[Congressional Record (Bound Edition), Volume 159 (2013), Part 4]
[Extensions of Remarks]
[Pages 5925-5927]
[From the U.S. Government Publishing Office, www.gpo.gov]




                    STEERING THROUGH A SEA OF CHANGE

                                 ______
                                 

                           HON. ANNA G. ESHOO

                             of california

                    in the house of representatives

                       Wednesday, April 24, 2013

  Ms. ESHOO. Mr. Speaker, on April 16, 2013 Taiwan's President Ma Ying-
jeou took part in a video conference with the Center on Democracy, 
Development, and the Rule of Law at Stanford University in my 
Congressional District. The event was chaired by former U.S. Secretary 
of State Condoleezza Rice, and featured a panel including the Center's 
Director Dr. Larry Diamond, Dr. Francis Fukuyama, and retired Admiral 
Gary Roughead. After opening greetings by Secretary Rice, President Ma 
delivered an address entitled ``Steering through a Sea of Change'' 
which follows.

  Steering through a Sea of Change--Speech by President Ma Ying-jeou, 
Republic of China (Taiwan), Video Conference With Center on Democracy, 
 Development, and the Rule of Law, Stanford University--April 16, 2013


                           I. Opening Remarks

       Professor (Condoleezza) Rice, Professor (Larry) Diamond, 
     Professor (Francis) Fukuyama, Admiral (Gary) Roughead, 
     distinguished guests, faculty members and students of 
     Stanford University, ladies and gentlemen: Good evening!
       It's your evening now, but it's our morning here in Taipei. 
     Before I start, I want to pay my deep condolences to the 
     victims of the explosion that happened at the Boston Marathon 
     on Monday. My prayers and thoughts are with their family 
     members. In the meantime, I also strongly condemn the 
     violence on behalf of the government of the Republic of China 
     (Taiwan). Let's start.
       It is a great pleasure to address my friends at Stanford 
     University this evening. Stanford University has long been a 
     distinguished center of learning. Under the guidance of 
     Professor Diamond, the Center on Democracy, Development, and 
     the Rule of Law, through the Journal of Democracy, has made 
     incomparable contributions to the study of democracy. Since 
     Taiwan represents a shining example of how democracy can take 
     root in the Chinese-speaking world, it is only fitting to 
     join you today for this videoconference.


                        II. Changes in East Asia

       Since I took office as President of the Republic of China 
     in 2008, the geopolitical situation in East Asia has 
     undergone tremendous change. Five years ago, there were two 
     flash points: the Korean Peninsula and the Taiwan Strait. 
     Today, the Korean Peninsula is at an unprecedented level of 
     tension: North Korea has conducted a third nuclear test 
     explosion, and in the aftermath of the resulting UN sanctions 
     continues its saber rattling, even claiming that it has 
     abrogated the 1953 Armistice Agreement that ended Korean War 
     fighting 60 years ago. In contrast, tensions in the Taiwan 
     Strait have been greatly reduced, and relations between 
     Taiwan and mainland China continue to advance toward peace 
     and prosperity.
       This does not necessarily mean, however, that only one 
     potential source of instability remains in East Asia. 
     Geopolitical competition in both the East China Sea and the 
     South China Sea is growing more intense even as the drive 
     toward regional economic integration continues. In addition, 
     three of the major players in East Asia--mainland China, 
     South Korea and Japan--have changed leadership in the last 
     eight months, while here in Taiwan, I was elected to a second 
     term of office early last year.
       Thus, amidst the uncertainty resulting from such changes, 
     the Republic of China on Taiwan remains firmly committed to 
     fostering peace and stability, and is a strong proponent of 
     the liberal values cherished by democracies worldwide. It is 
     against this backdrop that I would like to discuss how my 
     administration has steered Taiwan through this sea of change.


            III. How Cross-Strait Rapprochement Was Achieved

       I decided to seek rapprochement with mainland China long 
     before I took office in 2008. To ensure peace in the Taiwan 
     Strait after some sixty tumultuous years, my administration 
     had to meet both the challenges of establishing mutual trust 
     between the two sides of the Taiwan Strait and of rebuilding 
     Taiwan's strength so that peace could be guaranteed.
       From the start, the ``1992 Consensus'' was a critical 
     anchoring point for Taiwan and mainland China to find common 
     ground on the otherwise intractable issue of ``one China.'' 
     The consensus, reached between the two sides in 1992, 
     established a common understanding of ``one China with 
     respective interpretations''. With this understanding as the 
     foundation, my administration designed a number of modus 
     operandi that broadly defined how Taiwan would pursue peace 
     and prosperity with mainland China. These included iteration 
     of the ``Three No's''--``No Unification, No Independence, and 
     No Use of Force''--under the framework of the Republic of 
     China Constitution. This formulation, grounded de jure in the 
     1947 Constitution of the Republic of China, sets clear 
     parameters for how both parties can work to move the 
     relationship forward in a positive direction without 
     misunderstandings or hidden agendas, so as to build mutual 
     trust and achieve mutual benefit for the people on either 
     side of the Taiwan Strait.
       ``Beating swords into ploughshares'' requires pragmatism 
     and the wisdom to remain focused on what can be accomplished 
     in spite of past differences. So we then called for ``mutual 
     non-recognition of sovereignty, mutual non-denial of 
     governing authority'' allowing both sides to pursue 
     substantive exchanges without being derailed by disagreements 
     over sovereignty issues.
       We also spelled out clearly to the other side, as well as 
     to the Taiwan public, how we intended to proceed with the 
     cross-strait dialogue. The priority of issues for the two 
     sides to address would be ``pressing matters before less 
     pressing ones, easy matters before difficult ones, and 
     economic matters before political ones''. My administration 
     firmly believed in setting a clear agenda from the start, to 
     prevent the cross-strait dialogue being bogged down by 
     intractable issues when we could see that agreement might be 
     found on many others. The goal is to build mutual trust which 
     is fundamental for long-term progress in developing a 
     peaceful cross-strait relationship. I firmly believe that 
     this ``building-blocks'' approach is the only way to achieve 
     lasting peace in the Taiwan Strait.
       The result of this is 18 agreements concluded between 
     Taiwan and mainland China over the past five years, covering 
     such issues as direct flights, tourism, economic cooperation, 
     intellectual property rights, nuclear safety, and mutual 
     judicial assistance. Let

[[Page 5926]]

     me just give you an example of how things stand now. Five 
     years ago, there were no scheduled flights between Taiwan and 
     the mainland. Now there are 616 scheduled flights per week. 
     Five years ago, 274,000 mainland people visited Taiwan. In 
     2012, there were 2.5 million people. When the SARS epidemic 
     first broke out in 2003, mainland China completely ignored 
     Taiwan's needs and concerns. But when the H7N9 avian flu 
     struck recently, public health experts from both sides began 
     working together to check its spread.
       Over the next three years, the two sides are expected to 
     complete negotiations on trade in services and trade in goods 
     under the 2010 Economic Cooperation Framework Agreement 
     (ECFA). Both sides will also greatly expand the level of 
     educational and cultural exchanges. For example, the number 
     of students from mainland China studying in Taiwan, which 
     currently is 17,000 a year, is expected to rise, and there 
     will be more cross-strait cultural cooperation. Each side 
     also intends to set up offices in major cities on the other 
     side to take better care of the 7 million people and over 160 
     billion US dollars' worth of goods and services that moved 
     across the Taiwan Strait last year alone. As a result, cross-
     strait relations are now the most stable and peaceful that 
     they have been in over 60 years.


              IV. Taiwan's Enhanced International Presence

       As cross-strait relations continue to develop peacefully, 
     Taiwan is gaining an enhanced international presence. The 
     clear parameters articulated by my administration as we began 
     resumption of the cross-strait dialogue counter any mistaken 
     attempt to link Taiwan's greater international participation 
     to an agenda of ``two Chinas,'' ``one China, one Taiwan,'' or 
     ``Taiwan Independence.'' Taiwan today strives to conduct 
     itself as a responsible stakeholder, that is, as a 
     facilitator of peace, a provider of humanitarian aid, a 
     promoter of cultural exchanges, a creator of new technology 
     and business opportunity, and the standard bearer of Chinese 
     culture.
       The international community has seen recently how Taiwan 
     deports itself as a responsible stakeholder and facilitator 
     of peace. Last August, my administration proposed an East 
     China Sea Peace Initiative urging that negotiation take 
     precedence over confrontation regarding the sovereignty 
     dispute over the Diaoyutai Islets. The following November, 
     Taipei and Tokyo began negotiations on an East China Sea 
     fishery agreement. Sixteen rounds of such talks had been held 
     since 1996 but no agreement was ever reached. This time, both 
     sides decided to jointly conserve and manage fishery 
     resources in the Agreement Area of the East China Sea without 
     changing their respective territorial and maritime claims 
     regarding the Diaoyutai Islets. A fishery agreement was thus 
     signed six days ago which safeguards the security of fishing 
     boats from both sides in the Agreement Area, which is twice 
     the size of Taiwan. This agreement marks a historic milestone 
     in the development of Taiwan-Japan relations, and sets a good 
     example of how the concerned parties can find ways to settle 
     their dispute and preserve peace and stability in the region 
     at the same time.
       Our efforts over the past five years to enhance Taiwan's 
     participation in the international community have also 
     resulted in concrete progress. The Republic of China has kept 
     intact its diplomatic relations with its 23 allies, and has 
     enhanced its substantive relations with other countries. For 
     instance, we signed an investment agreement with Japan in 
     2011, and are working to sign economic cooperation agreements 
     with Singapore and New Zealand, respectively, in the near 
     future. Meanwhile, our health minister has attended the World 
     Health Assembly (WHA) of the WHO as an official observer 
     since 2009, the same year as Taiwan acceded to the Government 
     Procurement Agreement (GPA) of the WTO. For five years in a 
     row, former Vice President Lien Chan at my request has 
     attended as ``leader's representative'' at the Leaders' 
     Meeting of the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) 
     forum. On March 19 this year I led an official delegation to 
     attend the investiture of Pope Francis, the first time for a 
     Republic of China president to meet with a pope in the last 
     71 years, ever since the two countries established diplomatic 
     ties in 1942. Taiwan's enhanced international presence 
     attests to a virtuous cycle of improved cross-strait 
     relations that encourages greater international support for 
     allowing Taiwan further opportunities to play its role as a 
     responsible stakeholder. This in turn further enhances 
     regional peace and stability, which is in the best interest 
     of the international community.


         V. Taiwan-U.S. Ties: Security, Economic, and Cultural

       My administration is fully aware that strength is 
     fundamental to achieving peace. When I took office five years 
     ago, my administration worked promptly to restore high-level 
     trust between Taipei and Washington. As former Secretary of 
     State Hillary Clinton said in 2011 in Honolulu, Hawaii, 
     Taiwan is an important security and economic partner of the 
     United States. We deeply appreciate the relationship we have 
     with the United States, including US arms sales to Taiwan. 
     Only with a sufficient self-defense capability can Taiwan 
     confidently engage in a dialogue with mainland China. The 
     stability engendered by America's enhanced presence in the 
     Western Pacific will certainly help.
       The United States is Taiwan's third largest trading partner 
     but remains the most important source of our technology. 
     However large a trading partner mainland China is to Taiwan, 
     the United States has always been an important trade and 
     investment partner to Taiwan. The ICT (information and 
     communication technology) industries are Taiwan's most 
     important export sector and they are the largest recipient of 
     U.S. investment. We definitely want to deepen our economic 
     ties with the United States. After successfully resolving the 
     beef import issue last year, the Republic of China resumed 
     trade negotiations with the U.S. under the 1994 Taiwan-US 
     Trade and Investment Framework Agreement (TIFA). Obviously, 
     Taiwan needs to accelerate its pace of trade liberalization. 
     For the good of its economic prosperity and national 
     security, Taiwan cannot afford to be left out of the Trans-
     Pacific Partnership (TPP) and the Regional Comprehensive 
     Economic Partnership (RCEP).
       Culturally, American values and its high academic standards 
     have attracted Chinese students since Yung Wing became the 
     first Chinese student to study in the U.S. back in 1847. 
     Generations of Chinese students who studied in the United 
     States have brought American values back to their homeland, 
     making tremendous contributions to China's modernization, 
     including the 1911 revolution. Today, the United States still 
     remains the most sought-after academic destination for Taiwan 
     students.
       Taiwan is grateful to the United States for letting Taiwan 
     join the Visa Waiver Program beginning in November last year. 
     The Republic of China is the 37th nation in the world to 
     secure that status, and the only one that does not have 
     formal diplomatic relations with the United States. The more 
     than 400,000 Taiwan visitors to the U.S. each year not only 
     take in American culture and natural scenery, they also shop 
     very seriously in the United States and thus help reduce the 
     U.S. trade deficit with Taiwan. In a word, relations between 
     the Republic of China and the United States have continued to 
     thrive and grow since the end of formal diplomatic ties in 
     1979.
       Nevertheless, Taiwan still faces many challenges, with only 
     limited resources at its disposal. In formulating Taiwan's 
     national security strategy, my administration has steered 
     Taiwan toward a tripartite national security framework. The 
     first part involves institutionalization of the rapprochement 
     with mainland China so that neither side would ever 
     contemplate resorting to non-peaceful means to settle their 
     differences. The second part involves making Taiwan a model 
     world citizen by upholding the principles of a liberal 
     democracy, championing free trade and providing foreign aid 
     to the international community. The third part involves 
     strengthening national defense capability. This national 
     security strategy is formulated to facilitate peaceful and 
     positive development of cross-strait ties while remaining 
     grounded in a pragmatic realization of the challenges we 
     face. In other words, Taiwan and the United States share the 
     same values and interests in preserving regional peace and 
     stability.


           VI. Taiwan's Ultimate Value: A Beacon of Democracy

       States in a security partnership frequently fear being 
     entrapped or abandoned by their partners. In the past, some 
     in the United States have expressed concern that as mainland 
     China rises, Taiwan might someday entrap the United States in 
     an unnecessary conflict with mainland China. Others fear that 
     Taiwan is tilting toward mainland China, thus ``abandoning'' 
     the United States. Both arguments imply that the United 
     States should reduce support for Taiwan. But neither view is 
     warranted. My administration's pursuit of rapprochement with 
     mainland China has clearly helped preserve and enhance peace 
     in the Taiwan Strait. My administration's adherence to the 
     Constitution of the Republic of China legally rules out any 
     possibility of a reckless change in the status quo.
       Taiwan has so much in common with the United States, from 
     our love of democracy, to respect for human rights and the 
     rule of law, to support for free trade, and even to an 
     intense passion for basketball and baseball! We are also 
     crazy about Jeremy Lin and Chien-Ming Wang. Taiwan cherishes 
     its longstanding friendship with the United States and will 
     always cherish the values and culture that the Chinese people 
     have developed over five thousand years. Preserving the 
     Republic of China has immense importance that goes far beyond 
     the borders of Taiwan. For the first time in Chinese history, 
     we in Taiwan have proved that democracy can thrive in a 
     Chinese society. It presents a shining ray of hope to the 1.3 
     billion Chinese people on the mainland. I know how much this 
     means to the government and people of the United States, just 
     as it does to my administration and the people of Taiwan.
       Ladies and gentlemen, my administration will steer this 
     democracy through the sea of change in East Asia. We will 
     endeavor to strengthen peace and prosperity in the Taiwan 
     Strait; and, in the meantime, we will

[[Page 5927]]

     strive for an enhanced international presence for Taiwan that 
     allows it to play its role as a responsible stakeholder in 
     the international community. I feel nothing but confidence 
     about the future of the Republic of China!
       Thank you.

                          ____________________