ukraine have been repeatedly violated by the Russian 
     Federation and the separatist forces it supports;
       Whereas separatist forces in areas they controlled in 
     eastern Ukraine prevented the holding of elections on May 25, 
     2014, for a new President of Ukraine and on October 26, 2014, 
     for a new Rada, thereby preventing the people of eastern 
     Ukraine from exercising their democratic right to select 
     their candidates for office in free and fair elections;
       Whereas on November 2, 2014, separatist forces in eastern 
     Ukraine held fraudulent and illegal elections in areas they 
     controlled for the supposed purpose of choosing leaders of 
     the illegitimate local political entities they have declared;
       Whereas the Russian Federation continues to provide the 
     military, political, and economic support without which the 
     separatist forces could not continue to maintain their areas 
     of control;
       Whereas the reestablishment of peace and security in 
     Ukraine requires the full withdrawal of Russian forces from 
     Ukrainian territory, the resumption of the Government of 
     Ukraine's control over all of the country's international 
     borders, the disarming of the separatist and paramilitary 
     forces in the east, an end to Russia's use of its energy 
     exports and trade barriers to apply economic and political 
     pressure, and an end to Russian interference in Ukraine's 
     internal affairs;
       Whereas Malaysia Airlines Flight 17, a civilian airliner, 
     was destroyed by a missile fired by Russian-backed separatist 
     forces in eastern Ukraine, resulting in the loss of 298 
     innocent lives;
       Whereas the Russian Federation continues to supply the vast 
     majority of arms purchases, which include anti-aircraft 
     missile systems and other lethal weapons, to the Bashar Assad 
     regime in Syria, a state sponsor of terrorism that is 
     actively backed by Hezbollah, a sophisticated terrorist group 
     hostile to the United States and its close allies;
       Whereas the Russian Federation has protected the Assad 
     regime and backed its brutal assault against the Syrian 
     people;
       Whereas the Russian Federation has used and is continuing 
     to use coercive economic measures, including the manipulation 
     of energy prices and supplies, as well as trade restrictions, 
     to place political and economic pressure on Ukraine;
       Whereas France agreed to sell to the Russian Federation two 
     Mistral-class amphibious assault ships in 2011 for $1.7 
     billion;
       Whereas Russian possession of these ships would be a 
     destabilizing addition to the Russian military, which would 
     likely have boosted its ability to invade Crimea;
       Whereas given the Russian invasion of sovereign territory 
     of the Republic of Ukraine in Crimea and elsewhere and its 
     dangerous behavior throughout the region, France decided to 
     suspend delivery of the Mistral-class warships to the Russian 
     Federation;
       Whereas purchase of the two Mistral-class warships by North 
     Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) countries would expand 
     NATO's capabilities, resolve France's legitimate concern over 
     the cost of the ships, and eliminate a potential threat to 
     countries in Eastern Europe;
       Whereas the Russian Federation invaded the Republic of 
     Georgia in August 2008, continues to station military forces 
     in the regions of Abkhazia and South Ossetia, and is 
     implementing measures intended to progressively integrate 
     these regions into the Russian Federation, including by 
     signing a ``treaty'' between Georgia's Abkhazia Region and 
     the Russian Federation on November 24, 2014;
       Whereas the Russian Federation continues to subject the 
     Republic of Georgia to political and military intimidation, 
     economic coercion, and other forms of aggression in an effort 
     to establish its control of the country and to prevent 
     Georgia from establishing closer relations with the European 
     Union and the United States;
       Whereas the Russian Federation continues to station 
     military forces in the Transniestria region of Moldova in 
     violation of the express will of the Government of Moldova 
     and of its Organization for Security and Co-operation in 
     Europe (OSCE) commitments;
       Whereas the Russian Federation continues to provide support 
     to the illegal separatist regime in the Transniestria region 
     of Moldova;
       Whereas the Russian Federation continues to subject Moldova 
     to political and military intimidation, economic coercion, 
     and other forms of aggression in an effort to establish its 
     control of the country and to prevent efforts by Moldova to 
     establish closer relations with the European Union and the 
     United States;
       Whereas the Russian Federation acceded to the Intermediate-
     Range Nuclear Forces (INF) Treaty obligation of the Union of 
     Soviet Socialist Republics in a declaration issued at 
     Bishkek, Kyrgyzstan, in October 1992;
       Whereas under the terms of the INF Treaty, a flight-test or 
     deployment of any INF-banned weapon delivery vehicle by the 
     Russian Federation constitutes a militarily significant 
     violation of the INF Treaty;
       Whereas on April 2, 2014, the Commander, U.S. European 
     Command, and Supreme Allied Commander Europe, General 
     Breedlove, stated that, ``A weapon capability that violates 
     the INF, that is introduced into the greater European land 
     mass is absolutely a tool that will have to be dealt with. . 
     . I would not judge how the alliance will choose to react, 
     but I would say they will have to consider what to do about 
     it. . . It can't go unanswered.'';
       Whereas on July 29, 2014, the United States Department of 
     State released its report on the Adherence to and Compliance 
     with Arms Control, Nonproliferation, and Disarmament 
     Agreements and Commitments, as required by Section 403 of the 
     Arms Control and Disarmament Act, for calendar year 2013, 
     which found that, ``[t]he United States has determined that 
     the Russian Federation is in violation of its obligations 
     under the INF Treaty not to possess, produce, or flight-test 
     a ground-launched cruise missile (GLCM) with a range 
     capability of 500 km to 5,500 km, or to possess or produce 
     launchers of such missiles'';
       Whereas concerns also exist with respect to a new Russian 
     ballistic missile, the RS-26, which, according to reports, 
     has been tested on multiple occasions at intermediate ranges, 
     and in different configurations, which would be covered by 
     the interpretative statements the United States Senate relied 
     upon when it ratified the INF Treaty in May 1988;
       Whereas the Russian Federation has requested the approval 
     of new sensors and new aircraft to be flown over the United 
     States and Europe as part of the Treaty on Open Skies, and 
     serious concerns have been raised regarding impacts to United 
     States national security if such approval is given;
       Whereas on November 11, 2014, the Commander, U.S. European 
     Command, and Supreme Allied Commander Europe, General 
     Breedlove, stated that, Russian forces ``capable of being 
     nuclear'' are being moved to the Crimea Peninsula;
       Whereas according to reports, the Government of the Russian 
     Federation has repeatedly engaged in the infiltration of, and 
     attacks on, computer networks of the United States 
     Government, as well as individuals

[[Page 16525]]

     and private entities, for the purpose of illicitly acquiring 
     information and disrupting operations, including by 
     supporting Russian individuals and entities engaged in these 
     actions;
       Whereas the political, military, and economic aggression 
     against Ukraine and other countries by the Russian Federation 
     underscores the enduring importance of the North Atlantic 
     Treaty Organization (NATO) as the cornerstone of collective 
     Euro-Atlantic defense;
       Whereas the United States reaffirms its obligations under 
     the North Atlantic Treaty, especially Article 5 which states 
     that ``an armed attack against one or more'' of the treaty 
     signatories ``shall be considered an attack against them 
     all'';
       Whereas the Russian Federation is continuing to use its 
     supply of energy as a means of political and economic 
     coercion against Ukraine, Georgia, Moldova, and other 
     European countries;
       Whereas the United States strongly supports energy 
     diversification initiatives in Ukraine, Georgia, Moldova, and 
     other European countries to reduce the ability of the Russian 
     Federation to use its supply of energy for political and 
     economic coercion, including the development of domestic 
     sources of energy, increased efficiency, and substituting 
     Russian energy resources with imports from other countries;
       Whereas the Russian Federation continues to conduct an 
     aggressive propaganda effort in Ukraine in which false 
     information is used to subvert the authority of the 
     legitimate national government, undermine stability, promote 
     ethnic dissension, and incite violence;
       Whereas the Russian Federation has expanded the presence of 
     its state-sponsored media in national languages across 
     central and western Europe with the intent of using news and 
     information to distort public opinion and obscure Russian 
     political and economic influence in Europe;
       Whereas expanded efforts by United States international 
     broadcasting across all media in the Russian and Ukrainian 
     languages are needed to counter Russian propaganda and to 
     provide the people of Ukraine and the surrounding regions 
     with access to credible and balanced information;
       Whereas the Voice of America and Radio Free Europe/Radio 
     Liberty (RFE/RL), Incorporated continue to represent a 
     minority market share in Ukraine and other regional states 
     with significant ethno-linguistic Russian populations who 
     increasingly obtain their local and international news from 
     Russian state-sponsored media outlets;
       Whereas the United States International Programming to 
     Ukraine and Neighboring Regions Act of 2014 (PL 113-96) 
     requires the Voice of America and RFE/RL, Incorporated to 
     provide programming content to target populations in Ukraine 
     and Moldova 24 hours a day, 7 days a week, including at least 
     8 weekly hours of total original video and television content 
     and 14 weekly hours of total audio content while expanding 
     cooperation with local media outlets and deploying greater 
     content through multimedia platforms and mobile devices; and
       Whereas Vladimir Putin has established an increasingly 
     authoritarian regime in the Russian Federation through 
     fraudulent elections, the persecution and jailing of 
     political opponents, the elimination of independent media, 
     the seizure of key sectors of the economy and enabling 
     supporters to enrich themselves through widespread 
     corruption, and implementing a strident propaganda campaign 
     to justify Russian aggression against other countries and 
     repression in Russia, among other actions: Now, therefore, be 
     it
       Resolved, That the House of Representatives--
       (1) strongly supports the efforts by President Poroshenko 
     and the people of Ukraine to establish a lasting peace in 
     their country that includes the full withdrawal of Russian 
     forces from the territory of Ukraine, full control of 
     Ukraine's international borders, the disarming of separatist 
     and paramilitary forces in eastern Ukraine, the adoption of 
     policies to reduce the ability of the Russian Federation to 
     use energy exports and trade barriers as weapons to apply 
     economic and political pressure, and an end to interference 
     by the Russian Federation in the internal affairs of Ukraine;
       (2) affirms the right of Ukraine, Georgia, Moldova, and all 
     countries to exercise their sovereign rights within their 
     internationally recognized borders free from outside 
     intervention, and to conduct their foreign policy in 
     accordance with their determination of the best interests of 
     their peoples;
       (3) condemns the continuing political, economic, and 
     military aggression by the Russian Federation against 
     Ukraine, Georgia, and Moldova and the continuing violation of 
     their sovereignty, independence, and territorial integrity;
       (4) states that the military intervention by the Russian 
     Federation in Ukraine--
       (A) is in breach of its obligations under the United 
     Nations Charter;
       (B) is in clear violation of each of the 10 principles of 
     the 1975 Helsinki Accords;
       (C) is in violation of the 1994 Budapest Memorandum on 
     Security Assurances in which it pledged to respect the 
     independence, sovereignty, and existing borders of Ukraine 
     and to refrain from the threat of the use of force against 
     the territorial integrity or political independence of 
     Ukraine; and
       (D) poses a threat to international peace and security;
       (5) calls on the Russian Federation to reverse its illegal 
     annexation of Crimea, to end its support of the separatist 
     forces in Crimea, and to remove its military forces from that 
     region other than those operating in strict accordance with 
     its 1997 agreement on the Status and Conditions of the Black 
     Sea Fleet Stationing on the Territory of Ukraine;
       (6) calls on the President to cooperate with United States 
     allies and partners in Europe and other countries around the 
     world to refuse to recognize any de jure or de facto 
     sovereignty of the Russian Federation over Crimea, its 
     airspace, or its territorial waters;
       (7) calls on the Russian Federation to remove its military 
     forces and military equipment from the territory of Ukraine, 
     Georgia, and Moldova, and to end its political, military, and 
     economic support of separatist forces;
       (8) calls on the Russian Federation and the separatist 
     forces it supports and controls in Ukraine to end their 
     violations of the cease-fire announced in Minsk on September 
     5, 2014;
       (9) calls on the President to cooperate with United States 
     allies and partners in Europe and other countries around the 
     world to impose visa bans, targeted asset freezes, sectoral 
     sanctions, and other measures on the Russian Federation and 
     its leadership with the goal of compelling it to end its 
     violation of Ukraine's sovereignty and territorial integrity, 
     to remove its military forces and equipment from Ukrainian 
     territory, and to end its support of separatist and 
     paramilitary forces;
       (10) calls on the President to provide the Government of 
     Ukraine with lethal and non-lethal defense articles, 
     services, and training required to effectively defend its 
     territory and sovereignty;
       (11) calls on the President to provide the Government of 
     Ukraine with appropriate intelligence and other relevant 
     information in a timely manner to assist the Government of 
     Ukraine to defend its territory and sovereignty;
       (12) calls on North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) 
     allies and United States partners in Europe and other nations 
     around the world to suspend all military cooperation with 
     Russia, including prohibiting the sale to the Russian 
     Government of lethal and non-lethal military equipment;
       (13) reaffirms the commitment of the United States to its 
     obligations under the North Atlantic Treaty, especially 
     Article 5, and calls on all Alliance member states to provide 
     their full share of the resources needed to ensure their 
     collective defense;
       (14) urges the President, in consultation with Congress, to 
     conduct a review of the force posture, readiness, and 
     responsibilities of United States Armed Forces and the forces 
     of other members of NATO to determine if the contributions 
     and actions of each are sufficient to meet the obligations of 
     collective self-defense under Article 5 of the North Atlantic 
     Treaty and to specify the measures needed to remedy any 
     deficiencies;
       (15) welcomes the decision of France to indefinitely 
     suspend the delivery of the Mistral-class warships to the 
     Russian Federation and urges the United States, France, NATO, 
     and other partners to engage in consultations and consider 
     all alternative acquisition options for such warships which 
     would not include transfer of the ships to the Russian 
     Federation;
       (16) urges the President to publicly hold the Russian 
     Federation accountable for violations of its obligations 
     under the Intermediate-Range Nuclear Forces (INF) Treaty and 
     to take action to bring the Russian Federation back into 
     compliance with the Treaty;
       (17) urges the President to work with Asian, European, and 
     other allies to develop a comprehensive strategy to ensure 
     the Russian Federation is not able to gain any benefit by its 
     development of military systems that violate the INF Treaty;
       (18) believes the emplacement by the Russian Federation of 
     its nuclear weapons on Ukrainian territory would constitute a 
     provocative and destabilizing move;
       (19) calls on Ukraine and other countries to support energy 
     diversification initiatives to reduce the ability of the 
     Russian Federation to use its energy exports as a means of 
     applying political or economic pressure, including by 
     promoting energy efficiency and reverse natural gas flows 
     from Western Europe, and calls on the United States to 
     promote increased natural gas exports and energy efficiency;
       (20) calls on the President and the United States 
     Department of State to develop a strategy for multilateral 
     coordination to produce or otherwise procure and distribute 
     news and information in the Russian language to countries 
     with significant Russian-speaking populations which maximizes 
     the use of existing platforms for content delivery such as 
     the Voice of America and Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty 
     (RFE/RL), Incorporated, leverages indigenous public-private 
     partnerships for content production, and

[[Page 16526]]

     seeks in-kind contributions from regional state governments;
       (21) calls on the United States Department of State to 
     identify positions at key diplomatic posts in Europe to 
     evaluate the political, economic, and cultural influence of 
     Russia and Russian state-sponsored media and to coordinate 
     with host governments on appropriate responses;
       (22) calls on the Russian Federation to cease its support 
     for the Assad regime in Syria;
       (23) calls on the President to publicly and privately 
     demand the Russian Federation cease its destabilizing 
     behavior at every opportunity and in every engagement between 
     the United States and its officials and the Russian 
     Federation and its officials;
       (24) calls upon the Russian Federation to seek a mutually 
     beneficial relationship with the United States that is based 
     on respect for the independence and sovereignty of all 
     countries and their right to freely determine their future, 
     including their relationship with other nations and 
     international organizations, without interference, 
     intimidation, or coercion by other countries; and
       (25) calls for the reestablishment of a close and 
     cooperative relationship between the people of the United 
     States and the Russian people based on the shared pursuit of 
     democracy, human rights, and peace among all nations.

  The SPEAKER pro tempore. Pursuant to the rule, the gentlewoman from 
Florida (Ms. Ros-Lehtinen) and the gentleman from New York (Mr. Engel) 
each will control 20 minutes.
  The Chair recognizes the gentlewoman from Florida.


                             General Leave

  Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN. Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all 
Members may have 5 legislative days to revise and extend their remarks 
and to include extraneous material on this resolution.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. Is there objection to the request of the 
gentlewoman from Florida?
  There was no objection.
  Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may 
consume.
  Mr. Speaker, I rise in strong support of H. Res. 758 and commend the 
gentleman from Illinois (Mr. Kinzinger) for his work in bringing this 
important measure to the floor tonight. I also commend the work of our 
great chairman, Chairman Royce, and our fabulous ranking member, the 
gentleman from New York (Mr. Engel), for their work on this critical 
issue.
  As this resolution documents, Mr. Speaker, Vladimir Putin has 
repeatedly demonstrated that he is a threat not just to our friends and 
allies, but to international peace and stability. From Ukraine, 
Moldova, and the Republic of Georgia, to arms control violations and 
support for the Assad regime in Syria, Putin's continuing military, 
economic, and political aggression against Ukraine and others is on 
full display. Of course, his most dramatic action was the forcible 
occupation and annexation of Crimea earlier this year.
  Today, as we consider this resolution, Russian forces are operating 
on Ukrainian soil supporting separatists that they have heavily armed. 
The apparent intent of the Russian-backed separatists is to carve out 
an area that Russia will be able to permanently dominate. This is not 
what the people of Ukraine want.
  Already, thousands of Ukrainians have died in the fighting, and 
hundreds of thousands have been made refugees, with many more suffering 
severe deprivation. The destruction of Malaysia Airlines Flight 17 
demonstrated the threat to civilians in this conflict, but many more 
have been killed in the months since; yet these tragedies go mostly 
unnoticed in the West.
  Ukraine is not asking the U.S. to defend it against Russia, but 
instead to provide it with the means with which it can defend its 
people and its sovereignty, but the administration has refused to do 
so, instead, restricting U.S. assistance to small amounts of nonlethal 
goods and equipment.
  As Ukraine's President said when he addressed us in Congress in 
September, one cannot win a war with blankets. Ukraine is clearly in 
need of urgent military assistance. The administration must act quickly 
to equip it with the means not just to clothe its soldiers, but to stop 
tanks as well.
  The assault on Ukraine isn't being carried out by military means 
alone. Putin has also attempted to use economic coercion on Ukraine. He 
has used Russia's supply of energy to Ukraine and to other countries, 
including many in the European Union, as a political weapon, shutting 
off deliveries in the middle of winter.
  The United States and our friends and allies in Europe and around the 
world are taking action to ensure that he and his regime pay a heavy 
price for this aggression. By imposing sanctions on key sectors, 
especially financial institutions and the oil sector, we have put 
enormous pressure on the Russian economy, which its officials openly 
admit.
  More needs to be done, Mr. Speaker. We must also counter Russia's 
ability to use energy as a weapon. The U.S. can play an important role 
in this effort simply by removing the unilateral restrictions we have 
imposed on our export of natural gas.
  Finally, we must work with our allies in NATO to enhance the security 
of the Baltic States and other countries of the alliance that are 
menaced by Russian aggression. A perceived weakness could lead to 
miscalculation on Moscow's part with incalculable consequences. No one 
should doubt our commitment to NATO.
  Through these and other measures, Mr. Speaker, we can demonstrate to 
Putin and the world that we will do what is necessary to protect 
Ukraine and other countries that are threatened by his imperial 
ambitions and ensure that they can live in peace and security.
  With that, Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
  Mr. ENGEL. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself as much time as I may consume, 
and I rise in strong support of H. Res. 758.
  Mr. Speaker, after the cold war, we all hoped that Russia would 
emerge as a modern power, governed by democratic norms, the rule of 
law, and respect for human rights. Regrettably, things didn't turn out 
that way. It is time to recognize the fact that Russia, under the 
leadership of Vladimir Putin, is a threat to European security and to 
U.S. interests in the region.
  We must be clear that our concerns are not directed toward the 
Russian people. In fact, as Putin tightens his grip, his own citizens 
are among those suffering the most. Basic freedoms are under attack. 
The media has become a mouthpiece for Putin and his cronies, and as 
Russia continues its aggression in Ukraine, international sanctions are 
hitting home, dragging down Russia's economy.
  Nevertheless, we have high hopes for those inside Russia who seek an 
alternative, who want a brighter future for their country and for their 
children, so this resolution encourages the establishment of close and 
cooperative ties between the people of the United States and the people 
of Russia.
  It pains me that Putin has effectively destroyed democracy in Russia. 
We must let the Russian people know that we stand by them against this 
tyrant. We need to keep supporting those in Russia who are struggling 
against tough odds to keep the media and civil space open, to share 
ideas that originate beyond the Kremlin's walls, to shine a light on 
the corruption in Moscow and the misinformation on the airwaves.
  I think this resolution sends an important message, and I would like 
to thank the gentleman from Illinois (Mr. Kinzinger) for taking the 
lead on this important issue, but I also think we should be doing more, 
and I am pleased to be working with Chairman Royce on new legislation 
to support Ukraine and further penalize Russia for its continued 
trampling of Ukrainian sovereignty.
  I am also pleased that this resolution lays out Congress' strong 
opposition to France's sale of two Mistral warships to Russia, a key 
priority of mine over the last several months. We should all thank 
France for indefinitely suspending transfer of the ship to Russia, but 
I think we can go even further, with NATO buying or leasing the ships.
  I believe that this would be a win-win-win: a win for NATO, which 
would acquire these powerful ships; a win for France, whose legitimate 
financial interests would be addressed; and a win

[[Page 16527]]

for the countries in Eastern Europe, which would be further threatened 
if Russia, indeed, had these vessels.
  Among those countries under Moscow's pressure are Ukraine, Moldova, 
and Georgia, where Russia continues to stoke separatism. There was a 
vote recently in Moldova which rejected Putin and his nonsense, and I 
was happy to see it.
  In the Baltic States and elsewhere, Russian propaganda fills the 
airwaves, spreading deceptions about the West. Across Eastern Europe, 
millions wait with apprehension to see what Putin will do next. They 
have good reason. We know that he is willing to flout international law 
and trample his neighbors' sovereignty, so better to stand up to a 
bully now than to try to reverse his future gains.
  When Putin talks about going into Crimea to protect ethnic Russians, 
it sounds to me a very lot like Hitler in 1938 who said he was going 
into Czechoslovakia to the Sudetenland to protect ethnic Germans.
  During the cold war, the United States stared down the Soviet Union 
at the height of its power and refused to blink. We sided with those 
behind the Iron Curtain who stood up for their universal rights.
  Today, those rights are once again under threat; so, my colleagues, 
let's pass this resolution, and let's keep working to meet the 
challenge of Russia's growing aggression.
  Mr. Speaker, I urge my colleagues to support this resolution, and I 
reserve the balance of my time.
  Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN. Mr. Speaker, I yield 4 minutes to the gentleman 
from Illinois (Mr. Kinzinger), a member of the Foreign Affairs 
Committee and the author of this important measure.
  Mr. KINZINGER of Illinois. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentlewoman from 
Florida (Ms. Ros-Lehtinen) for yielding the time. Thanks to the 
committee and the leadership for bringing this very important issue 
forward.
  Russia's continuing political, military, and economic aggression 
against Ukraine, as well as Georgia and Moldova, must be addressed; in 
short, this aggression will not stand. Mankind everywhere has a 
responsibility to stand up for territorial integrity and sovereignty in 
Ukraine, Georgia, and Moldova.
  U.S. and European sanctions, to date, have unfortunately not caused 
Russia to change course. It is imperative that this body continues to 
pressure Russia and remain focused on exposing their illegal actions.
  Mr. Putin would love nothing more than the world to simply not take 
notice or not have the political will to directly push back against his 
illegal annexation of Crimea. In fact, there is some who would promote 
a policy of appeasement for political, business, or other purposes 
against Russia.
  That approach is woefully shortsighted and naive and underestimates 
what Mr. Putin's regime is capable of throughout Eastern Europe and 
now, unfortunately, the Middle East.
  The U.S., Europe, and our allies must aggressively keep the pressure 
on Mr. Putin to encourage him to change his behavior. Sadly, Mr. Putin 
will only respond to raw power, and we must remain unified in our 
opposition to the annexation of Crimea and continued efforts to 
destabilize eastern Ukraine. We must be willing to change Mr. Putin's 
calculation to make it far too costly for him to continue down this 
path.
  My constituents in Illinois have been shocked by Russia's military 
aggression into Ukraine, and over the past year, they have been afraid 
that we are moving into a second cold war. I agree with my constituents 
and believe Putin has alienated all the Western countries he ostensibly 
was trying to woo by the Sochi Olympics and is on the path to 
reigniting a second cold war.
  Moreover, Putin has enraged the world by denying Russia's involvement 
in the death of 200 civilian passengers on a commercial Malaysian 
airplane from Holland to Malaysia in the spring of 2014.

                              {time}  1815

  Russia, sending arms and rockets to the Russian-aligned forces in 
Ukraine, was the match that lit the fire for this heinous act.
  On another note, I have had the opportunity to visit the country of 
Georgia on several occasions over the past few years and have been 
impressed with its people and their political aspirations. I have 
personally witnessed Russian troops in Georgia, where they continue to 
occupy Abkhazia and South Ossetia. In the same way Crimea should be 
returned to Ukraine, Russia should immediately withdraw its troops from 
Georgia.
  The recent ``treaty'' between Georgia's Abkhazia region and the 
Russian Federation is a farce. Abkhazia and South Ossetia remain 
integral parts of Georgia and deserve to be part of an independent, 
sovereign Georgia.
  It is long past time to stand up to Mr. Putin and his wars of 
opportunities in Georgia, Moldova, and Ukraine, and I would urge my 
colleagues to support the measure.
  Lastly, I would be remiss if I did not thank Chairman Royce for his 
strong leadership on this and many other issues that have come before 
the Foreign Affairs Committee this past Congress. It has been an 
absolute pleasure to serve on the House Foreign Affairs Committee. The 
past 2 years have been an extremely tumultuous time for the world. I am 
extremely proud of this committee's work to directly confront the 
problems quickly and with clear, unified voice.
  While I can't thank everyone, I would like to specifically thank the 
following staff for their tremendous diligence and hard work: Tom 
Sheehy, Edward Burrier, Doug Seay, Elizabeth Heng, and, out of my 
personal office, Michael Essington. You have been wonderful to work 
with on this committee, and I am sure you will continue the hard work 
in the next Congress as we confront a world that is severely lacking in 
global American leadership.
  Mr. ENGEL. Mr. Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the gentlewoman from 
Texas (Ms. Jackson Lee).
  Ms. JACKSON LEE. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman very much.
  Let me express my appreciation to the author of this bill, Mr. 
Kinzinger, and to the managers on the bill, as well as, in particular, 
to thank the ranking member, the chairman, and, of course, the manager 
today. Thank you for your leadership.
  I associate myself with Congressman Engel's remarks about leaving a 
space for affirmation of the Russian people but to make it very clear 
that we condemn the actions of Mr. Putin. Maybe calling him that is 
even too polite.
  Remember the days of Gorbachev when we understood that there was an 
open Russia, there was a Russia who was committed to working for world 
peace, standing on their own principles and values and history, not 
denying their strength, but yet working collaboratively in a civilized 
way. What happened to that Russia? What happened to the Russia that was 
supposed to be shown to the world during the Olympics? What happened to 
the Russia that believed in its great history and was prepared to stand 
alongside of all world leaders to make a better place?
  The taking over, the dominance, the literal invasion of Crimea was 
intolerable and an unacceptable action by a nation that calls itself 
``standing civilized with other nations.'' The horrific tragedy of 
Malaysian Airlines and what many of us viewed around the world as we 
watched bodies being unattended and thugs not allowing persons to come 
and see to those bodies, how long they languished in those fields.
  So I think it is important to ask the question of Mr. Putin: What has 
happened to the Russia that we have known?
  I would say that this resolution condemns the actions of the 
government and the leadership of the government, but not the Russian 
people. I look forward to legislation coming forward that we all will 
debate on how we interact with the Russian people and provide the 
freedom of press and the freedom of speech and the opportunities for 
them.
  Mr. Speaker, as I conclude my remarks, I would be remiss not to be 
able to acknowledge Mr. Faleomavaega, who has an excellent bill on the 
floor,

[[Page 16528]]

H. Res. 714, but to be able to say to him, I consider him a great 
American and a representative of his community and his region and all 
that he has done to turn our attention to south China, east China, and 
the Asian Pacific region. We are grateful for what he has done and 
grateful for his service. I thank him very much and wish for the 
continued support of his legislation and his service to this country.
  Let me also say that I support S. 2673, the United States-Israel 
Strategic Partnership Act, and look forward to its passage.
  Again, in conclusion, I hope that this legislation, the underlying 
legislation, is a statement on behalf of America, of what we mean and 
what we stand for.
  Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN. Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
  Mr. ENGEL. Mr. Speaker, it is now my pleasure to yield 2 minutes to 
the gentlewoman from Ohio, Marcy Kaptur, who has been a leader in 
Ukraine freedom and other issues involving Eastern Europe.
  Ms. KAPTUR. Mr. Speaker, I thank my dear friend and colleague, the 
ranking member, Congressman Eliot Engel of New York, for yielding me 
this time, and also wish to thank the chair, Ileana Ros-Lehtinen of 
Florida, obviously Chairman Royce, Congressman Kinzinger, all those who 
have brought this important resolution to the floor, and I rise in 
support.
  Let me just say that the actions of Russia have truly disappointed 
any liberty-loving person that exists on the face of the Earth. I think 
this resolution further undergirds the high regard this Nation places 
on the value of liberty, and liberty for all; its provisions that deal 
with increasing sanctions and with added efforts in the energy security 
arena for Ukraine are extraordinarily important; the focus on 
additional communications; defensive equipment for the military of 
Ukraine to defend the interests of that country; and, importantly, 
cooperation with NATO nations and nonallied NATO nations to develop the 
kind of international cooperative effort that truly can yield a better 
Central and Eastern Europe in the decades ahead.
  I want to commend the leadership on both sides of the aisle. This is 
a bipartisan effort, what the American people are asking us for, 
aspiring to the highest values that we hold as a nation, and that is 
liberty for all, liberty for those who live in places where individuals 
have not had the opportunity to fully flourish because of the 
totalitarian and repressive regimes that make normal life impossible.
  I would urge my colleagues to support the resolution, and I thank the 
leadership for bringing this up in the closing hours of this Congress.
  Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from 
Florida (Mr. Diaz-Balart).
  Mr. DIAZ-BALART. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentlewoman from Florida 
and also Mr. Kinzinger, the sponsor for this fine resolution.
  In 1 minute I have one very simple thing to say. It is time that we 
recognize who we are dealing with here. I know that it is easy and it 
is fun to talk about diplomacy and diplomatic talk and pretend that Mr. 
Putin is this democratic leader who has democratic aspirations, but as 
this resolution clearly states, facts just do not bear that out.
  So I thank the sponsor, and I thank the chairwoman for bringing to 
the floor the truth of what Europe is threatened with and the world is 
threatened with. Mr. Putin, that regime, is a regime of a thug for 
thugs, and he must be treated that way.
  Mr. ENGEL. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
  In closing, let me again stress the importance of this resolution. It 
is strong and it is comprehensive. It says what needs to be said, 
namely, that the United States stands firmly with Ukraine as it faces 
Russia's aggression, period, plain and simple, and it condemns that 
aggression in unambiguous terms.
  But this resolution also keeps the door open to improved U.S.-Russian 
relations should Mr. Putin cease his aggression against Ukraine and 
observe the rules and norms that undergird the international order.
  I urge my colleagues to support this resolution. It is very 
important. It is very timely. It is important that we act now.
  I yield back the balance of my time.
  Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may 
consume.
  I thank our esteemed chairman, Mr. Royce of California, as well as 
Mr. Kinzinger, the author of this resolution, for bringing forth this 
timely resolution before us.
  By approving this resolution, Mr. Speaker, the House will send 
Vladimir Putin a clear and unmistakable message, one aimed not only at 
him, but at all of those in other countries who are tempted to use 
aggression and invasion to achieve their objectives.
  There is more at stake here than simply defending Ukraine's 
independence and sovereignty, although that is our primary goal. The 
message is that the United States will not simply stand by and silently 
watch the world ascend into anarchy nor allow aggressors to accomplish 
their goals by force and coercion.
  By demonstrating to Putin that his aggressive actions will only 
result in unacceptable costs to him and his regime, we can prevent 
others from concluding that we and our allies will do nothing to stop 
them and that they are free to impose the law of the jungle once again.
  I yield back the balance of my time.
  Mr. LEVIN. Mr. Speaker, I rise today in support of House Resolution 
758 as amended, which condemns Russian aggression against her 
neighbors. In the past year, we have seen Russia's determination to 
exert influence over neighboring sovereign states such as Ukraine. Ever 
since November 2013, when the Ukrainian people gathered peacefully in 
Maidan Square to protest against a corrupt, Russian-backed government, 
the Ukrainian people have come under siege by separatist forces 
supported and armed by Russia. It is clear to all of us that in spite 
of the ceasefire, Russia has never intended to honor the terms of the 
agreement and has continued to undermine any genuine effort to 
stabilize Ukraine.
  Here in the United States, we must fully understand that such acts of 
aggression undermine peace and security--not just for Ukraine, but for 
all of Europe and the international community. At this critical 
juncture when normalcy seems unattainable, the United States must stand 
with the Ukrainian people and support their own desire to build a free 
and democratic country, free from Russia's interference--in complete 
freedom to determine Ukraine's own course of history.
  We and our NATO allies have taken important steps in support of 
Ukraine. We are collectively providing $100 million in military 
assistance and have increased military cooperation. We have imposed 
economic sanctions that force Russia pay a heavy price for its 
aggression. The international community has spoken with one voice--if 
Russia chooses aggression, there are clear consequences to its 
expansionist agenda.
  But there is much more that needs to be done. I urge my colleagues to 
continue their support of the Ukrainian people by passing additional 
legislation that provides for military and humanitarian assistance. The 
Ukrainian people have demonstrated time and again their will to defend 
their nation against a more powerful aggressor--with no expectation 
that anyone would come to their aid. Now, we need to do our part and 
give them the chance to stand up for the same values and principles 
that define us as a nation.
  Mr. CONNOLLY. Mr. Speaker, I rise in support of H. Res. 758 as 
amended. President Vladimir Putin seems to have learned nothing from 
history other than that power grows out of the barrel of a gun. The 
Russian Federation under President Putin has demonstrated an ethos of 
naked aggression that threatens the principle of nation-state 
sovereignty and the territorial integrity of Russia's neighbors.
  When Russian troops were identified as fomenting unrest in Crimea in 
February of this year, President Putin adamantly denied Russian 
involvement. By April, Russia had illegally annexed Crimea, and Putin 
had come clean about the blatant Russian intrusion.
  He admitted that Russian troops had been deployed to Crimea before 
the illegal annexation on March 21, and exposed the illegitimate 
referendum on independence in Crimea for what it was, a referendum held 
at the end of the barrel of a gun. As Ukrainians in Crimea flee their 
Russian occupiers, I cannot help but feel the reverberations of 
Crimea's bloody history.
  What we are witnessing in eastern Ukraine constitutes one of the most 
audacious power

[[Page 16529]]

grabs of the 21st century, and it is happening in Europe no less.
  I recently participated in a bipartisan delegation to the Annual 
Session of the NATO Parliamentary Assembly. I can attest that our NATO 
allies are under no illusions about Mr. Putin and they see him for what 
he is, a bully who will only be encouraged by concession.
  The 28 nations represented at the NATO PA adopted strong language 
calling on NATO member countries to ``make it unambiguously clear that 
the illegal `annexation' of Crimea will never be recognized.''
  The leadership of the NATO PA has rotated to the United States, and 
my colleague, Mr. Turner of Ohio, has been elected President of the 
parliamentary body. The world is looking to the United States to 
reverse the dangerous precedent that has been set in Crimea.
  To that end, I am pleased to see that H. Res. 758 includes language 
that echoes bipartisan legislation I introduced earlier this year with 
my colleague Rep. Steve Chabot, the Crimea Annexation Non-Recognition 
Act, H.R. 5241.
  Today's resolution calls on the President to cooperate with United 
States allies and partners in Europe and other countries around the 
world to refuse to recognize any de jure or de facto sovereignty of the 
Russian Federation over Crimea, its airspace, or its territorial 
waters.
  Some of my colleagues may recall that in the Cold War era, the U.S. 
had a policy of non-recognition regarding the Soviet Union's illegal 
annexation of the Baltic Republics. The U.S. recognized neither the de 
jure nor de facto sovereignty of the Soviet Union over the Baltic 
Republics.
  Our policy of non-recognition did not end in 1991 because it had 
become outdated or failed to recognize a fait accompli. It ended 
because the Baltic people gained their independence in 1991 almost 50 
years after the Soviet occupation began, and today, Estonia, Lithuania, 
and Latvia are NATO allies.
  Without a clear stance on the issue of Crimea, the West becomes 
unwittingly complicit in Putin's further aggression in eastern Ukraine 
and offers little hope to Ukrainians leaving Crimea that they will ever 
have the opportunity to return home.
  For the United States to allow this naked aggression to go 
unaddressed would be truly an abrogation of our moral responsibility 
and would turn our back on what we should have learned from 20th 
century history.
  Congress must make a stand, and I, for one, am stuck at Crimea.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. The question is on the motion offered by the 
gentlewoman from Florida (Ms. Ros-Lehtinen) that the House suspend the 
rules and agree to the resolution, H. Res. 758, as amended.
  The question was taken.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. In the opinion of the Chair, two-thirds 
being in the affirmative, the ayes have it.
  Mr. KINZINGER of Illinois. Mr. Speaker, on that I demand the yeas and 
nays.
  The yeas and nays were ordered.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. Pursuant to clause 8 of rule XX, further 
proceedings on this motion will be postponed.

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