[Congressional Record (Bound Edition), Volume 158 (2012), Part 3]
[House]
[Pages 4451-4459]
[From the U.S. Government Publishing Office, www.gpo.gov]




        CONCURRENT RESOLUTION ON THE BUDGET FOR FISCAL YEAR 2013

  The SPEAKER pro tempore. Pursuant to House Resolution 597 and rule 
XVIII, the Chair declares the House in the Committee of the Whole House 
on the state of the Union for the further consideration of the 
concurrent resolution, H. Con. Res. 112.
  Will the gentleman from Kansas kindly retake the chair.

                              {time}  2147


                     In the Committee of the Whole

  Accordingly, the House resolved itself into the Committee of the 
Whole House on the state of the Union for the further consideration of 
the concurrent resolution (H. Con. Res. 112) establishing the budget 
for the United States Government for fiscal year 2013 and setting forth 
appropriate budgetary levels for fiscal years 2014 through 2022, with 
Mr. Yoder (Acting Chair) in the chair.
  The Clerk read the title of the concurrent resolution.
  The Acting CHAIR. When the Committee of the Whole rose earlier today, 
amendment No. 3 printed in House Report 112-423 offered by the 
gentleman from Tennessee (Mr. Cooper) had been disposed of.


   Amendment No. 4 in the Nature of a Substitute Offered by Mr. Honda

  The Acting CHAIR. It is now in order to consider amendment No. 4 
printed in House Report 112-423.
  Mr. HONDA. Mr. Chairman, I have an amendment in the nature of a 
substitute at the desk.
  The Acting CHAIR. The Clerk will designate the amendment.
  The text of the amendment is as follows:

       Strike all after the resolving clause and insert the 
     following:

     SECTION 1. RECOMMENDED LEVELS AND AMOUNTS.

       The following budgetary levels are appropriate for each of 
     fiscal years 2013 through 2022:
       (1) Federal revenues.--For purposes of the enforcement of 
     this resolution:
       (A) The recommended levels of Federal revenues are as 
     follows:
       Fiscal year 2013: $2,197,368,000.
       Fiscal year 2014: $2,612,409,000.
       Fiscal year 2015: $2,881,422,000.
       Fiscal year 2016: $3,106,522,000.
       Fiscal year 2017: $3,301,143,000.
       Fiscal year 2018: $3,452,783,000.
       Fiscal year 2019: $3,660,783,000.
       Fiscal year 2020: $3,855,297,000.
       Fiscal year 2021: $4,043,898,000.
       Fiscal year 2022: $4,236,911,000.
       (B) The amounts by which the aggregate levels of Federal 
     revenues should be changed are as follows:
       Fiscal year 2013: -$74,614,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2014: $115,212,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2015: $156,357,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2016: $220,790,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2017: $279,347,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2018: $291,219,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2019: $342,648,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2020: $356,393,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2021: $353,732,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2022: $345,788,000,000.
       (2) New budget authority.--For purposes of the enforcement 
     of this resolution, the appropriate levels of total new 
     budget authority are as follows:
       Fiscal year 2013: $3,309,878,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2014: $3,255,223,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2015: $3,353,099,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2016: $3,524,427,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2017: $3,677,543,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2018: $3,829,402,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2019: $4,044,242,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2020: $4,257,245,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2021: $4,444,546,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2022: $4,698,785,000,000.
       (3) Budget outlays.--For purposes of the enforcement of 
     this resolution, the appropriate levels of total budget 
     outlays are as follows:
       Fiscal year 2013: $3,287,716,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2014: $3,261,796,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2015: $3,352,964,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2016: $3,532,436,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2017: $3,649,001,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2018: $3,783,230,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2019: $3,998,222,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2020: $4,194,577,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2021: $4,395,373,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2022: $4,657,085,000,000.
       (4) Deficits (on-budget).--For purposes of the enforcement 
     of this resolution, the amounts of the deficits (on-budget) 
     are as follows:
       Fiscal year 2013: -$1,090,348,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2014: -$649,387,000.
       Fiscal year 2015: -$471,542,000.
       Fiscal year 2016: -$425,914,000.
       Fiscal year 2017: -$347,858,000.
       Fiscal year 2018: -$330,447,000.
       Fiscal year 2019: -$337,439,000.
       Fiscal year 2020: -$339,280,000.
       Fiscal year 2021: -$351,475,000.
       Fiscal year 2022: -$420,174,000.
       (5) Debt subject to limit.--The appropriate levels of the 
     public debt are as follows:
       Fiscal year 2013: $17,467,000,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2014: $18,240,000,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2015: $18,804,000,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2016: $19,308,000,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2017: $19,733,000,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2018: $20,129,000,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2019: $20,506,000,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2020: $20,867,000,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2021: $21,223,000,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2022: $21,621,000,000,000.
       (6) Debt held by the public.--The appropriate levels of 
     debt held by the public are as follows:
       Fiscal year 2013: $12,655,000,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2014: $13,331,000,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2015: $13,787,000,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2016: $14,152,000,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2017: $14,390,000,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2018: $14,577,000,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2019: $14,755,000,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2020: $14,927,000,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2021; $15,107,000,000,000.

[[Page 4452]]

       Fiscal year 2022: $15,357,000,000,000.

     SEC. 2. MAJOR FUNCTIONAL CATEGORIES.

       The Congress determines and declares that the appropriate 
     levels of new budget authority and outlays for fiscal years 
     2013 through 2022 for each major functional category are:
       (1) National Defense (050):
       Fiscal year 2013:
       (A) New budget authority, $659,719,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $669,687,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2014:
       (A) New budget authority, $532,574,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $585,818,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2015:
       (A) New budget authority, $526,836,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $546,976,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2016:
       (A) New budget authority, $528,581,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $539,638,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2017:
       (A) New budget authority, $539,841,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $536,425,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2018:
       (A) New budget authority, $551,797,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $537,397,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2019:
       (A) New budget authority, $560,862,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $551,693,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2020:
       (A) New budget authority, $571,661,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $561,905,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2021:
       (A) New budget authority, $586,462,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $574,908,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2022:
       (A) New budget authority, $601,815,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $595,149,000,000.
       (2) International Affairs (150):
       Fiscal year 2013:
       (A) New budget authority, $73,837,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $64,498,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2014:
       (A) New budget authority, $66,309,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $66,844,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2015:
       (A) New budget authority, $62,079,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $65,518,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2016:
       (A) New budget authority, $59,507,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $64,501,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2017:
       (A) New budget authority, $62,004,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $64,334,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2018:
       (A) New budget authority, $64,068,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $64,237,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2019:
       (A) New budget authority, $65,148,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $63,132,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2020:
       (A) New budget authority, $66,977,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $63,515,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2021:
       (A) New budget authority, $68,872,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $65,132,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2022:
       (A) New budget authority, $71,074,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $67,005,000,000.
       (3) General Science, Space, and Technology (250):
       Fiscal year 2013:
       (A) New budget authority, $37,106,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $35,204,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2014:
       (A) New budget authority, $40,096,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $38,135,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2015:
       (A) New budget authority, $39,366,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $38,957,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2016:
       (A) New budget authority, $38,701,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $38,875,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2017:
       (A) New budget authority, $39,331,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $39,142,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2018:
       (A) New budget authority, $40,034,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $39,687,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2019:
       (A) New budget authority, $40,742,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $40,260,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2020:
       (A) New budget authority, $41,821,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $41,127,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2021:
       (A) New budget authority, $42,936,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $42,068,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2022:
       (A) New budget authority, $44,073,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $43,163,000,000.
       (4) Energy (270):
       Fiscal year 2013:
       (A) New budget authority, $22,101,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $21,223,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2014:
       (A) New budget authority, $25,537,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $22,344,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2015:
       (A) New budget authority, $22,580,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $22,315,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2016:
       (A) New budget authority, $20,022,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $21,198,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2017:
       (A) New budget authority, $19,741,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $20,124,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2018:
       (A) New budget authority, $19,586,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $19,336,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2019:
       (A) New budget authority, $19,523,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $19,308,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2020:
       (A) New budget authority, $20,223,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $19,476,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2021:
       (A) New budget authority, $20,896,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $19,984,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2022:
       (A) New budget authority, $21,716,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $20,693,000,000.
       (5) Natural Resources and Environment (300):
       Fiscal year 2013:
       (A) New budget authority, $46,024,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $46,772,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2014:
       (A) New budget authority, $48,969,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $49,207,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2015:
       (A) New budget authority, $48,398,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $49,941,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2016:
       (A) New budget authority, $48,221,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $49,503,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2017:
       (A) New budget authority, $49,558,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $50,232,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2018:
       (A) New budget authority, $51,348,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $50,517,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2019:
       (A) New budget authority, $52,593,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $51,636,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2020:
       (A) New budget authority, $54,599,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $53,234,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2021:
       (A) New budget authority, $55,593,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $54,455,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2022:
       (A) New budget authority, $57,150,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $55,777,000,000.
       (6) Agriculture (350):
       Fiscal year 2013:
       (A) New budget authority, $21,228,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $24,125,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2014:
       (A) New budget authority, $17,892,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $17,723,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2015:
       (A) New budget authority, $18,721,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $18,214,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2016:
       (A) New budget authority, $19,944,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $19,494,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2017:
       (A) New budget authority, $19,796,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $19,333,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2018:
       (A) New budget authority, $18,887,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $18,362,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2019:
       (A) New budget authority, $17,823,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $17,343,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2020:
       (A) New budget authority, $18,066,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $17,617,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2021:
       (A) New budget authority, $18,592,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $18,131,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2022:
       (A) New budget authority, $18,947,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $18,495,000,000.
       (7) Commerce and Housing Credit (370):
       Fiscal year 2013:
       (A) New budget authority, $10,502,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $11,855,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2014:
       (A) New budget authority, $19,282,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $6,586,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2015:
       (A) New budget authority, $18,044,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $5,505,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2016:
       (A) New budget authority, $17,529,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $3,152,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2017:
       (A) New budget authority, $19,060,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $2,846,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2018:
       (A) New budget authority, $20,636,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $3,592,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2019:
       (A) New budget authority, $22,134,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, -$853,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2020:
       (A) New budget authority, $24,229,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $362,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2021:
       (A) New budget authority, $25,554,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $8,580,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2022:
       (A) New budget authority, $30,812,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $12,616,000,000.
       (8) Transportation (400):
       Fiscal year 2013:
       (A) New budget authority, $105,774,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $105,474,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2014:
       (A) New budget authority, $112,473,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $108,565,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2015:
       (A) New budget authority, $119,935,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $113,853,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2016:
       (A) New budget authority, $126,924,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $119,215,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2017:
       (A) New budget authority, $133,899,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $124,357,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2018:
       (A) New budget authority, $130,944,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $127,535,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2019:
       (A) New budget authority, $132,922,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $130,484,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2020:
       (A) New budget authority, $134,989,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $132,385,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2021:
       (A) New budget authority, $137,095,000,000.

[[Page 4453]]

       (B) Outlays, $133,770,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2022:
       (A) New budget authority, $139,283,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $136,230,000,000.
       (9) Community and Regional Development (450):
       Fiscal year 2013:
       (A) New budget authority, $26,408,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $29,335,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2014:
       (A) New budget authority, $29,083,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $30,381,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2015:
       (A) New budget authority, $28,155,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $30,848,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2016:
       (A) New budget authority, $27,273,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $28,966,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2017:
       (A) New budget authority, $27,679,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $27,929,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2018:
       (A) New budget authority, $28,124,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $27,607,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2019:
       (A) New budget authority, $28,575,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $27,684,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2020:
       (A) New budget authority, $29,381,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $28,194,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2021:
       (A) New budget authority, $30,215,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $28,943,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2022:
       (A) New budget authority, $31,072,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $29,813,000,000.
       (10) Education, Training, Employment, and Social Services 
     (500):
       Fiscal year 2013:
       (A) New budget authority, $215,477,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $216,894,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2014:
       (A) New budget authority, $133,185,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $134,848,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2015:
       (A) New budget authority, $108,627,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $108,401,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2016:
       (A) New budget authority, $113,637,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $113,530,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2017:
       (A) New budget authority, $124,002,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $120,819,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2018:
       (A) New budget authority, $128,980,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $127,822,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2019:
       (A) New budget authority, $133,164,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $131,731,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2020:
       (A) New budget authority, $135,479,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $134,698,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2021:
       (A) New budget authority, $138,104,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $137,088,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2022:
       (A) New budget authority, $141,118,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $139,748,000,000.
       (11) Health (550):
       Fiscal year 2013:
       (A) New budget authority, $392,643,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $383,806,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2014:
       (A) New budget authority, $490,114,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $475,603,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2015:
       (A) New budget authority, $558,189,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $552,620,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2016:
       (A) New budget authority, $605,699,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $609,918,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2017:
       (A) New budget authority, $649,911,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $652,349,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2018:
       (A) New budget authority, $687,213,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $685,849,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2019:
       (A) New budget authority, $729,703,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $728,299,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2020:
       (A) New budget authority, $784,569,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $772,420,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2021:
       (A) New budget authority, $825,999,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $823,927,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2022:
       (A) New budget authority, $882,501,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $879,975,000,000.
       (12) Medicare (570):
       Fiscal year 2013:
       (A) New budget authority, $528,399,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $528,311,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2014:
       (A) New budget authority, $553,553,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $552,856,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2015:
       (A) New budget authority, $579,388,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $578,948,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2016:
       (A) New budget authority, $629,995,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $629,761,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2017:
       (A) New budget authority, $648,217,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $647,496,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2018:
       (A) New budget authority, $670,465,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $670,015,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2019:
       (A) New budget authority, $733,652,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $733,400,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2020:
       (A) New budget authority, $786,074,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $785,321,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2021:
       (A) New budget authority, $837,885,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $837,396,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2022:
       (A) New budget authority, $917,799,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $917,656,000,000.
       (13) Income Security (600):
       Fiscal year 2013:
       (A) New budget authority, $600,167,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $589,067,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2014:
       (A) New budget authority, $622,434,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $611,955,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2015:
       (A) New budget authority, $620,983,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $617,542,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2016:
       (A) New budget authority, $611,032,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $614,698,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2017:
       (A) New budget authority, $604,154,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $602,171,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2018:
       (A) New budget authority, $607,469,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $600,968,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2019:
       (A) New budget authority, $625,364,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $623,236,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2020:
       (A) New budget authority, $640,917,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $638,419,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2021:
       (A) New budget authority, $658,585,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $655,964,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2022:
       (A) New budget authority, $681,071,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $683,338,000,000.
       (14) Social Security (650):
       Fiscal year 2013:
       (A) New budget authority, $53,216,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $53,296,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2014:
       (A) New budget authority, $31,892,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $32,002,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2015:
       (A) New budget authority, $35,135,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $35,210,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2016:
       (A) New budget authority, $38,953,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $38,991,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2017:
       (A) New budget authority, $43,140,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $43,140,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2018:
       (A) New budget authority, $47,590,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $47,590,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2019:
       (A) New budget authority, $52,429,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $52,429,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2020:
       (A) New budget authority, $57,425,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $57,425,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2021:
       (A) New budget authority, $62,604,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $62,604,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2022:
       (A) New budget authority, $68,079,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $68,079,000,000.
       (15) Veterans Benefits and Services (700):
       Fiscal year 2013:
       (A) New budget authority, $149,224,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $145,567,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2014:
       (A) New budget authority, $156,328,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $152,548,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2015:
       (A) New budget authority, $157,222,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $156,643,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2016:
       (A) New budget authority, $163,556,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $163,960,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2017:
       (A) New budget authority, $162,499,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $162,122,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2018:
       (A) New budget authority, $161,341,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $160,695,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2019:
       (A) New budget authority, $171,034,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $170,211,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2020:
       (A) New budget authority, $176,196,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $174,995,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2021:
       (A) New budget authority, $181,451,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $180,089,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2022:
       (A) New budget authority, $192,540,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $191,089,000,000.
       (16) Administration of Justice (750):
       Fiscal year 2013:
       (A) New budget authority, $71,906,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $64,625,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2014:
       (A) New budget authority, $66,516,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $66,844,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2015:
       (A) New budget authority, $66,602,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $68,316,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2016:
       (A) New budget authority, $68,761,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $70,667,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2017:
       (A) New budget authority, $68,641,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $70,168,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2018:
       (A) New budget authority, $70,425,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $71,745,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2019:
       (A) New budget authority, $72,400,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $72,514,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2020:
       (A) New budget authority, $74,692,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $73,924,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2021:
       (A) New budget authority, $77,213,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $76,341,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2022:

[[Page 4454]]

       (A) New budget authority, $83,484,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $82,533,000,000.
       (17) General Government (800):
       Fiscal year 2013:
       (A) New budget authority, $24,636,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $26,466,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2014:
       (A) New budget authority, $25,311,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $25,862,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2015:
       (A) New budget authority, $25,950,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $26,268,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2016:
       (A) New budget authority, $26,692,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $26,969,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2017:
       (A) New budget authority, $27,287,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $27,231,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2018:
       (A) New budget authority, $28,186,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $27,967,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2019:
       (A) New budget authority, $29,097,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $28,638,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2020:
       (A) New budget authority, $29,877,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $29,490,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2021:
       (A) New budget authority, $30,771,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $30,274,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2022:
       (A) New budget authority, $31,715,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $31,190,000,000.
       (18) Net Interest (900):
       Fiscal year 2013:
       (A) New budget authority, $347,247,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $347,247,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2014:
       (A) New budget authority, $361,372,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $361,372,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2015:
       (A) New budget authority, $400,420,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $400,420,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2016:
       (A) New budget authority, $464,626,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $464,626,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2017:
       (A) New budget authority, $532,290,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $532,290,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2018:
       (A) New budget authority, $599,375,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $599,375,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2019:
       (A) New budget authority, $660,922,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $660,922,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2020:
       (A) New budget authority, $712,948,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $712,948,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2021:
       (A) New budget authority, $752,887,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $752,887,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2022:
       (A) New budget authority, $794,191,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $794,191,000,000.
       (19) Allowances (920):
       Fiscal year 2013:
       (A) New budget authority, $0.00
       (B) Outlays, $0.00
       Fiscal year 2014:
       (A) New budget authority, $0.00
       (B) Outlays, $0.00
       Fiscal year 2015:
       (A) New budget authority, $0.00
       (B) Outlays, $0.00
       Fiscal year 2016:
       (A) New budget authority, $0.00
       (B) Outlays, $0.00
       Fiscal year 2017:
       (A) New budget authority, $0.00
       (B) Outlays, $0.00
       Fiscal year 2018:
       (A) New budget authority, $0.00
       (B) Outlays, $0.00
       Fiscal year 2019:
       (A) New budget authority, $0.00
       (B) Outlays, $0.00
       Fiscal year 2020:
       (A) New budget authority, $0.00
       (B) Outlays, $0.00
       Fiscal year 2021:
       (A) New budget authority, $0.00
       (B) Outlays, $0.00
       Fiscal year 2022:
       (A) New budget authority, $0.00
       (B) Outlays, $0.00
       (20) Undistributed Offsetting Receipts (950):
       Fiscal year 2013:
       (A) New budget authority, -$75,736,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, -$75,736,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2014:
       (A) New budget authority, -$77,697,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, -$77,697,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2015:
       (A) New budget authority, -$83,531,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, -$83,531,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2016:
       (A) New budget authority, -$85,226,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, -$85,226,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2017:
       (A) New budget authority, -$93,507,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, -$93,507,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2018:
       (A) New budget authority, -$97,066,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, -$97,066,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2019:
       (A) New budget authority, -$103,845,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, -$103,845,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2020:
       (A) New budget authority, -$102,878,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, -$102,878,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2021:
       (A) New budget authority, -$107,168,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, -$107,168,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2022:
       (A) New budget authority, -$109,655,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, -$109,655,000,000.

  The Acting CHAIR. Pursuant to House Resolution 597, the gentleman 
from California (Mr. Honda) and a Member opposed each will control 15 
minutes.
  The Chair recognizes the gentleman from California.

                              {time}  2150

  Mr. HONDA. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
  Mr. Chairman, this session of Congress represents a unique 
opportunity in history to accomplish something great. The pending 
sequester, the overwhelming number of tax provisions set to expire, and 
the threat of growing debt must force us to make decisions. Inaction is 
not an option.
  The amendment before us today is more than just a set of numbers. 
It's a pathway forward. It's a solution. The Progressive Caucus 
developed the solution by listening to what the American people want. 
They want shared responsibility and prosperity. They want us to protect 
the social safety network. They want basic fairness. They want fiscal 
sanity. That is exactly what this plan provides.
  First and foremost, we focused our attention where it is needed the 
most: job creation. This proposal is estimated to create 3.3 million 
jobs over the next 2 years because it uses every single tool in the 
Federal Government's arsenal: One, direct and local hire programs; two, 
targeted tax incentives; and, three, widespread domestic investments.
  Instead, the Republican budget relies on trickle-down voodoo 
economics that haven't worked before and won't work now. Projections 
show that the GOP plan would kill 4.1 million jobs in the next 2 years 
alone.
  Americans deserve proven solutions, a growing economy, and financial 
security for themselves and their loved ones. The Progressive Caucus is 
listening: We invest in America now and lay the foundation for a 
globally competitive future.
  We need to invest in human capital, education, first-class 
infrastructure, and cutting edge technologies. This is the kind of 
thinking that built a successful economy in the past, and it is the 
real roadmap to prosperity.
  Secondly, the Progressive Caucus believes that Medicare, Medicaid, 
and Social Security are not up for negotiation. The Republican budget 
treats our seniors and working families like lab rats, subjecting these 
important programs to grand conservative experiments.
  What the Budget for All proves is that we don't need to put these 
essential programs on the chopping block. Their assumptions are wrong, 
and we can do better.
  As the primary author of the Budget for All, I'm proud of the 
transparency of what we put before the American people. What we've 
released to the public and what we put online is very clear about the 
policies we stand for and those we oppose.
  Instead, the Republican budget focuses so much on what they don't 
like about the President's proposal that we are left with little 
details about how they feel they achieve their end goals. It is so 
scarce on details that The Washington Post referred to it as 
``dangerous and intentionally vague.''
  It claims lower taxes for all, but there are no real details on how 
to get there. It claims substantial deficit reduction, but assumes 
trillions in lost revenue will magically return.
  The Republican plan hides the real substance behind their proposals 
because that is the truly hard part of governing. Being honest with the 
American people isn't easy, but in these difficult times it's the very 
least that we can do.
  I urge my colleagues to support honest and responsible solutions.
  I urge a ``yes'' vote on this amendment,
  I reserve the balance of my time.
  Mr. McCLINTOCK. Mr. Chairman, I claim time in opposition.
  The Acting CHAIR. The gentleman from California is recognized for 15 
minutes.
  Mr. McCLINTOCK. Mr. Chairman, I yield myself 5 minutes.
  I want to congratulate the Progressive Caucus on producing a budget 
that

[[Page 4455]]

actually addresses our crushing deficit, unlike the President's budget. 
Their budget produces deficit numbers that are right in line with the 
House Budget Committee's path to prosperity.
  The difference between the two is that the Republican plan reduces 
the deficit by reorganizing our government services in a much more 
efficient and streamlined structure, saving trillions of dollars, while 
the Progressive Democrats would radically increase spending, supported 
by $6.8 trillion in new taxes over the next decade.
  What does that mean in real numbers, $6.8 trillion? It comes to about 
$22,000 of taxes for every, man, woman, and child in America. That's 
about $88,000 for a family of four. Don't worry, we're told, we're not 
taxing working class families, just rich people and corporations.
  Let's get a few things straight here. First, it turns out that many 
of the rich people aren't rich, and they aren't even people. They are 
small businesses filing under Subchapter S, the very same small 
businesses that we're depending upon to create two-thirds of the new 
jobs that Americans desperately need. To whack small businesses with 
crushing new financial burdens and then expect them to create more jobs 
is simply absurd.
  Second, remember that ultimately businesses do not pay business 
taxes. Business taxes can only be paid in one of three ways: They're 
paid by consumers through higher prices; they're paid by employees 
through lower wages or no wages at all as jobs disappear; or they are 
paid by investors, mainly pension plans, through lower earnings. That's 
the only three ways they can possibly be paid.
  Let's talk about fairness. In 2008, the top 1 percent of taxpayers, 
folks earning about $344,000 per year, earned about 17 percent of all 
income and paid 37 percent of all income taxes. As a class, they are 
paying their fair share, but the Progressives are right that some 
individuals within this class pay less than their fair share because of 
their disproportionate access to tax loopholes. The Progressives 
rightly want to get rid of some of these loopholes, and that's a good 
thing. But at the same time, they want to increase loopholes for 
others. They don't mind the government picking winners among their 
friends; they just want to do the picking.
  The Republican plan calls for the ultimate elimination of these 
loopholes while lowering overall tax rates so that no American pays 
more than a third of their earnings to the government. That is 
fairness.
  The underlying problem that's destroying our Nation's finances can be 
summed up with three simple numbers: 35, 33, and 76.
  Between 2002 and 2012, population and inflation combined grew 35 
percent. Despite the recession and the recent tax cuts, Federal 
revenues have grown 33 percent in the same period. Very close.
  The third number is what is killing our country. Seventy-six percent 
is the increase in spending, twice the rate of our revenues, twice the 
rate of inflation and population growth. By the way, has anybody seen a 
76 percent increase in the quality of our roads or our institutions or 
our law enforcement or our border security? We paid for it, but we're 
not getting it. That's what's out of control about this administration.
  No nation has ever taxed and spent its way to prosperity, but many 
nations have taxed and spent their way to economic ruin and bankruptcy.
  When we're told this is the worst recession since the Depression, I 
remember a time much more recently when we had not only double-digit 
unemployment, but double-digit inflation, mile-long lines around gas 
stations, interest rates at 21\1/2\ percent. That was the end of the 
Carter administration.
  Maybe we don't remember those days as vividly. It's because they 
didn't last very long. We elected Ronald Reagan, whose policies were 
very different than the current administration. He cut spending as a 
percentage of GDP. He cut the top marginal income tax rate from 70 
percent all the way down to 28 percent. He reduced the regulatory 
burdens crushing the economy, and he produced one of the most prolonged 
periods of economic expansion in our Nation's history. This isn't a 
partisan policy. Warren Harding, Harry Truman, John F. Kennedy, and 
most recently Bill Clinton all followed similar policies with similar 
results.
  Phil Graham recently estimated that if the economy today had tracked 
with the Reagan economy, 17 million more Americans would be working 
right now and income would be $5,700 higher per person.
  We need to choose wisely, Mr. Chairman, here and at the polls in 
November.
  I reserve the balance of my time.
  Mr. HONDA. Mr. Chairman, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from 
Minnesota, Congressman Ellison.

                              {time}  2200

  Mr. ELLISON. Mr. Chairman, allow me to go right to the heart of the 
matter. We're talking about budgets and how our Nation shall spend 
money over the course of years. What we're dealing with now is we're 
dealing with unemployment, and this budget is no decent budget at all 
unless it deals with jobs. Now, the Budget for All, which is the 
Progressive Caucus budget, is all about jobs. We make investments in 
people developing our workforce, developing education and putting 
Americans back to work.
  America has work that needs to be done. We've got about $2 trillion 
worth of crumbling infrastructure which Republicans don't invest in. 
America has jobs that need to be done. We've got people that need to do 
them, and we have privileged Americans in corporations who have the 
money that, if they were to give it in the way of taxes as the dues we 
pay to live in a civilized society, we could combine these three 
elements to put America back to work.
  Now, I'm proud to stand with the Budget for All because it makes the 
priority of jobs the key thing, but it also invests in America's future 
and reduces the deficit. We're serious about that. I'd like to make 
sure that others are, too, and don't just say so.
  We've got to put America back to work. The Budget for All does that. 
We urge support for the Budget for All.
  Mr. McCLINTOCK. Mr. Chairman, I am pleased to yield 2 minutes to the 
Member from Indiana, a member of the Budget Committee, Mr. Young.
  Mr. YOUNG of Indiana. Mr. Chairman, as our national recession near 
its fourth year, unemployment stays above 8 percent and gas prices 
continue to skyrocket, our brave men and women continue to serve in 
harm's way overseas, this Nation is in trouble, and I wonder which of 
the following choices would Americans choose if they had to pick one. 
Would it be A, an across-the-board income tax increase? Would it be B, 
a new tax increase on gas, electricity, and natural gas? Would it be C, 
a cut in funding for our soldiers to levels that the Pentagon warns is 
dangerous to our national security?
  Now, I suspect, Mr. Chairman, that the American people, if given the 
choice, would prefer to have an option D, none of the above. But, 
unfortunately, they're not given this choice in the Progressive Caucus 
budget. It forces, instead, all three unpalatable options on the 
American public that is already struggling.
  It raises taxes in every income tax bracket to the tune of $4.4 
trillion, it raises the price at the pump and on utility bills ever 
higher by creating a new tax on all fossil fuel-based energy sources, 
and it makes no attempt to offset the defense spending sequester. And 
while I do commend my colleagues for making the effort to develop 
solutions to the Nation's problems and getting specific on those 
solutions, I think the American people can do better.
  We House Republicans have given Americans that none-of-the-above 
option through our own budget. Our budget responsibly solves our 
Nation's debt challenges, it responsibly cuts our spending, it avoids a 
tax increase, and it strengthens programs like Medicare and Medicaid, 
important to so many Americans. Most importantly, it does so by 
lightening the burden of government on hardworking American taxpayers, 
not burdening them with more government.

[[Page 4456]]

  I respect my colleagues, and urge my colleagues, however, to vote 
against the Progressive Caucus budget.
  Mr. HONDA. Mr. Chairman, I yield 1 minute to our next speaker, who is 
the founder of the Progressive Caucus, the proud Congresswoman Woolsey.
  Ms. WOOLSEY. Mr. Chairman, the Budget for All rearranges our national 
security spending priorities in a way that keeps America safe instead 
of keeping America bogged down in expensive, immoral wars. By bringing 
our troops home from Afghanistan, we save over $1 trillion over 10 
years. We reinvest that money in the American people, their education, 
their health care, their infrastructure, their retirement security, and 
their hopes and their dreams.
  There's money left over to beef up SMART Security priorities--
development, diplomacy, foreign and humanitarian aid--the tools that 
will truly combat terrorism and protect our Nation in the 21st century.
  We get rid of ancient, obsolete Cold War weapons systems that are 
doing nothing to address today's security threats as well. We also take 
care of our veterans, and we dramatically reduce our nuclear arsenal.
  I urge all Members, read this budget and embrace it, because it truly 
reflects the values and priorities of the American people--the 
Congressional Progressive Caucus' Budget for All.
  Mr. McCLINTOCK. Mr. Chairman, I am pleased to yield 3 minutes to the 
gentleman from Texas (Mr. Flores).
  Mr. FLORES. I thank my colleague, Mr. McClintock.
  Mr. Chairman, the Progressive Caucus budget amendment creates 
devastating cuts to our Nation's defense. Our Federal Government's 
primary responsibility under the Constitution is to provide for the 
common defense for the security of all Americans. This budget amendment 
causes the Federal Government to abdicate this important 
responsibility.
  This substitute amendment guts the Defense Department by calling for 
cuts that are $900 billion deeper than the nearly half a trillion 
dollars that the President already proposed to be cut from the defense 
plan that he proposed just 1 year ago.
  This substitute has no specific plan to replace the sequester, which 
Secretary of Defense Panetta said would have catastrophic consequences 
and which would devastate our Department of Defense.
  This amendment ignores our constitutional responsibility and tells 
our troops in the field that, regardless of where the mission is and 
what state it's in, that we're going to cut all funding. This comes 
despite the fact that U.S. commanders have made it clear that there 
will be a continued role for the U.S. in Afghanistan even after 
Afghanistan security forces assume lead responsibility for security.
  This budget amendment also ignores the economic impact that deep 
defense cuts will have on low- and middle-income Americans that work 
for the Department of Defense or work for suppliers of the Department 
of Defense.
  Our Nation suffers from a growing number of low-income families and 
high levels of poverty. We also have more people on food stamps than 
ever before. This is not the time to cut spending on the one Federal 
Government function that is specifically called for in our 
Constitution.
  The American people, as you hear from the other side, are looking for 
fairness. Cutting defense funding, as our colleagues are trying to do 
here, is not fair to the economic and military security of this 
country.
  This proposed budget amendment, as well as the President's budget, 
which was soundly defeated a few minutes ago, are not fair for America. 
What is fair is to set forth a budget which approves the atmosphere for 
job creation and which stimulates economic growth by relying on Main 
Street American solutions.
  If the Progressive Caucus and the Obama budgets are looking for 
fairness, they should not be looking to cut the Department of Defense. 
I urge my colleagues to oppose this substitute amendment so that we can 
ensure the safety and security of the brave men and women serving our 
country and for the American workers who support them.
  In the alternative, I urge my colleagues to support the House Budget 
Committee's FY 2013 budget. It is the budget that will restore 
America's promise, prosperity, and security for future generations.
  Mr. HONDA. Mr. Chairman, next I yield 1 minute to the gentlelady from 
California, the gentlelady from where there's a there, Ms. Barbara Lee.
  Ms. LEE of California. Let me first thank Congressman Honda, 
Congressmen Grijalva and Ellison, and all of the CPC members for their 
tireless effort on this budget, Congresswoman Woolsey, and all our 
members who really put so much time and effort into this. I'm proud to 
be a cosponsor of the Budget for All because the American people must 
have an honest budget that does not blame the poor for the problems 
created by the superrich.
  The Tea Party Republican budget for the 1 percent does just that. 
Their budget only cuts programs for our seniors, our children, and our 
Nation's working poor and vulnerable, while giving away $4.4 trillion 
in tax cuts for the superrich. And for all of their heartless cuts that 
end Medicare, hurt our children, close schools, and fire police 
officers, they don't even come close to balancing the budget because 
they can't stop themselves from giving away trillions to the special 
interest Big Oil and the top 1 percent.
  I strongly believe that a budget is a moral document that shows our 
Nation's priorities and values. Like the Congressional Black Caucus' 
budget, the Congressional Progressive Caucus budget is a moral budget, 
one that invests in the future of all Americans and one that believes 
that our greatest days lie ahead.
  The Acting CHAIR. The time of the gentlewoman has expired.
  Mr. HONDA. I yield the gentlelady 15 additional seconds.

                              {time}  2210

  Ms. LEE of California. Let me just mention also, in closing, that our 
budget also ends the combat operation in Afghanistan. The American 
people want the war to end. We have decided no more funding for combat 
operations; there's no military solution. We do provide the funds to 
protect our troops and contractors and to bring them home safely in an 
orderly fashion.
  Mr. McCLINTOCK. Mr. Chairman, I am pleased to yield 1\1/2\ minutes to 
my friend and colleague from Oklahoma (Mr. Lankford).
  Mr. LANKFORD. Mr. Chairman, it is good to get a chance to have this 
debate that is unique on the House floor, to be able to go through 
this. Obviously, we look forward to the day that the Senate has this 
same kind of dialog back and forth on what are spending priorities in 
the budget. It's now well over 1,000 days since the Senate has had any 
kind of conversation like this. It's terrific to be able to have this.
  There are some areas of this budget that I'd take a look at and I 
would say I would completely concur with. This budget takes on things 
like the AMT fix, the alternative minimum tax, and tries to resolve 
that over time. I think that's a terrific idea, and we need to get a 
chance to move forward on that. But it does some things that I don't 
think many people in my district would be in favor of.
  Many people in my district look at the tax policy and say it's 
incredibly complicated and complex. This budget moves the tax system 
from six tiers to 10 tiers and dramatically increases the complexity of 
our Tax Code.
  It also changes the death tax to a 65 percent death tax. It puts 
Uncle Sam squarely on the end of coffins, and as the grieving family is 
there, Uncle Sam is standing there saying, I'm waiting for my cut. I 
think that's the wrong way to go.
  There's a large carbon tax that's included with this. With gas prices 
going up, energy prices on the rise, I don't think this is the time to 
also increase the price of energy again in that.
  It also raises taxes, ironically enough, on McDonalds and on fast-
food places, to be able to punish them, I guess, for supplying food to 
people that are on the run. It increases taxes on that. It also 
provides public funding for

[[Page 4457]]

elections so that people that are running for office, like myself and 
others, will actually get public funding for that, which many people 
don't want to be a part of.
  It does also provide State flexibility though, but it's State 
flexibility for a new system of health care oversight. We'd like to see 
it have flexibility for things like Medicare and Medicaid and such.
  So, with that, I would oppose this and would support the House 
Republican budget.
  Mr. HONDA. Mr. Chairman, I yield 1 minute to the gentlewoman from 
southern California (Ms. Chu).
  Ms. CHU. Mr. Chairman, this budget is about fairness, where everyone, 
not just a special few, can succeed.
  While the Republican budget ends the Medicare guarantee, the Budget 
for All makes no cuts to Medicare, Medicaid, or Social Security.
  While their budget slashes Pell Grants, leaving 1 million students 
struggling, the Budget for All actually increases investments in 
education.
  While their budget destroys 4.1 million jobs in just 2 years, the 
Budget for All actually puts 2 million more people back to work by 
investing in infrastructure.
  The Republicans do all this to keep tax breaks for Big Oil and 
provide an extra $150,000 for millionaires. The Budget for All creates 
a fairer system by asking those who have benefited most from our 
economy to pay a sensible share.
  The Budget for All ensures everyone can achieve the American Dream if 
they just work hard and play by the rules.
  Mr. McCLINTOCK. Mr. Chairman, we have no more speakers. I will 
reserve my time until the gentleman has concluded.
  Mr. HONDA. Mr. Chairman, I yield 1 minute and 20 seconds to the 
gentlewoman from Maryland (Ms. Edwards).
  Ms. EDWARDS. Mr. Chairman, budgets are about priorities, and the 
Budget for All sets priorities for the American people. It's about 
creating jobs and opportunity, investing in education, investing in our 
infrastructure, investing in our future.
  The Budget for All, the Progressive Caucus budget, also makes 
significant investments in our military that actually prepare our 
defense forces for the 21st century.
  The Budget for All is about priorities. And make no mistake, the 
Republican budget sets completely different priorities. It says to our 
seniors, we want you to pay more out of your pocket for Medicare; 
destroys Medicare as we know it; creates a system that's not fair, 
where young people who want to go to college won't be able to do that 
because there won't be Pell Grants available for them.
  The Republican budget says to you that if you actually want to work 
hard and play by the rules, that you're not going to be treated fairly.
  It's time for us to have a budget that reflects the priorities of the 
American people, that makes investments in the American people. The 
Budget for All makes those investments.
  I urge my colleagues to read the budget, read the Budget for All, and 
support the Budget for All, the Progressive Caucus budget that makes 
important investments in the American people and does not destroy 
Medicare as we know it.
  The Acting CHAIR. The gentleman from California (Mr. McClintock) has 
3\1/2\ minutes remaining, and the gentleman from California (Mr. Honda) 
has 6 minutes remaining.
  Mr. HONDA. Mr. Chairman, I yield 1 minute and 20 seconds to the 
gentlewoman from Texas (Ms. Jackson Lee).
  Ms. JACKSON LEE of Texas. I thank the gentleman from California for 
his leadership, along with Congressmen Grijalva and Ellison.
  I rise to support the Congressional Progressive Caucus budget. I 
announce today that the Republican budget, according to the Economic 
Policy Institute, is a job killer--1.3 million jobs will be lost in 
2013, 2.8 million jobs will be lost in 2014, and 4.1 million jobs will 
be lost in 2015.
  It will also, in essence, defund the Affordable Care Act, which will 
eliminate access to health care for many women dealing with 
reproductive health, dealing with essential health benefits, and also 
coverage of family planning services. It will cut $1.7 trillion from 
Medicaid. But the Budget for All will provide a direct opportunity for 
the School Improvement Corps, the Park Improvement Corps, and Student 
Job Corps, creating jobs.
  It will save TRICARE and personnel. The CBC budget doesn't impact 
personnel, wages and benefits and pensions for our soldiers, but it 
ends the wars in Afghanistan and Iraq and saves money in doing so.
  It extends the earned income tax credit and the child and dependent 
care credit. It responsibly and expeditiously ends all of our military 
presence, but, more importantly, it creates an atmosphere for economic 
improvement and development by providing jobs to our young people, 
stopping the taking away of the lifeline of Medicaid.
  Support the Budget for All. Support the Congressional Progressive 
Caucus budget.
  Mr. HONDA. Mr. Chairman, I yield 1\1/4\ minutes to the gentlelady 
from California, the songstress, Congresswoman Laura Richardson.
  Ms. RICHARDSON. Mr. Chairman, I rise today in strong support of the 
Progressive Caucus alternative budget.
  This budget, as a member on the Transportation Committee, would help 
us to be able to create, once and for all, the infrastructure bank that 
we desperately needed that would allow us to attract private and public 
partnership. The Progressive budget would also outline a plan to put 
over 2 million individuals back to work. And my colleague just before 
me highlighted what some of those would be. Some of them would include 
the Improvement Corps for public school rehabilitation projects, Park 
Improvement Corps for young adults, and Student Job Corps, one of which 
I was able to take advantage of as a young individual.
  Mr. Chairman, the CPC budget will assist us to be able to responsibly 
act to reduce our budget deficit, but to also maintain our domestic 
priorities.
  This budget is the right budget. It will protect our fragile 
recovery, and it will invest in our future.
  Mr. HONDA. Mr. Chairman, I yield 1\1/2\ minutes to the gentleman from 
Michigan (Mr. Conyers).
  Mr. CONYERS. Thank you very much, Mr. Honda.
  Tonight, I want to commend my friends on the other side of the aisle, 
starting with Mr. Tom McClintock of California and those who are with 
him this evening, because what has happened is that we have begun to 
see that, between the leaders in the Progressive Caucus and those who 
can't possibly vote for the Progressive Caucus bill, we are still 
finding things that we can agree on. For example, is there anybody, the 
leader of the other side of the aisle, whose group does not believe 
that we should invest in our children's education by increasing 
education, training, and social services?

                              {time}  2220

  We all agree on that.
  Is there anybody on the other side of the aisle, Mr. Chairman, who 
doesn't believe that our budget makes no cuts to Medicare, Medicaid, 
and Social Security benefits?
  These are beginnings of agreements. We all, on both sides, agree that 
we must responsibly and expeditiously end our military presence in Iraq 
and Afghanistan. And I congratulate the Member leading the other side.
  Mr. HONDA. I yield the balance of my time to our closer, the 
gentleman from Arizona, the great Raul Grijalva.
  The Acting CHAIR. The gentleman from Arizona is recognized for 2\1/4\ 
minutes.
  Mr. GRIJALVA. Mr. Chairman, let me thank Mr. Honda for his yeoman 
work on the budget.
  The Republican majority is asking the American people to, once more, 
accept the premise that a trickle-down theory of economics is the path 
to solvency, balanced budget, and fiscal responsibility. Well, this 
trickle-down theory, as promoted, all it has done is create a dry 
opportunity for the middle class in this country.
  Unemployment is up, and it has increased the number of poor and 
unemployed in this country, and this kind of

[[Page 4458]]

insecurity has led us to the situation that we're in.
  Our budget, the Progressive budget, Budget for All, reintroduces 
something fundamental to the American people, its values and its moral 
imperatives that have made us a great Nation.
  Our budget is about fairness in burden and fairness in all. There 
should be no privileged group that receives that 40 to 50 of the 
benefit from the tax cuts. That money is needed in this society, and 
our budget asks for shared burden and shared responsibility.
  We create jobs. We front-load jobs in this. We are about fiscal 
responsibility, reducing the deficit and balancing the budget; and we, 
more importantly than anything else, invest in the American people. We 
invest in our people, our greatest resource.
  We save and promote Social Security, Medicare and Medicaid from the 
destructive plan that's being promoted by the Republican majority. This 
Budget for All by the Progressive Caucus, we are providing the American 
people and this Congress with a choice and a contrast. Do we repeat the 
mistakes of the past and pass a budget that's being recommended by the 
Republicans that takes us down the same destructive economic path that 
we've been on?
  Or do we go in a direction that promotes equity, fairness, fiscal 
responsibility, and, more importantly, puts the American people back to 
work and offers their families the opportunities that we all have been 
able to benefit?
  The Progressive Caucus budget is a budget of choice, a budget of 
fairness and, above all, returns us to our values as America.
  Mr. McCLINTOCK. Mr. Chairman, I think the reason these times are so 
impassioned is because we've arrived at a moment when two very 
different visions of society are competing for our Nation's future, and 
they're very much reflected in the budgets put forward by the two 
parties in this House.
  America's prosperity and greatness spring from uniquely American 
principles of individual freedom, personal responsibility, and 
constitutionally limited government. America's Founders created a 
voluntary society where people are free to make their own choices, 
enjoy the fruits of their own labors, take responsibility for their own 
decisions, and lead their own lives with a minimum of government 
interference and intrusion.
  When someone needs help, we freely give that help, but we ask in 
return that they make the effort to support themselves to the extent 
that they can. Our government views no one person or group as more or 
less worthy than any other.
  We are Americans. We'll be judged on our own merits, and we'll make 
on own choices, including what kind of car we'll drive, what kind of 
toilets we'll have in our homes, how we'll raise our children, what 
kind of light bulbs we prefer, what we'll have for dinner tonight.
  Today, a very different vision competes for our future, that of a 
compulsory society, where our individual rights are subordinated to the 
mandates of government bureaucrats, where innocent taxpayers are forced 
to bail out the bad decisions of others, and where consumers are 
compelled to purchase the products or underwrite the losses of 
politically favored companies.
  Under this vision, the purpose of government is not to protect 
individual freedom, but to improve society, however those in power 
decide it should be improved, to take from those it declares are 
undeserving to give to those it declares are deserving or, to put it 
more succinctly, to take from each according to his abilities and to 
give to each according to his needs. That's what this is all about.
  Not more than 100 steps from where we debate right now, Thomas 
Jefferson reviewed the bountiful resources of the Nation and asked:

       With all these blessings, what more is necessary to make us 
     a happy and a prosperous people? Still one thing more, 
     fellow-citizens, a wise and frugal government, which shall 
     restrain men from injuring one another, shall leave them 
     otherwise free to regulate their own pursuits of industry and 
     improvement, and shall not take from the mouth of labor the 
     bread it has earned. This is the sum of good government.

  This is the Path to Prosperity put forth by the House Budget 
Committee. And let us be clear: the various Democratic plans, including 
the one before us now, fundamentally reject these principles and 
replace them with values alien and antithetical to those that built our 
Nation.
  That is the question that our generation must decide in all of its 
forms, including the question put to us today by this substitute 
amendment.
  I yield back the balance of my time.
  Mr. MARKEY. Mr. Chair, the Republican budget reads like ``The Hunger 
Games''--forcing American families to compete for survival against a 
plutonium plutocracy. The Republican budget cuts Medicare. It cuts 
Medicaid. It cuts Pell Grants.
  Yet, at the same time, their budget calls for more spending on the 
weapons of last century's Cold War. More nuclear bomb-making plants. 
More nuclear missiles. More nuclear subs.
  Their budget fails to address the needs of the elderly, the children, 
the sick, and the most vulnerable. It makes no sense. It is insane.
  The CPC budget includes my legislation, the Smarter Approach to 
Nuclear Expenditures Act--the SANE Act. SANE will save $100 billion 
over the next 10 years by reducing nuclear weapons spending. The CPC 
and the SANE Act puts people ahead of plutonium.
  I urge my colleagues to join me and vote for the CPC ``Budget for 
All''.
  Ms. RICHARDSON. Mr. Chair, I rise today in strong support of the 
Congressional Progressive Caucus Alternative Budget for Fiscal Year 
2013. The budget plan outlined by the CPC takes a calculated and 
balanced approach to restoring America's promise, and investing in our 
future.
  Unlike the House GOP Budget Resolution, the CPC Alternative Budget 
protects Social Security, Medicare, Medicaid, SNAP, TANF, Unemployment 
Insurance and other programs that are vital to the most vulnerable 
populations in our society.
  In my district, we suffer from rates of unemployment and home 
foreclosure that are significantly higher than the rest of the country. 
Although our nation's economy is showing positive signs of growth, we 
must continue to make critical investments in our communities to 
accelerate our recovery.
  To that end, the CPC Alternative Budget makes smart investments in 
education, job creation measures, and transportation and infrastructure 
projects. These investments are necessary to ensure that America has a 
skilled and educated workforce that is prepared to tackle the 
challenges of the 21st Century. Without these investments, the United 
States will lose its competitive edge.
  A $556 billion surface transportation bill would help meet the 
overwhelming need for repair and construction of our roadways and aging 
infrastructure. Lastly, the Budget for All outlines a plan for nearly 
$1.7 trillion in widespread domestic investment, getting badly needed 
funds to valuable programs that are scheduled for starvation under 
current law.
  This budget outlines a plan to put over 2 million individuals back to 
work over the next 2 years by hiring them for work in areas critical to 
our quality of life. This would create the School Improvement Corps for 
public school rehabilitation projects, the Park Improvement Corps made 
of youth ages 16 to 25 for restoration on public lands, the Student 
Jobs Corps of college students for part-time work study positions, 
among others. Priority hiring is given to the unemployed and veterans.
  Domestic investments create jobs and lay the foundation for 
exceptional American industries competing in the global economy. The 
creation of an infrastructure bank would attract private investment 
toward critical infrastructure projects and facilitate private-public 
partnerships with our states and localities. Some projections estimate 
that the iBank could mobilize up to $625 billion in funding for 
infrastructure.
  The revenue raised from tax reform measures in the CPC budget will 
allow us to pay for an extension of tax cuts for hard working, middle 
class Americans--providing them with more money to feed their families, 
pay their bills, and fill up their gas tanks.
  Mr. Chair, the CPC Budget will do all of this while managing to be 
able to reduce the deficit by $6.8 trillion.
  Instead of working to strengthen Medicare, the Ryan budget would end 
Medicare as we know it, turning the guarantee of retirement security 
into a voucher that will shift higher and higher costs over time to 
over 45 million seniors.
  In California alone, 5,252,371 seniors would be forced onto vouchers 
when they retire.
  The GOP budget will force seniors to pay higher premiums in order to 
access the same

[[Page 4459]]

benefits they would receive under the current system. For a typical 67 
year-old senior, the Ryan budget could increase out-of-pocket health 
care costs by $5,900.
  The GOP budget would decimate our primary assistance to the poor by 
cutting $3.3 trillion from essential programs like Medicaid and SNAP.
  In fact, a report conducted by the Center on Budget and Policy 
Priorities found that 62 percent of proposed cuts in the Ryan budget 
plan come from programs that assist low-income individuals. This is the 
Republican vision: to balance the budget on the backs of the seniors 
and the poor.
  The Ryan budget plan would weaken job growth. The Economic Policy 
Institute found that if we were to follow Chairman Ryan's proposal, 1.3 
million jobs would be lost in 2013 and 2.8 million jobs would be lost 
in 2014.
  Mr. Chair, the CPC has a better way. We understand that our current 
economic situation calls for a balanced approach that protects our 
fragile recovery and invests in our future.
  For these reasons, Mr. Chair, I urge my colleagues to join me in 
voting for the CPC Alternative Budget.
  Mr. STARK. Mr. Chair, the Republican budget proposal, very similar to 
their draconian proposal from last year, fails the middle class, 
undermines our Nation's values, and destroys the social safety net. 
It's been said that this year's Republican budget is ``austerity on 
steroids.'' I would call that an understatement.
  In the name of deficit reduction, Republicans would end the Medicare 
guarantee, put Social Security on the fast track to benefit cuts, and 
slash critical job-creating investments in education, infrastructure 
and basic research. These deep cuts do not even go to reduce the 
deficit. Instead, they are used to pay for massive tax cuts for the 
wealthy and to continue our out of control defense spending. The 
Republican budget will provide an average tax cut of $394,000 to people 
making over $1 million and increases defense spending. This budget is 
just a grab bag of failed right-wing ideas and it's harmful to 
America's future.
  Senior citizens and people with disabilities in Medicare get a 
particularly bad deal under the Republican proposal because their plan 
ends the guarantee of Medicare. Medicare beneficiaries would be given a 
voucher to try to obtain health care coverage from private insurers--
there would be no guaranteed benefits and whether one could afford 
coverage would depend on what is available in the marketplace. What's 
more, the Republicans' voucher is designed to diminish in value over 
time, placing a growing cost burden on senior citizens and people with 
disabilities in the future. The Republican budget pays lip service to 
maintaining the traditional Medicare program, but those words amount to 
nothing. Traditional Medicare would become increasingly expensive as 
those with high health needs tried to stay there. Eventually, it would 
go into a death spiral with costs far exceeding the premiums it could 
realistically charge. Medicare as we know it would be gone--another 
Republican gift to the private insurance industry.
  In contrast, the Congressional Progressive Caucus has offered a 
balanced budget, entitled the ``Budget for All,'' which strengthens 
Medicare and Social Security, protects the middle class, makes job-
promoting investments for America's future, reins in defense spending, 
and ensures everyone pays their fair share in taxes. It includes a 
number of my proposals, including closing tax loopholes that allow 
lobbyists and lawyers to avoid paying Medicare taxes and putting a 
price on carbon pollution to prevent catastrophic climate change.
  My constituents deserve a budget that addresses our Nation's fiscal 
challenges, creates jobs, and protects Medicare and Social Security. 
The Congressional Progressive Caucus does just that. I urge my 
colleagues to support the Progressive Budget for All and reject the 
failed ideas in the Republicans' budget for the 1 percent.
  Mr. KUCINICH. Mr. Chair, I rise in support of the Budget offered by 
the Congressional Progressive Caucus. This budget and the others we are 
considering tonight and tomorrow morning speak volumes about the 
country we would like to see. The Budget for All is the only budget 
under consideration that cuts war funding, funding from the bloated 
Defense budget, and a slew of subsidies for corporations and for the 
rich.
  This bill includes language that mirrors my own efforts in Congress. 
The first is an example of a corporate subsidy that is rescinded by 
this budget. It removes the tax deduction for advertising and marketing 
junk food and fast food to children. We should not be using taxpayer 
money--about $2 billion every year--to make the childhood obesity 
crisis even worse for the sake of boosting the profits of the junk food 
and fast food industry. If this tax break were to be revoked, it has 
been estimated that the number of overweight children in the U.S. would 
be reduced by more than 5-7 percent.
  This bill also provides relief for states struggling with financial 
crises by allowing them to move to a single-payer model of health care. 
If the residents of a state demand it because they want their 
businesses to be more competitive, they want higher quality health 
care, and they want coverage for everyone in the state, the federal 
government should not stand in their way. This is an issue I have 
worked on for years now. I was able to win, by a bipartisan vote, an 
amendment to the health care reform bill in 2009 that would have helped 
states go to a single payer health care system. Though it was stripped 
out by the Administration, it was one of the first single-payer 
Congressional victories in U.S. history and it showed there is an 
appetite in Congress for moving forward.
  Finally, and most importantly, this budget provides for full public 
financing of elections, mirroring a constitutional amendment I have 
introduced. Public financing of elections benefits the public. Private 
financing of elections benefits private interests.
  I urge my colleagues to support the FY 2013 Budget for All.
  The Acting CHAIR. All time for debate has expired.
  The question is on the amendment offered by the gentleman from 
California (Mr. Honda).
  The question was taken; and the Acting Chair announced that the noes 
appeared to have it.
  Mr. HONDA. I demand a recorded vote.
  The Acting CHAIR. Pursuant to clause 6 of rule XVIII, further 
proceedings on the amendment offered by the gentleman from California 
will be postponed.
  Mr. McCLINTOCK. Mr. Chairman, I move that the Committee do now rise.
  The motion was agreed to.
  Accordingly, the Committee rose; and the Speaker pro tempore (Mr. 
McClintock) having assumed the chair, Mr. Yoder, Acting Chair of the 
Committee of the Whole House on the state of the Union, reported that 
that Committee, having had under consideration the concurrent 
resolution (H. Con. Res. 112) establishing the budget for the United 
States Government for fiscal year 2013 and setting forth appropriate 
budgetary levels for fiscal years 2014 through 2022, had come to no 
resolution thereon.

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