[Congressional Record (Bound Edition), Volume 159 (2013), Part 9]
[House]
[Pages 13330-13333]
[From the U.S. Government Publishing Office, www.gpo.gov]




                  POTENTIAL U.S. INVOLVEMENT IN SYRIA

  The SPEAKER pro tempore. Under the Speaker's announced policy of 
January 3, 2013, the Chair recognizes the gentleman from Nebraska (Mr. 
Fortenberry) for 30 minutes.
  Mr. FORTENBERRY. Mr. Speaker, this is an extraordinarily busy week in 
Washington as we have all returned from a district work period. There 
are many issues to discuss, including how we're going to fund the 
Federal budget, get the fiscal house in order, potentially have the 
right type of tax reform, and deal with a whole host of other issues, 
but I felt like it would be very inadequate if the evening went by but 
did not delve into a little bit deeper of a discussion as to the nature 
of the Syrian conflict and the potential for United States military 
involvement.
  Mr. Speaker, I wrote my constituents last week as they expressed 
tremendous concern about the potential for U.S. entanglement in the 
situation in Syria. In fact, it's overwhelming the number of people who 
have shared deep, heartfelt concerns. It is overwhelming. I'm hearing 
that from my colleagues, as well.
  This is not some sort of populous reaction to the elites of this 
institution in government. It is an intuition of the American people 
who are suggesting to us in leadership that we have poured ourselves 
out as a country, sacrificed tremendously, extraordinarily, to give 
other people a chance for stability, for human rights, for the right 
forms of development, for political outcomes that uphold just governing 
structures.
  Where have we gotten for our investment? Basically since World War 
II, the United States has been cast into the role of the superpower 
being the proprietor of international stability and we've accepted that 
arrangement, but there are tremendous pressures upon us as we continue 
to move forward in the 21st century as we've empowered other people and 
other economies through appropriate development to take 
responsibilities for themselves.
  The United States has not always done this perfectly, but we've 
fought multiple wars and we've engaged in many areas of the world in 
order to try to give other people a chance and to stop aggressive 
ideologies that are inconsistent with basic and fundamental human 
rights. I've responded to the people of Nebraska. Mr. Speaker, I wanted 
to share that with you this evening:
  Life in Syria today is, as the philosopher Thomas Hobbes once wrote, 
``nasty, brutish, and short.'' An ongoing civil war ravishes the 
country. The oppressive regime of President Bashar al-Assad wages 
battle against a nebulous, undefined mix of rebels, who have regularly 
employed the same brutal violence that the government has. The result 
is that there are more than 100,000 persons dead, including many 
innocent civilians--mothers, fathers, and children.
  In response to the suspected use of chemical weapons by Assad, 
President Obama is now advocating U.S. military intervention, although, 
of course, the situation is now fluid. In the past, he has stated that 
the use of chemical weapons is a ``red line'' that Assad could not 
cross without a serious rethinking of American involvement in the 
conflict, which to this point has included a significant amount of 
humanitarian aid--and properly so--targeted to those caught in the 
middle of this violence. The President, to his credit, has rightly 
asked for a vote of Congress prior to taking military action, and some 
in Congress are signaling their support.
  In recent days, however, I have clearly stated my opposition to this 
idea. I oppose this action of unilateral military strikes. The United 
States should not bomb Syria in the name of stopping violence in Syria. 
While quick, unilateral military strikes might satisfy the President's 
``red line'' rhetoric, the collateral damage and further risk of 
destabilization is very high.

                              {time}  1830

  Now, as Congress has returned to Washington this week, there are hard 
questions that are in the process of being asked: What will be the 
consequences of this bombing? Who's on the other side of this? And how 
much do we really know of this rebel movement that we will be 
implicitly aiding if we attack Assad's government? What happens 
following the military strike? Why not expend the energy of this debate 
over military involvement on solidifying international outrage and 
holding particularly Russia, a longtime ally of Syria who's entangled 
in this situation, holding them accountable?
  The international community must work together creatively to stop the 
savagery of Assad, but it cannot hide behind the United States military 
might. No longer can it be assumed that the United States is 
responsible for fixing all aspects of global conflicts, and no longer 
should the United States accept that framework. For the sake of global 
stability, a new construct must instead take its place, one in which 
the responsible Nations of the world are serious about their own 
defense and stabilization of conflicts within their regions.
  In light of the increasing brutality in Syria, the United States 
should continue to advance its support for the innocent victims of this 
civil war. Meanwhile, we should also aggressively use this opportunity 
to facilitate new international partnerships that seek lasting 
solutions to complicated situations of mass violence.
  Until such a united front is achieved, unilateral military action may 
only introduce further chaos to an already disastrous problem and, as I 
have said, implicitly put us on the side of a rebel movement who has 
also shown willingness to murder innocent civilians. And it is not 
clear whether or not the more moderate elements of that very movement 
have any capacity to implement governing structures that are just and 
lasting. So then what happens? Syria, this area degrades into a vast, 
ungovernable space, ripe for jihadists with no protections for innocent 
persons or the ancient peoples who call that place home.
  Mr. Speaker, there are a number of other aspects of this that I have 
written about that I would like to share momentarily, but I would like 
to turn to my good friend, Congressman Charlie Dent from Pennsylvania, 
as he wishes to share a few concepts and perspectives on this conflict.
  Mr. DENT. I thank the gentleman from Nebraska for organizing this 
Special Order this evening to discuss the crisis in Syria. In my view, 
it is really indisputable that Bashar al-Assad is a villain who has 
committed heinous, mortal crimes with the use of chemical weapons 
against his own people.
  What is debatable, however, is America's policy on Syria and the 
broader Middle East. I have raised the issue of Syria with this 
administration at numerous hearings as a member of the

[[Page 13331]]

Appropriations Committee. I have also worked with Syrians in my own 
community, and I have the largest population of Syrian Americans of any 
Member of Congress in the United States. I have met with them. They 
have brought to my attention issues of abducted Christian archbishops 
who have been abducted in Syrian and whose whereabouts, unfortunately, 
are unknown. There is a lot of work going on to try to secure their 
release, but that said, you can understand their concern for that part 
of the world.
  I have spent time, too, in meetings with America's wonderful friend, 
King Abdullah of Jordan, who has also shared his perspective on the 
plight of the Syrian people. But what I have observed most of all is a 
very sad observation, and that is the friends of the Syrian regime--
Iran, Russia and Hezbollah--are far more committed to President Assad 
than the friends of the Syrian people--and that would be the West and 
the Arab League--are to these moderate opposition forces.
  I had asked Secretary Hillary Clinton--former Secretary of State 
Hillary Clinton--back in February, 2012, if the administration was 
prepared to provide some type of material support to moderate secular 
opposition groups given that it looked like Assad's government was very 
weak, there was a popular uprising, and it seemed there might be a 
better outcome. She was pretty clear with me at the time that she 
thought providing light arms would be of little help to the opposition 
in the face of Assad's substantial military, with all his air assets, 
artillery and armor. To put it bluntly and short, she really didn't 
want to get too involved at that time. We really didn't have much of a 
discussion about the benefits to America, its friends and allies and 
their interests, if Iran's influence in the region were substantially 
weakened through the overthrow of Bashar al-Assad.
  I thought at the time that the President was maybe more concerned 
about maintaining his reputation as a Nobel Peace Prize winner antiwar 
candidate than actually developing what I thought would be a more 
practical response for Syria. It just seemed that inaction and 
indecision were, and frankly today, remain the order of the day.
  In the meantime, let's fast forward from a year and a half, 2 years 
ago to today: al-Nusra and other radical Islamist terrorist 
organizations have rushed into this vacuum and filled the void, so to 
speak. So really today there aren't any good public policy outcomes for 
the United States. The time for the United States to more 
constructively intervene and to reach a more efficacious resolution, 
the time for that has long passed.
  So here we are, over these last 2\1/2\ years, this Syrian civil war 
has descended into both a sectarian and proxy conflict, and these 
events have moved well beyond the United States ability to control with 
Iran, Hezbollah, and Russia fully committed to the Assad government.
  I think we all know, as Mr. Fortenberry knows, we know we have a very 
war-weary population which is not going to support a half-hearted, 
poorly thought out military strike which will only expose the United 
States and its friends to greater risks, including the possibility of a 
broader regional conflagration. This could include more chemical 
weapons attacks against the Syrian people and possibly Israel, 
potential cyber attacks on American critical infrastructure in both the 
financial services and energy sectors, an unleashed Hezbollah, and 
other unforeseen, asymmetrical responses.
  I am deeply concerned about this, as we all should be. But we can't 
just look at Syria in isolation; we have to look at it in the much 
broader context of the Middle East. Unfortunately, and I'm going to 
have to be a bit critical of the President at this time, witness how 
President Obama turned his back on Egyptian President Hosni Mubarak in 
2011 after 2 weeks of uprisings. Whatever his faults, whatever his 
shortcomings, Hosni Mubarak was a loyal, 30-year friend of the United 
States--a lesson learned by our friends and our allies throughout the 
region and throughout the world.
  Of course, prior to that incident there was the Green Revolution in 
Iran where we saw a lot of very brave people in Iran stand up to the 
Ahmadinejad regime in Iran. We witnessed that, and it seemed this 
administration could barely utter words of support to these very brave 
people who stood up to a tyrant, Ahmadinejad, who made all sorts of 
reckless and inflammatory and hateful statements against the West and 
particularly Israel, and so I was just astounded that the 
administration could barely utter words of support.
  Then, of course, we learned about leading from behind in Libya. 
Actually, leading from behind the French and the British in Libya, to 
be precise. I was one of only a handful of Republicans in the House to 
support the authorization for force in Libya--after the fact, but I 
supported it. So I'm not an isolationist. I believe that we have an 
important role internationally with the United States, and we have to 
be constructively engaged.
  But let's move forward to 2013. Bashar al-Assad's government launches 
chemical attacks against his own people. I believe the intelligence is 
clear that he did it, or his government did it, so I'm not debating 
those facts, what appear to be facts. But we witnessed these chemicals 
attacks in both the late spring and again just a few weeks ago in 
August, these chemical attacks. We witnessed the trampling of the red 
line set down by the President not once but twice, maybe more than that 
for all I know. And now over 100,000 Syrians have been killed. What is 
the President's strategy for Syria? I couldn't explain it to anybody if 
they asked. He talked about pinpricks or his administration has talked 
about pinpricks, shots across the bow, a military action of days not 
weeks, and no intention to topple Assad or to degrade his military 
capacity to make war on his own people, for that matter. I'm learning a 
lot about what we will not do, but I'm not really sure what we're 
trying to do or trying to accomplish. So a very limited air strike to 
punish Mr. Assad is not going to alter the outcome of the Syrian civil 
war. What is the point or purpose? What is the clarity of mission?
  In my view, America's national interest is really twofold in Syria. 
One, we want to limit Iranian influence in the region, and, two, the 
other issue deals with securing those chemical weapons, frankly, from 
both the Assad government and the radical elements of that opposition 
who would probably be just as inclined to use them. So much so that 
King Abdullah of Jordan came to Members of Congress to express his real 
concern about al-Nusra forces getting too close, dangerously close to a 
chemical site in southern Syria, and that was just a few months ago.
  So now we also witnessed, too, there really is not a coalition of the 
willing to tackle Mr. Assad's crimes. It seems more a coalition of the 
unwilling. The United Nations really doesn't seem anywhere to be found, 
although in recent days, in the last 24 hours we're hearing there might 
be some discussion with the Russians about some kind of a resolution on 
securing those sites, but the U.N. is really nowhere to be found. NATO 
does not seem to be fully engaged at all, although maybe some members 
are supportive. And, of course, we've witnessed what the British 
Parliament did to Prime Minister Cameron in rebuking him. And so the 
British, our beloved friends and allies, are not going to be engaged in 
this one, and so we're pretty much on our own. Again, I've called this 
a coalition of the unwilling. And so I think it would behoove the 
United States not to move in what appears to be almost a unilateral 
manner.
  I have read, too, recently, that some of the Arab governments, Saudi 
Arabia and others, would be willing to help pay for some of this 
mission should we strike. You know, on the one hand, I appreciate that. 
On the other, the United States military is really not a mercenary 
force for anyone. A lot of folks may be encouraging us or cheering us 
on, but it doesn't seem they are willing to put people in harm's way. 
So I think we have to keep that in mind as we talk about this.
  I'm going to conclude in a moment, but I was one of the folks who 
said it is

[[Page 13332]]

always important for the President to consult with Congress prior to 
taking any kind of military action. It's important in our system, 
although I don't believe the President necessarily needs a 
congressional authorization for what he has called a very limited 
airstrike. But now that he has asked me to engage in this debate, I owe 
the President fair consideration of his policy in Syria, whatever it 
may be.
  Again, I said call me skeptical; now you can call me outright 
opposed. I have said from day one that the President didn't seem to 
have his heart in this impending military action. He was looking for a 
way out after the U.N., the U.K., and NATO, a lot of our friends were 
just not willing to go along, and then the President turned to Congress 
as a last resort for an authorization where he has, of course, run into 
very, very heavy skepticism. I just did see any Churchillian resolve in 
our Commander in Chief. Our men and women in uniform deserve a 
Commander in Chief who is full-throated in support of what is likely to 
become a very dangerous military operation and could possibly spiral 
out of control. But more importantly, we have to be cognizant of the 
potential consequences and ramifications for that action.
  I think the President of the United States owes that to the American 
people, to make it clear what his policy is, what his mission is, not 
what he's not going to do, but what he intends to do. After the 
President really threw this issue to Congress, we witnessed President 
Assad's jubilant supporters celebrating in the Syrian streets, and I'm 
sure the corridors of power in Tehran and Moscow, and it seems now that 
America's friends and allies watched this mystifying failure of 
Presidential leadership unfold with dismay.
  So have our constituents. We have all received these calls. In my 
view, and I am really sad to say this, Barack Obama may have diminished 
his own Presidency in the process, but more problematically, diminished 
America's standing in the world among both friend and foe alike, and 
that's a real tragedy.

                              {time}  1845

  You know, in this upcoming vote in Congress, if it's to come at all 
at this point, it is really not so much a vote on authorizing a 
military strike or military intervention in Syria. The stakes have 
grown beyond that. It's much more a vote of confidence on the 
President's Syrian and broader Middle East policy. On that score, I 
have no confidence.
  And I just wanted to say one last thing. I mentioned I have a very 
large Syrian population in my community, Syrian Americans. They're 
great Americans. They've been part of my community for a long time, 
largely Christian, Antioch Orthodox, Greek Orthodox, Presbyterian and 
other denominations.
  They are scared. I think they know what Bashar Assad is, and many are 
very uncomfortable with what he is. And on the other hand, they have 
seen al-Nusra and al Qaeda, and are absolutely terrified of that 
operation.
  And so they're caught in this sectarian crossfire. They don't want to 
be there. They're worried about atrocities, grievous atrocities being 
committed against the Christian people of Syria.
  We just witnessed the other day, there was a story of a small 
village, I believe not too far from Damascus, where the language of 
Aramaic is spoken; I guess one of the few places in the world where it 
is still spoken.
  Why is that significant?
  Well, if you're a Christian, you know that Aramaic was the language 
that Jesus Christ spoke. And to know that this ancient community--and 
of course much of Syria's an ancient civilization--to know that these 
people could be under attack when you find out that al-Nusra forces had 
entered and intervened, and I hope they've been cleared out.
  But that said, you think about this, and we worry about the history 
of mankind and the history of the Christian tradition is at risk here, 
and potentially a great risk of extermination.
  And we've witnessed this in Egypt too. I mean, there are lessons to 
be learned from Egypt. When Mubarak fell, the Christian population, the 
Coptic Christian population of Egypt, became very vulnerable. We know 
that--extremely vulnerable. Atrocities committed against Christians, 
desecration of the churches, burning, other terrible things have 
happened, and I fear that we might see similar, if not worse, things 
happen in Syria.
  So whatever this country chooses, whatever course of action this 
country chooses to pursue, I don't believe that a military intervention 
right now by the United States would advance America's policy 
objectives; and frankly, I don't think it would change the trajectory 
of the Syrian civil war.
  People have said, well, doing nothing at all is the worst of all 
possibilities, the worst of all options. Well, I would argue that if 
we're not certain what this limited, so-called limited military 
intervention will bring, if we're very unclear about that, then I would 
argue that no action is better than a limited action which may not do 
much of anything to alter the course of this civil war. So I think we 
have to be very cautious and very restrained.
  I do appreciate the gentleman from Nebraska allowing me this 
opportunity to speak on this issue, and for his leadership, and for 
allowing me this time.
  Mr. FORTENBERRY. Let me thank you, as well, the gentleman from 
Pennsylvania, my good friend. I've heard you speak behind the scenes in 
this body, particularly today, with great passion, particularly for the 
people who are directly impacted by this, people who you represent and 
are directly connected to the conflict, the ancient Christian 
community, as you said.
  I appreciate your clarity and your resolve on this issue because I 
know you, as I do, have great respect for the institution of the 
Presidency. He is our Commander in Chief.
  But we also have a responsibility to render to him our judgment in 
this case; and so my judgment is no, that a unilateral military strike 
is not going to accomplish an objective of potentially stabilizing, 
punishing, preventing Assad from doing further harm and stabilizing 
that situation, versus pulling the United States, as a coalition of 
one, into a conflict where we are very unclear as to what the 
collateral damage and destabilization outcome could actually be.
  In addition to that, the American people are intuiting that there is 
a serious, serious problem here with us being drawn into another 
conflict where the options are all bad, where our hearts are with the 
innocent victims, and we will continue to provide humanitarian aid.
  But we must not allow the international community to simply hide 
behind our military might; and I think that that is what the people are 
sensing, that we are being drawn into something that has much broader 
implications for the entire international community to respond in a 
constructive, creative way.
  And if we would have expended this energy, as I said earlier, on 
trying to get underneath the problem and perhaps point the finger and 
lay it at the footsteps of the Russians, who are completely entangled 
in this situation, maybe we would have had better movement on this 
question prior to now.
  Now, we'll see what the President says tonight. We'll listen with an 
open mind. I don't know whether he is going to pull back from his 
intention to potentially strike Syria or not. But I think it is prudent 
to allow some diplomatic actions to potentially take their course, even 
though that might be a bit farfetched at the moment.
  But, hopefully, that new diplomatic momentum has some good creative 
elements and stops the situation, pressures Assad, brings about a 
collective international response that stabilizes the situation and 
protects innocent people. I think that's the best outcome that we could 
potentially hope for here.
  Mr. DENT. Will the gentleman yield?
  Mr. FORTENBERRY. I yield to the gentleman from Pennsylvania.
  Mr. DENT. It seems that the policy of the United States and Syria, 
since the beginning of the uprising in Syria,

[[Page 13333]]

has largely been one of inaction and detachment. And, in many respects, 
we outsourced the arming of the opposition forces to many of our good 
friends: the Turks, the Qataris, the Saudis, and others. And whether we 
like it or not--and we don't like it in many respects--many of the 
folks who were armed were people who don't share our interests and 
values, the al-Nusra forces in particular.
  But there are moderate forces, and if the United States had 
demonstrated some leadership early in this, during that conflict, to 
help identify moderate secular opposition forces, there probably could 
have been multi-ethnic again and secular, it could have been Kurdish 
and Christian and moderate Sunni, that might have helped bring about a 
more legitimate or a better opposition force that the international 
community would be rallying around.
  But that, unfortunately, has not happened, and now you read about 
large swaths of territory in Syria dominated by some opposition forces 
that have been rather radicalized; and that's unfortunate because there 
are many elements of the Free Syrian Army, of course, who really do 
want to try to bring about more representative government and, I think, 
would embrace the values that you and I hold dear.
  But, you know, time has passed. Time has passed, and I just don't see 
a good outcome, as I stated earlier, at this point. And I just wish--I 
think the American people understand this intuitively.
  And it also speaks to NATO. What's happening with NATO?
  It's a great organization. I believe in NATO. It's a collective 
defense organization. I believe in its military value and its political 
value. But it seems, since the end of the Cold War, maybe it's gone a 
little bit adrift.
  And Turkey has been a loyal friend and NATO ally for decades. They 
are directly affected by this conflict in Syria. They may make demands 
of us and NATO at some point, and we're going to have to think that 
through, as policymakers, what we would do if our good friends, the 
Turks, make a request of us, and certainly our good friends in Jordan.
  Mr. FORTENBERRY. Reclaiming my time, it's a good question you raised, 
and one that I pointed to earlier, new international constructs that 
might be using templates of old international constructs, but that are 
revitalized so that we can have collective operations, if necessary, to 
engage in this type of stopping mass violence.
  The NATO allocations for many countries, they don't meet them year 
after year. In other words, the money they're supposed to contribute, 
they just don't do it.
  So who has to pick up the pieces?
  We do. There's a ``free rider problem'' as we call it here. And you 
deal in a lot of international diplomatic circles and you constantly 
hear it. Oh, the United States is the only one who has the ability. 
You're the only superpower. You must act, and it is your--you must be 
compelled morally, based upon who you are, to do something here.
  All of those are fine points. But in the 21st century, you have a 
shift of the global framework for international stability occurring. We 
have expended ourselves, as a country, for nearly 70 years, providing 
that framework for global stability, economically and politically 
protecting human rights, as I said earlier, not always perfectly.
  But the United States cannot single-handedly lift this burden for the 
entire world, particularly for countries that benefited from our past 
sacrifice, who have the economic wherewithal, and should have the moral 
compass to be thinking constructively about regional organizations that 
stop this type of conflict before it starts and demanding just outcomes 
of sovereign territories.
  That is the long-term strategy. I recognize we're in a difficult 
moment because we're being pressured to decide unilateral military 
action or not, but this is the type of long-term thinking that I think 
will help bring about new models of international, multilateral 
cooperation to prevent this from happening, or when it does happen, to 
have the right response in place.
  Mr. DENT. Will the gentleman yield?
  Mr. FORTENBERRY. I yield to the gentleman from Pennsylvania.
  Mr. DENT. I just want to say one more thing. You know, the President 
has said that this red line that was crossed was not his red line, but 
the international community's red line. Ninety-eight percent of the 
world has opposed chemical weapons use and has agreed to the various 
conventions on chemical weapons.
  Unfortunately, 98 percent of the world isn't prepared to help us in 
this intervention. We're on our own, and I just wanted to point that 
out.
  Mr. FORTENBERRY. Well, our time has expired, and I do thank you for 
the good constructive conversation. I appreciate your insights and 
clarity on the situation. It's complex, it's difficult; but, again, 
unilateral military action allows the international community to hide 
behind our might, and it's simply not the right response at this time.
  Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.

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