[Congressional Record (Bound Edition), Volume 158 (2012), Part 11]
[House]
[Pages 15361-15370]
[From the U.S. Government Publishing Office, www.gpo.gov]




                              {time}  0950
 RUSSIA AND MOLDOVA JACKSON-VANIK REPEAL AND SERGEI MAGNITSKY RULE OF 
                     LAW ACCOUNTABILITY ACT OF 2012

  The SPEAKER pro tempore. The gentleman from Michigan (Mr. Camp) is 
recognized.
  Mr. CAMP. Madam Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
  Madam Speaker, I urge passage of this bipartisan legislation to 
ensure that American companies, workers, farmers, and ranchers benefit 
from Russia's accession to the World Trade Organization. Almost three 
months ago, Russia became the 156th member of the WTO. Since then, 
exporters from every WTO member but one--the United States--have been 
guaranteed the benefit from the concessions that Russia made to join 
the WTO. These benefits include increased access to Russia's growing 
market in goods and services, improved protection of intellectual 
property rights in Russia, Russian animal and plant health rules based 
on international standards and science, and binding dispute resolution 
if Russia does not live up to its WTO obligations. If U.S. exporters 
want to be guaranteed these benefits as well, we must pass this 
bipartisan legislation and establish permanent normal trade relations 
with Russia.
  This bill would allow us to gain important rights and powerful new 
enforcement tools with respect to one of the world's largest economies 
without giving up a single tariff or other concession. We could double 
or even triple U.S. exports to Russia within 5 years. But until we do, 
these benefits will go to our foreign competitors while our exporters 
fall further behind.

[[Page 15362]]

  With our high unemployment, we cannot afford to pass up any 
opportunity to increase our exports and create jobs. And the longer we 
delay in passing this legislation, the more ground our exporters will 
lose.
  I don't dispute that our relationship with Russia has many 
challenges. On the commercial front, we face weak enforcement and 
protection of intellectual property rights, as well as discriminatory 
standards for U.S. agricultural products. Russia's recent adoption of 
the WTO's rules should address many of these issues, but this bill goes 
farther by requiring the administration to stay focused on Russia by 
making sure that it lives up to its WTO obligations, resolves 
outstanding trade issues with Russia, and improves the rule of law in 
Russia.
  Many of us also have significant concerns with Russia's foreign 
policy. Much as I believe that Russia does not always act responsibly, 
I also believe that this legislation cannot be seen as rewarding 
Russia. Instead, any benefit that is conferred is on U.S. job creators. 
I also fully share the concerns of many of my colleagues on Russia's 
abysmal human rights record, and that's why I support adding the 
Magnitsky legislation to this bill, on the third anniversary of the 
murder of Sergei Magnitsky while imprisoned.
  For all of these reasons, we urgently need to pass this important 
bipartisan legislation. I urge all of my colleagues to support it.
  Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
  Mr. LEVIN. Madam Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
  I want to make a number of points, but first to join with the 
chairman of the committee. We have worked hard on this legislation on a 
bipartisan basis, and also with the Senate.
  I think these are the important points, if I might say so. First of 
all, I urge that we take each trade agreement very much on its own, 
maybe not completely looking at other agreements but assessing the 
merits of each particular agreement. And when you look at this 
agreement on its merits, it's clear, I urge, we should be supportive.
  If you look at the flow of trade that will be enhanced by this 
legislation, it's clear that it will be beneficial to our country. The 
major exports from our country to Russia are machinery, motor vehicles, 
and aircraft. These are products made in America by American companies 
and by American workers. So essentially, this will enhance our ability. 
Russia, in terms of taking this on its own, is already in the WTO, and 
the question is whether we will be able to access their markets.
  The next point: there is also a question of enforcement. Trade 
agreements by themselves will not be enough. There has to be built in 
strong enforcement and a willingness to enforce. And this agreement, 
with the help of colleagues, some of whom will be here to speak today, 
this agreement has strengthened enforcement provisions. Those were 
worked out with the Senate, and I want to thank the Senators for 
working with us. So there is within this agreement not only a guarantee 
of more flow, but also a guarantee that we have access to the 
instrumentalities so that we can hold Russia's feet to the fire, if I 
might say so, in terms of their meeting their obligations.
  The next point is this: we've been working on trade issues for a long 
time. For some of us, trade is more than the flow of goods; it's the 
structure within which the flow occurs and looking at the benefits of 
that flow so that we're sure that the impact is a positive one for our 
businesses and our workers.
  Also, it's important to remember that the rule of law in another 
country is vital, otherwise investment is perilous. The Magnitsky 
legislation was added here in part in recognition that when you talk 
about trade, you have to look at a fuller picture. And I want to 
salute, if I might say so, especially Jim McGovern for his work on this 
issue. And I also want to thank Mr. Camp, our chairman. I also want to 
thank those in the Senate for working with us to make sure that this is 
in this bill, the chair of our Foreign Relations Committee, and also 
especially Mr. Cardin, who once served on our committee and is now in 
the Senate and has made this a dedicated effort on his part.
  This is a bipartisan effort. I hope that it will set the stage for a 
successful effort to deal with trade issues now and beyond on a 
bipartisan basis.
  I reserve the balance of my time.

                              {time}  1000

  Mr. CAMP. I thank the gentleman for his comments. Also, I would yield 
2 minutes to the gentleman from Texas (Mr. Brady), the distinguished 
chairman of the Trade Subcommittee.
  Mr. BRADY of Texas. Madam Speaker, this is a jobs bill, pure and 
simple. It levels the playing field in Russia for American energy, 
agriculture, manufacturing, services, and our growing technology 
industry to be able to compete on a level playing field in that country 
with our competitors: China, Europe, Brazil, and others.
  This bill means more sales to the ninth largest economy in the world 
and more jobs here at home as a result. America gives up nothing in 
this legislation, but it stands to gain much. Creating that leveled 
playing field is important to job creation.
  But this bill also holds Russia accountable to live up to its 
obligations, to play by the same trade rules everyone else in this 
world does as well. That means a chance to protect and the means to 
insist that our intellectual property rights be protected, to insist 
that sound science be used on food safety, to insist, again, that there 
are not artificial barriers either at the front door or the back to 
American products and services being sold in Russia.
  This legislation also creates important new tools to continue to 
pressure Russia to make progress on the important issue of human 
rights. For Texas, our State, this is an important issue because Russia 
is our fastest growing trade partner. We are the number one exporter. 
Our growth and sales grew by almost a third last year alone.
  But it is broader than that. It's important to every State in the 
United States. It's important to our trading relationship. And again, 
the fact that we are able to hold Russia accountable should they 
violate their commitments, we have in law a process to resolve those 
disputes and re-create a level playing field.
  I want to credit and thank Chairman Dave Camp of Michigan for his 
long leadership on trade. This is, by my account, the seventh 
bipartisan trade measure to pass this House, and we hope it will move 
to the President's desk. And I thank Ranking Member Levin for his 
outstanding work on this as well.
  Mr. LEVIN. I now yield 3 minutes to the gentleman from the great 
State of Washington (Mr. McDermott), the ranking member on Trade.
  Mr. McDERMOTT. Madam Speaker, I rise in support of this bill to grant 
permanent normal trade relations to Russia and Moldova.
  Let's begin with Russia. Russia joined the WTO this summer. Congress 
does not have veto power on that. All we can do here is decide whether 
to allow U.S. businesses and workers to see the benefits of Russia's 
WTO obligations.
  Will Russia always honor these obligations on its own initiative? 
Probably not. But Russia's WTO membership means we can at least hold 
them to those obligations, and we must be prepared to enforce those 
obligations. That is a lesson we've learned the hard way over the last 
few years. This bill actually does that. This bill has strong 
antibribery and anticorruption provisions. It has mechanisms to help 
strengthen our intellectual property rights.
  But that's not all. Another critical piece of this bill is the 
Magnitsky Act, placing real sanctions on those individuals who are 
complicit in human rights violations. This is a serious policy upgrade 
and a big win for human rights.
  At the end of the day, Russia's entry into the WTO can be expected to 
create real jobs here in the U.S. by reducing tariffs and other 
barriers to U.S.-made goods and services. The tariffs on information 
technology products are completely eliminated. Russia's aircraft,

[[Page 15363]]

chemical, and pharmaceutical tariffs are heavily reduced. This means 
real job growth around the country in the coming years.
  In many ways, this agreement is one-sided to our benefit. Our tariffs 
are not going down, but Russia's are. Russia is a WTO member regardless 
of what we do today, but with this bill, we can make sure that American 
businesses and workers get the benefits of Russian commitments.
  Finally, this bill gives permanent normal trade relations to Moldova, 
a country that joined the WTO more than a decade ago. The Moldovans 
want closer ties with their friends in the United States and Europe. 
This bill demonstrates that we share that interest with our Moldovan 
partners.
  I urge the passage of this bill unanimously by the Members here. 
Everyone in this country will benefit from it.
  Mr. CAMP. At this time, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from 
California (Mr. Nunes), a distinguished member of the Ways and Means 
Committee.
  Mr. NUNES. Madam Speaker, the 1974 Jackson-Vanik amendment 
effectively pressured the Soviet Union over its appalling human rights 
record. It was an important part of America's decades-long effort to 
contain and ultimately bring down an evil empire.
  Times have changed. The Cold War is over, and the USSR has given way 
to the Russian Federation. Its ruler, Vladimir Putin, presides over an 
authoritarian regime that closely controls the key economic sectors, 
shackles the media, stamps out most dissent, and stage-manages the 
political process. Nevertheless, Putin's Russia is not the Soviet 
Union, and we should update our laws accordingly.
  The Jackson-Vanik amendment addresses problems from a different era. 
By joining the WTO, Russia has undertaken new obligations to adhere to 
the rule of law. As we approve normal trade relations with Russia, we 
must verify that it adheres to its new responsibilities.
  Furthermore, by approving the Magnitsky Act, we will signal that 
corrupt thugs who attack whistleblowers and human rights activists will 
be held to account--in America, if not Russia. That is why, Madam 
Speaker, I urge my colleagues to vote ``yes'' on this bill.
  Mr. LEVIN. I now yield 9 minutes to the gentleman from Maine (Mr. 
Michaud) for a colloquy, a gentleman who has worked so hard on trade 
issues.
  Mr. MICHAUD. I thank the gentleman for yielding.
  Representative DeLauro of Connecticut and I introduced legislation to 
increase the specifics and the strength of U.S. enforcement efforts of 
Russia's WTO membership. As our experience with China has shown, if 
there isn't a robust enforcement mechanism, American jobs will be lost.
  I am pleased that the bill being debated today includes similar 
language to strengthen our enforcement of Russia's WTO membership, but 
I do have lingering concerns that USTR may be reluctant to fully 
implement these provisions, both in letter and in spirit.
  First, I am worried that USTR may not interpret the bill's reporting 
requirements in a way that will make it possible for Members of 
Congress or American businesses to fully understand Russia's WTO 
commitment. The Working Party Report, alone, is hundreds of pages and 
is hard to decipher. In addition, I'm concerned that USTR may not 
include in their report when they decide not to take action against 
Russia, even when they are not in compliance.
  Can you assure me that you will work with me to ensure that Members 
of Congress and our businesses are made aware of all of Russia's WTO 
commitments and whether or not they are in full compliance?
  I yield to the gentleman.
  Mr. LEVIN. I thank the gentleman for yielding.
  I very much agree with my colleague from Maine that it's vital to 
monitor and fully enforce our trade agreements, and I will work with 
USTR to keep you and other Members of Congress informed when Russia has 
not fulfilled its commitment, regardless of whether or not the 
administration has taken formal notice.
  Mr. MICHAUD. I thank the gentleman for his answer.
  My next concern is that USTR's report that Congress may not give 
sufficient attention to Russia's compliance with their manufacturing-
related commitments. I know you and I share a deep commitment to 
American manufacturing. Will my friend work with me to ensure that USTR 
reports to Congress include assessments on their compliance with 
manufacturing-related obligations?
  Mr. LEVIN. As my colleague knows, today's legislation includes 
reporting requirements on all of Russia's commitments they made prior 
to joining the WTO, including the reduction of tariffs and other 
commitments related to manufacturing sectors. I will work with my 
colleague to make certain that USTR's reports include an evaluation of 
Russia's manufacturing-related commitments.

                              {time}  1010

  Mr. MICHAUD. I thank my friend for his response. And I know it will 
come as no surprise that I have approached this legislation and debate 
with skepticism. Since China joined the WTO more than 10 years ago, 
nearly 2 million U.S. jobs have been shipped overseas. Although I have 
advocated for and supported U.S. enforcement efforts at the WTO, these 
actions have not been enough to counter China's persistent trade 
violation, including their currency manipulation. I do not want us to 
repeat this mistake with Russia.
  I think the enforcement provisions in this legislation are a good 
start, but it will take a proactive Congress to make sure our 
businesses benefit from this agreement. Can my friend assure me that he 
will work with me to use all the tools at our disposal, including 
section 301 authority, if needed, to make sure that Russia lives up to 
the WTO commitment?
  Mr. LEVIN. I very much agree with you that we must enforce our 
trading partners' commitments so that our American workers can compete 
on a level playing field, and I really believe that Mr. Camp, our 
chairman, and others concur in that. I, too, have been concerned about 
the effect China's trade relations have had on the U.S. economy.
  I will work with you to monitor Russia's compliance and to ensure 
that U.S. manufacturers get the full benefits of Russia's WTO 
membership, and I can assure you we will continue to work together to 
address China's violations as well. This administration has been active 
in that regard.
  As for section 301, I wish to note that I and the ranking member on 
our Trade Subcommittee, Mr. McDermott, exchanged letters with the U.S. 
trade rep in July, confirming our rights to request action under 
section 301. Under section 301, USTR is required to respond to our 
requests within a fixed timeline. That exchange of letters has already 
been incorporated into the legislative history of the bill before us 
today.
  Mr. MICHAUD. I appreciate the gentleman's comment, and I look forward 
to working with him on these issues. You and I have worked closely 
together on trade enforcement over the past few years, and I sincerely 
hope this effort between our offices will further strengthen our 
dialogue and collaboration on trade policy going forward. It will be 
even more important that we work together to make sure that TPP is a 
good deal for American workers and that its implementation legislation 
as well, should it ever reach the floor, include strict enforcement 
measures.
  This legislation represents an unprecedented step towards improving 
enforcement of our trade agreements. I want to thank you for working 
with us to improve this legislation and for agreeing to work with me on 
my outstanding concerns that we currently have. As a result of these 
improvements and the strong human rights language in the bill, I'll be 
supporting this legislation when the House votes on it today. And I 
want to thank the gentleman from Michigan very much for his efforts in 
that regard.

[[Page 15364]]


  Mr. LEVIN. I want to thank you, Mr. Michaud, for your arduous 
efforts.
  I reserve the balance of my time.
  Mr. CAMP. I yield 2 minutes to a distinguished member of the Ways and 
Means Committee, the gentleman from California (Mr. Herger).
  Mr. HERGER. Thank you, Chairman Camp.
  Madam Speaker, the bill before us is about economic growth and job 
creation. It's about expanding U.S. exports to the ninth largest 
economy in the world. It's about making sure U.S. businesses receive 
the same treatment in Russia as their competitors in Europe. It's about 
ensuring we have the tools to hold an unreliable trading partner 
accountable.
  This legislation is not a handout or gift to Russia. Maintaining 
Jackson-Vanik does not give us any leverage, as Russia is already a WTO 
member. A vote against this bill is a vote against U.S. employers. It's 
a vote against small businesses. It's a vote against farmers and a vote 
against ranchers.
  I urge my colleagues to support legislation to give Americans fair 
access to an important market.
  Mr. LEVIN. I yield 2 minutes to another Member who's been so active 
on trade policy, the gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. Neal).
  Mr. NEAL. Thank you, Mr. Levin.
  Madam Speaker, after more than 18 years of negotiations, Russia 
joined the World Trade Organization this past August. WTO membership 
will require Russia, for the first time, to play by the same rules of 
trade as the United States and virtually every other nation in the 
world. This is a significant development, and it's critical that 
Congress approve permanent normal trade relations with Russia so that 
U.S. companies can benefit from these reforms.
  Russian PNTR also is a jobs bill. The President's Export Council 
estimates that U.S. exports of goods and services to Russia would 
double or triple once Russia joins WTO. Greater exports mean more jobs, 
and that's exactly what our economy needs right now. A reminder: Last 
year, the fastest growing part of the American economy was exports, 
which grew by almost 6 percent.
  Let me conclude by expressing my support for important provisions in 
the PNTR legislation that address the Russian Government's 
expropriation of the large oil company, Yukos.
  When Russian authorities dissolved Yukos and took over its assets, 
Yukos investors, including 20,000 individual American investors, many 
from my home State of Massachusetts, received nothing. I'm pleased that 
PNTR legislation requires USTR and the State Department to provide an 
annual report to Congress on the steps they are taking to advocate for 
American investors in Yukos. This reporting requirement is critical 
because Russia must be pressed to make good on the money it owes 
American investors.
  Madam Speaker, I actually, for a long period of time, had a bracelet 
that I wore and kept in my office--and still have--based upon one of 
the issues at the time that led to Jackson-Vanik, and it was the 
ability and right of Soviet Jewry to emigrate from Russia if they so 
desire, and we are addressing that issue today. It was one of the human 
rights champions that we're witnessing today that allowed this to 
happen. And I think that you can see how far diplomacy can extend when 
it's beneficial to the United States, but also on the issue of 
emigration at that particular time. It was America and the American 
dimension that helped to transform that particular moment.
  Mr. CAMP. Madam Speaker, how much time remains?
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. The gentleman from Michigan (Mr. Camp) has 
22 minutes remaining, and the gentleman from Michigan (Mr. Levin) has 
14\1/2\ minutes remaining.
  Mr. CAMP. Thank you.
  I yield 2 minutes to a distinguished member of the Ways and Means 
Committee, the gentleman from Washington State (Mr. Reichert).
  Mr. REICHERT. I thank the gentleman for yielding.
  Madam Speaker, I'm speaking in favor of granting Russia and Moldova 
permanent normal trade relations. I would like to emphasize this will 
hold only benefits, as was said, for the United States. There is no 
down side for us in this agreement, unless we fail to act.
  Now the time has come for us to come together and pass this 
legislation. As the sponsor of the Moldova PNTR, I'm pleased that the 
long overdue graduation of Moldova from the Jackson-Vanik amendment is 
included in this bill. Jim McDermott and I have worked hard on the 
Moldovan agreement and are very proud and pleased to see that it's 
included in this bill.
  Passing this bill will increase America's exports of goods and 
services substantially and will serve as a no-cost job creator. 
Currently, exports to Russia support over 1,400 jobs in my home State. 
In fact, in 1 year, exports from Washington State to Russia grew by 80 
percent. If, however, we fail to act, U.S. companies, farmers, and 
workers will not receive the benefits of the Russian membership, nor 
will the United States Government have authority to hold Russia 
accountable to its WTO commitments.
  So, Madam Speaker, it's my sincere hope that we can pass this 
legislation and grant Russia and Moldova permanent normal trade 
relations.
  Mr. LEVIN. It is now my pleasure to yield 2 minutes to a gentleman 
who has served so long with distinction on our committee, the gentleman 
from New York (Mr. Rangel).
  Mr. RANGEL. I rise on the floor because there have been so many 
people in my constituency that are wondering about why did I vote in 
support of China going into the WTO, and at the same time we all are 
complaining about our failure to abide by the rules.

                              {time}  1020

  I want to make it abundantly clear that we're in the same situation. 
Sandy and I, it was a profile in courage almost to support China, and 
we have consistently supported our position as most people are 
supporting the committee's position and the Congress' position as 
relates to allowing Russia to assume the responsibilities of joining 
the WTO. While we have no guarantees that she will abide by the rules, 
at least we do have that she recognizes that there are international 
rules.
  For those people that are just monitoring the behavior of the 
People's Republic of China, we have to realize that in order to get 
people to cooperate and to find some discipline in international trade, 
they have to join. This goes a long way in making certain not only that 
we create the jobs and improve commercial trade with Russia, but also 
it encourages the administration now to see what works for the great 
United States, what really works to improve the quality of trade 
between all nations, and it gives us another tool to work with.
  So I want to thank Sandy and the chairman of the committee for 
working together as closely as they have, and Mr. McDermott. And I do 
hope that we will be able to join these countries to say that even in 
America it's possible to work even with Communists and not sell out our 
principles of the great qualities of democracy that are prevalent with 
most people.
  Mr. CAMP. At this time I yield 2 minutes to a distinguished member of 
the Ways and Means Committee, the gentleman from Minnesota (Mr. 
Paulsen).
  Mr. PAULSEN. I thank the gentleman for yielding.
  I'd like to speak in favor of this legislation but also just talk a 
little bit about why this bill is so important to my home State in 
Minnesota.
  Minnesota's economy has a stake in extending permanent normal trade 
relations with Russia. Last year, Minnesota exported about $71 million 
worth of goods to Russia, directly supporting hundreds of jobs for 
Minnesotans. Now, with the world's ninth-largest economy and a growing 
middle class, the Russian marketplace holds great future potential for 
increased exports and more Minnesota jobs.
  This August, Russia gained membership to the WTO, giving member 
economies around the globe increased access to nearly 142 million 
potential customers. But our failure to pass permanent normal trade 
relations with Russia means American job creators,

[[Page 15365]]

American employers can't take advantage of these new opportunities. 
There are large Minnesota job creators like Cargill, 3M, T&M Marine, 
TSC Container Freight, and Massman Automation that have all expressed 
their interest and how important it is that PNTR be extended for 
increased competition and job growth.
  One great example of an industry that will benefit from extending 
PNTR to Russia is our Nation's medical device innovators. We understand 
the immense size of the Russian population, but only 20 percent of 
Russians currently have access to quality health care, and nearly two-
thirds of Russia's medical equipment is becoming obsolete. There is an 
incredible opportunity, Madam Speaker, for U.S. medical technology. And 
now with its accession to the WTO, Russia has agreed to substantial 
tariff reductions for imported medical equipment, again, creating a 
great opportunity for American medical device innovators to increase 
exports, grow their businesses, and create many new jobs. But unless we 
pass this legislation, unless we move forward, our competitors will 
continue to have a distinct and unnecessary advantage.
  We need to pass PNTR with Russia not only for countless Minnesota 
businesses trying to compete and win in today's marketplace, but also, 
more importantly, for 60,000 Minnesota jobs that are tied to a robust 
trade agenda.
  Mr. LEVIN. Madam Speaker, I now yield 1\1/2\ minutes to another 
member of our committee from the great State of Oregon (Mr. 
Blumenauer), who is so active on trade issues.
  Mr. BLUMENAUER. I appreciate the gentleman's courtesy.
  You have heard and you will continue to hear how important it is to 
pass this legislation to level the playing field for the United States 
and our businesses that seek to do business with Russia, one of the 10 
largest economies in the world. This provides us an additional tool to 
make sure that our friends in Russia play by the rules.
  Now, while one of the Presidential candidates talked about Russia 
being the greatest geopolitical threat to the United States, I think 
it's clear that times have in fact changed. The relationship between 
the United States and the former Soviet Union has been dramatically 
altered. Russia is an opportunity for us--it's a challenge. We have 
differences of opinion. There are issues that we, frankly, need their 
cooperation. There are others that we're pushing back a little bit. But 
it is far better to be engaged in economic competition and cooperation 
to help build those bridges.
  Speaking of bridges, I think it's encouraging to watch the debate on 
this floor today. It's been my pleasure to be involved with a variety 
of them over the years, but this is one where there is commonality, 
where there's consensus, where we're working together to move forward. 
I hope this forms a pattern by which we will be able to have future 
success in critical, thoughtful trade policy crafting in the future. 
The American economy needs it.
  Mr. CAMP. At this time I yield 2 minutes to a distinguished member of 
the Ways and Means Committee, the gentleman from Illinois (Mr. Roskam).
  Mr. ROSKAM. I thank the chairman.
  Madam Speaker, a couple months ago I pick up the phone and I'm 
talking to one of your constituent companies in Naperville, Illinois. 
It's a company that you've represented well for the past 14 years. I 
was talking to the manufacturer, talking about Russian PNTR, and I 
posed a simple question: How much business are you doing now, and what 
kind of business would you be able to do in Russia if we normalize the 
trade relationships? Without batting an eye he said, currently, 
Congressman, we do $15 million worth of exports into Russia. If 
Congress changes this and we regularize this status, that number 
overnight would jump to $30 million.
  Now, the State of Illinois currently is one of the largest States as 
it relates to exports to Russia--$70 million worth of business, Madam 
Speaker, coming out of our home State. So we've got a chance today to 
do something great, and to do something great is to allow worldwide 
American companies to get a sure footing in a growing marketplace 
that's only going to get bigger, and to do it in a thoughtful way.
  This helps to meet President Obama's goal of doubling exports in 5 
years--this is inextricably linked to that goal--and this is an 
opportunity for us to create jobs where we want to create them, that 
is, here at home, exporting into markets abroad.
  Mr. LEVIN. I now yield 1\1/2\ minutes to another active member of our 
committee on trade and every issue that comes before us, the gentleman 
from Wisconsin (Mr. Kind).
  Mr. KIND. I thank the gentleman for yielding me this time.
  I want to first commend the chairman and the ranking member of the 
Ways and Means Committee, Mr. Camp and Mr. Levin, for the work they did 
in getting this legislation to the floor.
  I rise in strong support of extending permanent normal trade 
relations with Russia and Moldova. I also want to commend the chair and 
the ranking member of the subcommittee, Mr. Brady and Mr. McDermott, 
for the work that they've done, as well as a gentleman who's not on the 
floor today--we're going to miss his leadership, he's retiring at the 
end of this session--Mr. Dreier from California. He's been a great 
leader on trade policy. He's been a great colleague. We will miss that 
leadership, and I commend him for his one last lift that he made into 
making this legislation possible.
  In a lot of ways I wish we had passed this before the August recess 
because every day we delay right now we are losing market share in a 
large and expanding marketplace in Russia. Our goods, our services, our 
products, the Made in America goods that we should be exporting right 
now, we're not until we're able to pass this bill. Russia has already 
agreed to lower their trade barriers and other nontariff barriers for 
the entry of our goods.
  Just as one example, Great Britain alone over the last couple of 
years has expanded their exports into the Russian market by over 80 
percent. But this legislation will also allow us to enforce rules and 
have dispute resolution mechanisms that are available through the World 
Trade Organization, higher rules that Russia now has to comply with.
  As another example from my home State of Wisconsin, Russia has, since 
2010, shut out all dairy exports that we could make from our country 
into Russia due to phytosanitary concerns that we view as highly 
suspect and highly questionable. Now we'll have a mechanism in order to 
resolve that dispute through the WTO.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. The time of the gentleman has expired.
  Mr. LEVIN. I yield the gentleman an additional 30 seconds.
  Mr. KIND. Something that is not available to us until we're able to 
move this legislation here today.
  Now, as was pointed out earlier, Governor Romney indicated that 
Russia, in his view, is America's greatest geostrategic adversary in 
the 21st century.

                              {time}  1030

  I don't know if that's true or not, but I do know that when goods and 
products cross borders, armies don't. This gives us another tool of 
diplomatic engagement with Russia, economic engagement with Russia, as 
well as another piece to what we need to do to get our economy fully 
functioning and creating the good-paying jobs that we need right here 
in America at this time.
  So I encourage my colleagues to support this. Hopefully, we will have 
a wide bipartisan vote, and I thank the leadership on this issue.
  Mr. CAMP. Madam Speaker, at this time I yield 2 minutes to the 
distinguished gentleman from New York (Mr. Grimm).
  Mr. GRIMM. Madam Speaker, I rise today to speak on H.R. 6156, Russia 
and Moldova Jackson-Vanik Repeal Act of 2012. And I'm very, very proud 
to join my friend and colleague, Congressman Greg Meeks, and stand with 
him in strong support of this legislation. I look forward to serving 
with him as the cochair of the Congressional Russia Caucus in the 113th 
Congress.

[[Page 15366]]

  Madam Speaker, Russia, as we've heard, is one of the largest 
economies in the world, and passing permanent normal trade relations 
with Russia is a move that would greatly benefit the United States.
  The World Bank has estimated that more than half of Russia's 140 
million-plus people are middle class consumers. This legislation 
creates great opportunities for Americans and New York companies. It 
creates jobs for small businesses in Staten Island and Brooklyn. It 
increases maritime jobs at the Port of New York and creates more jobs 
in the manufacturing and services sector in New York City.
  New York and Russia have a special relationship. Last year, New York 
exported $497 million worth of goods to Russia, which directly 
supported an estimated 1,400 jobs. Additionally, New York City is home 
to one of the largest Russian communities in the United States and 
that, I'm very proud to say, I represent.
  So I urge my colleagues to vote in favor of American jobs and vote 
``aye'' on H.R. 6156.
  Mr. LEVIN. Madam Speaker, could you verify how much time there is on 
both sides.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. The gentleman from Michigan (Mr. Levin) has 
9 minutes, and the gentleman from Michigan (Mr. Camp) has 15\1/2\ 
minutes.
  Mr. LEVIN. Mr. Chairman, I think I'll proceed.
  It's now my pleasure to yield 1\1/2\ minutes to the gentleman from 
New Jersey (Mr. Pascrell), another vigorous member of our committee on 
all issues. We wish your State the best, by the way.
  Mr. PASCRELL. Mr. Camp, Mr. Levin, great job in putting this 
together. I didn't drink the Kool-Aid when I came to Ways and Means on 
trade, I can tell you that; but I think that this is a major effort on 
both sides of reconciliation and putting together a good trade deal, so 
I want to congratulate both of you sincerely.
  I want to congratulate Mr. Michaud for seeking the inclusion of tough 
enforcement provisions. You can have all the trade deals in the world; 
but if you do not have tough enforcement, then they mean very, very, 
very little.
  I'm very concerned about the imbalance in trade with Russia, which is 
trying to be our partner here. I mean, imports in 2011 were $34.5 
billion, and exports were only $8.3 billion. I hope we reverse that, or 
we can change that dramatically, with so many items being reduced in 
terms of what the rates will be.
  In New Jersey, it's very important for us. We export auto parts and 
medical equipment to Russia, for example; and by them joining the WTO, 
Russian tariffs will be lowered for our exports, and that helps our 
workers get to work.
  This has always been the major issue in any trade deal: Does it hurt 
our jobs or does it help our jobs? And I'm convinced that this 
legislation will be of great help to get our trade imbalance down to 
where we want it to be.
  But, Mr. Chairman and Sandy, I'm very concerned about using trade as 
leverage. The Russians have stuck their finger in our eye on the 
subject of Syria, and I'd like to use trade as leverage.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. The time of the gentleman has expired.
  Mr. LEVIN. I yield the gentleman an additional 10 seconds.
  Mr. PASCRELL. I want to make sure that Russia does toe the line. This 
is very serious business. So if we can't get them to move on Syria, the 
situation only gets worse. Maybe it's hopeful that we have a coalition 
which was formed just a few days ago. So I hope that we will use trade 
as leverage not only in Russia.
  Mr. CAMP. Madam Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the distinguished 
gentleman from Pennsylvania (Mr. Kelly).
  Mr. KELLY. Madam Speaker, I rise in strong support. Listen, this is 
what the country expects us to do; and today, you don't have to have on 
a red shirt or blue shirt. These are red, white, and blue jobs that 
we're talking about. And we're talking about our opportunity now to 
compete, and not just compete and not just participate, to actually 
dominate the world market.
  I want to just read from a note from a friend of mine, Rick McNeel, 
who's the president and the chief executive officer of Lord 
Corporation. He says that outside our borders are markets that 
represent 80 percent of the world's purchasing power, 92 percent of the 
economic growth, and 95 percent of its consumers. One in three American 
manufacturing jobs depends on this.
  In Lord Corporation alone, they increased their sales from $67 
million in 2001 to $158 million in 2011.
  Listen, this makes sense for America. This makes sense for the world. 
And when it talks about us not just participating, but dominating the 
world market, my goodness, does this give us a voice at the table when 
it comes to the discussion of human rights and personal liberty. We can 
be the strongest voice in the world, and we need to be that strongest 
voice in the world. There is no other place to look to now for 
leadership other than the United States. We can do that.
  And by passing this today, we send a strong message not only to the 
world, but to our country, that we have joined hands, we are joining 
arm-in-arm, and we are going to dominate in the world markets and 
regain our position as the leader when it comes to human rights and 
personal freedoms and liberty.
  I thank the gentleman, and I'd urge all our colleagues on both sides 
to pass this bill today.
  Mr. LEVIN. I yield 3 minutes to the distinguished gentleman from 
Oregon (Mr. DeFazio), with his passion on all issues.
  Mr. DeFAZIO. I thank my friend, the gentleman, for the time.
  We could, today on the floor, just replay the debate from 11 years 
ago in the lame-duck session about China. It's about exporting U.S. 
goods to China. Just get them in the WTO, give them permanent normal 
trade relations, and they'll follow the rules. Well, when we adopted 
that, our trade deficit with China was $84 billion. Today it's $295 
billion.
  The issue isn't the tariffs the Russians have. The issue wasn't the 
tariffs that the Chinese had. It's all of their manipulation and 
nontariff barriers that go into these nonmarket economies. How is it 
going to be any difference with Russia?
  The debate is disconnected from the reality. We're concerned about 
Syria, so let's reward them with permanent normal trade relations. You 
can't go to the WTO and complain about the Russians supporting a thug 
who's killing his people in Syria. That's not something you can use the 
WTO for.
  We are giving up the tools we have to try and push Russia on economic 
issues; and we're binding ourselves to this international body, which 
has a secret dispute resolution process with unelected bureaucrats who 
have no conflict-of-interest rules. Now, that's a powerful tool we're 
going to use against those Russians. It worked real well against the 
Chinese. It doesn't work against the way the Chinese are manipulating 
their markets to keep out our goods, to steal our international 
property, and all the host of other unfair trade practices there that 
the Russians can just duplicate very easily. The WTO is not the 
solution to these issues.
  We have more power today with a bilateral agreement. We have more 
power today with the capability of depriving them of a normal trade 
relation status with the United States. If we want to use our clout, we 
should vote this bill down.
  And it's not just about Syria and human rights and a host of other 
abuses in Russia. It's about American jobs. Today, the biggest export 
under the WTO for the last 15 years has been American jobs. How is that 
going to change by binding us, one more time, to the WTO with one more 
nonmarket, essentially dictatorial economy with a corrupt regime 
running the country?

                              {time}  1040

  How is that going to work any differently than it has worked with 
China? It won't. This is a recipe for more job loss. It's not about 
saying, Oh, the terrorists will go away, and they're just going to 
start buying all our goods. No, it's not going to happen.

[[Page 15367]]

All the same abuses that we have seen in China will be replicated by 
the regime in Russia, and it will become, yet again, another large 
addition to the deficit side of our ledger on trade. I urge Members to 
oppose this.
  Mr. CAMP. I yield 2 minutes to a distinguished gentleman from 
Missouri (Mr. Long).
  Mr. LONG. Madam Speaker, we are trading with Russia right now. This 
doesn't hurt Russia. This is to prevent hurting us. This is to help our 
manufacturers and our farmers. If you took manufacturing and farming 
out of the United States of America, you wouldn't have a whole lot 
left; and since Russia is in the World Trade Organization, we need to 
move past that. I support permanent normal trade relations with Russia 
because permanent normal trade relations is a great opportunity to 
create new jobs here in America.
  American workers produce some of the highest-quality manufactured and 
agricultural goods in the entire world. PNTR will allow our workers to 
compete on a level playing field--and that's what I'm after--in a new 
market, and it will give people who are out of work new opportunities 
to get back on the job. Americans work hard, and they can compete with 
any nation in the world if given the chance; but there has got to be a 
fair playing field. PNTR will provide that chance for those to compete 
fairly in the Russian market. We shouldn't be hamstringing our Nation's 
workers over a technicality stemming from the Cold War.
  Americans are suffering right now. They want jobs right now so that 
they can pay their mortgages and send their children to college and 
plan for retirement. Expanding opportunities for Americans to sell 
products in foreign markets is one of the best ways that we can help 
relieve Americans from the economic hardships that they are now facing.
  Good jobs for Americans right here in America is not impossible to 
accomplish. We can make America the best place in the world to do 
business if we will remove unnecessary bureaucratic burdens off the 
backs of American workers. Passing PNTR will be a very good first step.
  Mr. LEVIN. It is now my pleasure to yield 1 minute to the gentleman 
from Virginia who is deeply involved in trade issues, Mr. Moran.
  Mr. MORAN. I thank my friend from Michigan. I thank him for his very 
genuine concern over the jobs and labor rights for American workers and 
for his support of this legislation.
  Madam Speaker, today, countries all over the world are enjoying 
preferential treatment versus the United States with Russia. They have 
better intellect property protections; they have lower tariff barriers; 
they have other open-market concessions. And many of them are our 
allies, but all of them are our competitors.
  Now, clearly, parts of Russia's economy is little better than a 
kleptocracy--with serious violations of human and political rights. Yet 
the Jackson-Vanik bill is in place today. This would repeal it, which 
needs to be done, and it would impose the Magnitsky bill, which would 
support human rights and political rights in Russia. I should share 
with my colleagues that Charlie Vanik, after he retired, became a 
constituent of mine. He wrote a letter to me, saying that the time for 
the Jackson-Vanik bill has passed and that, in fact, in many areas it's 
counterproductive.
  We are doing the right thing--the right thing for America's workers 
and the right thing for America's economy in supporting this 
legislation today.
  Mr. CAMP. I yield 2 minutes to a distinguished member of the Ways and 
Means Committee, the gentleman from New York (Mr. Reed).
  Mr. REED. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, for yielding time to me today.
  I rise, Madam Speaker, in support of the proposed legislation to 
repeal Jackson-Vanik.
  To me, what this represents is an opportunity for American 
manufacturers and American farmers to have access to the Russian market 
so that we can go about the number one priority of this Congress and 
the next Congress--getting people back to work. This represents an 
opportunity to potentially increase U.S. exports by doubling or even 
tripling those export levels over the next 5 years with PNTR status in 
place for Russia.
  I strongly support the proposed legislation, and I take a point of 
disagreement with my good friend from Oregon, who was referencing his 
comments in opposition to the proposed legislation.
  The fact is that Russia is now part of the WTO. They are a member 
after 18 years of negotiation, some of the negotiations being led by 
the United States in the most aggressive manner to hold them 
accountable to the rules of the WTO. By not supporting this 
legislation, we are handcuffing American manufacturers and farmers by 
not allowing them to take advantage of this opportunity that is there.
  So I urge all of my colleagues to support the proposed legislation, 
and I urge our moving forward with expanding job opportunities for 
generations of Americans to come.
  Mr. LEVIN. It is now my pleasure to yield 1 minute to the gentleman 
from Tennessee (Mr. Cohen).
  Mr. COHEN. I rise in strong support of this legislation because it 
will mean jobs in Memphis and will make Russia, which is potentially 
our most important bilateral relationship, a stronger one. I also rise 
as a cosponsor of the Magnitsky Rule of Law Accountability Act. We must 
hold Magnitsky's killers accountable as well as others who have been 
responsible for human rights abuses in Russia.
  I am particularly concerned about the case of an all-women's punk 
rock band that staged an unauthorized concert in a church to protest 
President Putin. They were arrested and charged with hooliganism, 
motivated by religious hatred. They were sentenced subject to a trial 
that was little more than a farce. They were not allowed to testify and 
weren't allowed testimony by witnesses on their side. They were 
sentenced to a 2-year prison sentence in a penal colony far away from 
their families and far away from Moscow.
  I recently met with their legal team and with the husband of one of 
their members, and I found their story troubling as they are the latest 
victims of the Russian Government's brutal crackdown on dissent. Those 
responsible for this miscarriage of justice should be held accountable, 
which is why this bill is important. The band was prevented from 
exercising First Amendment rights and also from having a fair trial.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. The time of the gentleman has expired.
  Mr. LEVIN. I yield the gentleman an additional 15 seconds.
  Mr. COHEN. These are exactly the sorts of victims contemplated in 
this legislation. I hope the State Department will give strong 
consideration to their case when compiling the list called for in this 
legislation. Russia should be a partner and friend, but we cannot stand 
by while they continue to violate the rights of their people with these 
abuses.
  I thank Mr. Levin, and I also want to thank the head of the Foreign 
Affairs Committee, Mr. Berman--a great Congressman. I urge my 
colleagues to support this legislation.
  Mr. CAMP. I reserve the balance of my time.
  Mr. LEVIN. It is now my pleasure to yield 1 minute to a gentleman who 
has just been sworn in, a colleague of ours from Michigan (Mr. Curson).
  This is your maiden speech, and it is my special pleasure to yield to 
you.
  Mr. CURSON of Michigan. Today, I will vote in favor of H.R. 6156 and 
to change Russia's trading status from conditional to permanent normal 
trade relations. By doing so, we will ensure that American businesses, 
workers, and farmers will receive the same competitive access to 
Russia's markets that all other countries receive in the WTO. It is my 
hope that H.R. 6156 will provide growth opportunities for American 
businesses and will create jobs for our workers here at home. However, 
while expanding trade with Russia, we must not lose sight of our 
American values and our commitment to human rights.
  H.R. 6156 has been updated and significantly improved by the adoption 
of

[[Page 15368]]

the Sergei Magnitsky Rule of Law Accountability Act of 2012. Sergei 
Magnitsky was a 37-year-old Russian lawyer and father of two, who was 
tortured to death after he exposed an elaborate tax fraud scheme--the 
largest in Russian history--that defrauded the Russian people of $230 
million. November 16 will be the third anniversary of Sergei's death; 
and, to date, no one has been punished for this crime.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. The time of the gentleman has expired.
  Mr. LEVIN. I yield the gentleman an additional 30 seconds.
  Mr. CURSON of Michigan. The act will finally hold those responsible 
for the embezzlement and Sergei's death accountable by denying them 
entry into the United States and by freezing their assets. The bill 
would also hold accountable anyone believed to be responsible for 
killing, torturing, or committing other human rights violations against 
anyone seeking to expose corruption or to expand human rights and 
freedoms.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. The time of the gentleman has again expired.
  Mr. LEVIN. I yield the gentleman an additional 15 seconds.
  Mr. CURSON of Michigan. The act requires the executive branch to 
publish a list of people who are to be punished under its sanctions, 
and it gives key Members of Congress the ability to request that the 
names of other human rights violators be added to the list. Diligent 
enforcement of the provisions of this act is critical for its success, 
however, and the State Department must do what is right and hold human 
rights violators accountable. H.R. 6156 is a powerful statement of 
support for freedom and democracy. It is a good bill for Americans and 
Russians alike.

                              {time}  1050

  The SPEAKER pro tempore. The gentleman from Michigan (Mr. Camp) has 
10\1/2\ minutes remaining, and the gentleman from Michigan (Mr. Levin) 
has 15 seconds.
  Mr. CAMP. At this time, I have no further speakers, and I am prepared 
to close.
  Mr. LEVIN. I would ask Mr. Camp if you would yield me an additional 
1\1/2\ minutes.
  Mr. CAMP. Yes, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from Michigan.
  Mr. LEVIN. Madam Speaker, I yield myself the balance of my time.
  I wanted Mr. Curson to finish his statement because of his roots in 
the labor movement and beyond. We're proud to have you here, and we 
welcome your statement.
  As I close, I want to congratulate everybody who worked on this to 
try to strengthen it. I also want to say just a word about Jackson-
Vanik because this terminates that provision that was a part of the 
trade bill.
  I want to salute everybody over the years who worked to implement 
what Senator Jackson and Congressman Vanik undertook. Many of us, my 
late wife and myself, and so many others went to Russia to try to make 
real that amendment. It showed that trade is more than the flow of 
goods. We have to look at the structure within which trade operates.
  So I close again by attributing so much to people who worked so hard 
to try to make sure that those who wanted to leave Russia, the Jewish 
community and beyond, had a chance to live elsewhere and to pursue 
their lives with dignity.
  This is an important moment.
  I yield back the balance of my time.
  Mr. CAMP. I yield myself the balance of my time.
  I too want to thank Mr. Levin for his work on this legislation and 
for his long-time work on Jackson-Vanik. Those were very different 
times. His leadership there, I think, has paved the way for the effort 
that we're going to see today--I think a very large bipartisan vote. I 
appreciate the bipartisanship on this bill.
  I also want to thank the gentleman from California (Mr. Dreier), who 
will be retiring at the end of this Congress, who is the chairman of 
the Rules Committee, who has been a leader on trade, trade issues, and 
has really been a mentor to me on these issues since I came to 
Congress. His leadership will be missed both in the Rules Committee and 
his intelligent contribution to debate on the floor, as well as his 
leadership on trade issues.
  This truly is, as Mr. Levin said earlier, a bipartisan effort, and 
many brought it forward: Mr. McGovern, Ms. Ros-Lehtinen, Mr. Cardin, a 
former member of the Ways and Means Committee now in the Senate. This 
is the seventh bipartisan trade bill we've had this Congress. Also, not 
to be forgotten, this moves Moldovan PNTR. Moldova joined the WTO 11 
years ago. Finally, we're seeing a resolution and some movement there.
  As others have said, Russia is and will be a member of the WTO, 
regardless of whether or not the United States grants Russia PNTR. The 
commercial benefits, the jobs that will be created here in the United 
States because of Russia's accession, are significant if we do grant 
PNTR. As a WTO member, Russia will be subject to rules and regulations 
that the WTO creates that they're not subject to now. They must comply 
with all of their rules and regulations. It helps level the playing 
field for our workers, our employers, our exporters, and particularly 
in the areas of discriminatory practices, intellectual property rights, 
more transparency, implementing uniform rules and customs, all the 
things that are needed to have a viable economic--a dynamic and equal 
relationship are important there.
  Also, it's important to note that our employers, workers, farmers, 
ranchers, and employees will not get any benefits of having Russia into 
the WTO unless we grant this.
  This is an important step. It will bring us big gains. As has been 
said, this establishes tools that will help us ensure Russia's 
enforcement. And I think particularly also in the area of human rights, 
it's important that the Magnitsky legislation is a part of this 
legislation.
  I urge support for this bill, and I yield back the balance of my 
time.
  Mr. VAN HOLLEN. Madam Speaker, I rise in support of H.R. 6156, which 
would extend to the Russian Federation and the Republic of Moldova 
permanent normal trade relations (PNTR). While Russia completed its 
ascension to the World Trade Organization (WTO) earlier this year, U.S. 
businesses are currently at a competitive disadvantage to world 
competitors and we cannot utilize WTO dispute mechanisms because of a 
Cold War-era law that has outlived its purpose. The Jackson-Vanik 
amendment rightly restricted trade relations with the former Soviet 
Union until it allowed Jews to emigrate freely--and it accomplished 
that objective.
  Now, it is important that we extend PNTR to Russia to allow our 
businesses to compete in the Russian market and to make use of WTO 
mechanisms that will force Russia to play by the rules. There are 
enormous opportunities for American exporters in the Russian market, 
especially for manufacturers of machinery, aircraft, and computer and 
electronic parts.
  While this bill is not perfect, it sets strong enforcement procedures 
by requiring the U.S. Trade Representative (USTR) to report annually to 
Congress on Russia's implementation of its WTO obligations (including 
food safety issues, intellectual property protections, and 
implementation of the WTO Information Technology Agreement and 
Agreement on Government Procurement). This legislation also requires 
the USTR and State Department to report on Russia's promotion of the 
rule of law, which must improve to provide certainty to investors, curb 
bribery and corruption, and most importantly improve human rights.
  That is why I am pleased that this legislation also includes 
provisions from the Sergei Magnitsky Rule of Law Accountability Act, 
which hold accountable those responsible for the detention and death of 
Russian activist Sergei Magnitsky. This sends a message to Russia that 
ascension to the WTO comes with responsibilities, including compliance 
with international trade agreements, enforcement of the rule of law, 
and protection of human rights--especially those of political 
dissenters.
  Again, this bill is not perfect and could have included stronger 
enforcement provisions to ensure the protection of labor groups in 
Russia. Unfortunately, it was considered under a closed rule and no 
amendments were permitted. It is essential, however, that we extend 
PNTR to allow our businesses to compete and WTO enforcement mechanisms 
to function.
  I urge my colleagues to support this legislation.
  Mr. PAUL. Madam Speaker, I rise to strongly oppose this legislation. 
Unfortunately, Congress has ruined an opportunity to overturn an

[[Page 15369]]

anachronistic impediment to free trade with Russia by attaching to it 
an interventionist and provocative ``human rights'' bill that will 
worsen U.S./Russia relations.
  With Russia's recent accession to the WTO Congress is obligated to 
repeal the ``Jackson-Vanik Amendment,'' a1974-era piece of legislation 
that sought to condition normal trade relations with the Soviet Union 
(which no longer exists) upon liberalization of emigration rules for 
Soviet Jews. WTO members are obliged to eliminate trade barriers with 
other members. So the repeal and extension of normal trade relations 
simply should have been a formality. Unfortunately Congress instead 
took this as an opportunity to meddle in the internal affairs of 
Russia, which will worsen U.S./Russia relations and have a negative 
economic impact on the United States.
  By attaching the so-called ``Magnitsky'' bill to the Jackson-Vanik 
repeal, Congress will direct the State Department to draw up a list of 
Russians it believes are responsible for human rights abuses. These 
people will be denied entry into the United States and have their 
assets seized by the U.S. government. The implications of this reckless 
move are stunning.
  What is even more dangerous is that the bill directs the U.S. 
government to also consider ``evidence'' provided by international non-
governmental organizations when it determines who should be sanctioned 
by the U.S. government. Non-governmental organizations are not legal 
tribunals, and in fact many are politically-motivated pressure groups. 
Many are funded by governments or political parties and in exchange do 
their bidding. This ironically reminds one of the ``people's 
tribunals'' set up under the Soviet system, where evidence was 
considered irrelevant.
  These sanctions in this bill against individuals are the economic 
equivalent of President Obama's ``kill list.'' Individuals will be 
placed on this list under dubious and ill-defined criteria, without due 
process or sound evidentiary requirements.
  If this bill becomes law, we should expect a response from Russia and 
perhaps other of our trading partners--particularly as many of our 
colleagues have suggested that the Magnitsky bill should serve as a 
model for our relations with the rest of the world. We might imagine 
the Russians or the Chinese passing similar legislation, banning 
Americans from entry and seizing the assets of Americans allegedly 
involved in ``human rights violations.'' What if they considered the 
U.S. bombing of Libya, which resulted in the death of thousands of 
civilians from NATO bombs, such a violation?
  If Congress really is concerned about the human rights of prisoners, 
perhaps they might take a look at the terrible treatment of U.S. Army 
Private Bradley Manning while incarcerated and awaiting trial. Last 
year Amnesty International wrote to then-Defense Secretary Robert Gates 
that Manning's ``inhumane'' treatment while in custody ``undermines the 
United States' commitment to the principle of the presumption of 
innocence.'' Congress remains silent.
  In reality, this bill is about politics more than human rights. 
Listening to the debate it is obvious that many supporters of this 
legislation simply do not like the democratic choices that the Russian 
people made in recent elections. Therefore they do what they can to 
undermine the Russian government and encourage ``regime change.'' 
Again, how would we react?
  I encourage my colleagues to join me in opposing this legislation in 
its current form and to push for a bill that simply extends normal 
trade relations with Russia without meddling or provoking. When it 
comes to human rights, the United States should most definitely lead 
the world by its own example. On that measure, we still have a lot of 
work to do.
  Mr. MARCHANT. Madam Speaker, I rise in support of the Russia and 
Moldova Jackson-Vanik Repeal Act, which strengthens U.S. trade and 
helps American businesses stay competitive in a challenging global 
economy. The bill accomplishes these goals by granting permanent normal 
trade relations, or PNTR, with one of the leading economies in the 
world. Texas, in particular, stands to benefit.
  First, granting PNTR grows new markets. In Texas, my State exported 
$1.6 billion worth of goods to Russia in 2011. That makes Texas the 
leading State in the country that trades with Russia. PNTR will allow 
Texas, and all U.S. businesses, to further expand into emerging 
markets.
  Second, PNTR helps create jobs. In 2011, trade with Russia directly 
supported over 4,000 jobs in Texas. That number will only grow as new 
markets create new business opportunities.
  Third, PNTR ensures U.S. businesses get equal protection with Russia 
under WTO obligations. Our foreign competitors can already use WTO 
mechanisms to enforce Russia's trade commitments. With this bill, so 
can America.
  Madam Speaker, this bill promotes free trade, creates new jobs, and 
ensures protections for American workers. I proudly support this bill 
and urge my colleagues to do the same.
  Ms. HIRONO. Madam Speaker, I support H.R. 6156, the Russia and 
Moldova Jackson-Vanik Repeal Act of 2012, with some reservations. 
Russia became a member of the World Trade Organization (WTO) in August 
of this year. If the United States is to benefit from the non-
discriminatory treatment of goods and services required by Russia's 
membership in the WTO, we must grant permanent normal trade relations 
with Russia. The WTO provides a forum and process for requiring Russia 
to comply with its trade obligations.
  Russia is currently the United States' 20th largest trade partner. My 
concern is that Russia might not live up to its trade commitments and 
here enforcement is key. This bill does have provisions that will 
strengthen our ability to make sure Russia complies with its 
obligations and directs the U.S. Trade Representative to pay special 
attention to Russia's compliance. Congress also has a role; we must 
exercise robust oversight to ensure that Russia lives up to its 
obligations and that we use all the enforcement mechanisms available to 
us.
  I am also supporting and have cosponsored H.R. 6149, which would 
further strengthen requirements on the U.S. Trade Representative to 
monitor and pursue enforcement of Russian commitments under the WTO.
  I am also supporting this bill because it includes the Sergei 
Magnitsky Rule of Law Accountability Act, which strengthens the ability 
of the U.S. government to hold Russian nationals who have engaged in 
human rights violations accountable for their crimes.
  Ms. McCOLLUM. Madam Speaker, I rise in strong opposition to H.R. 
6156, the Russia and Moldova Jackson-Vanik Repeal Act of 2012. This 
legislation sends the wrong message, rewarding President Putin with 
trade privileges at a time when he is crushing pro-democracy voices at 
home and arming the murderous Assad regime in Syria.
  Russia has repeatedly and deliberately blocked international efforts 
to bring an end to the violence in Syria. The Russian government 
continues to arm President Bashar alAssad as he murders his own people. 
Just last month, the Turkish government seized munitions from a Russian 
flight intended for the Syrian Army. The violence has had a devastating 
impact on Syrian civilians, with 2.5 million internally displaced and 
over 400,000 registered refugees living in neighboring countries. By 
early next year, 4 million Syrians will need humanitarian assistance. 
Russia's support of the Syrian Army is extending the conflict, which 
increases the risks of destabilization within the region. The conflict 
has already spilled over Syria's borders into Turkey and Lebanon. 
Before I support any legislation favorable to Russia, that country's 
leaders must stop arming the Syrian regime and allow the international 
community to take action to end the violence.
  Proponents of this legislation argue it is time for Russia to 
graduate from Jackson-Vanik. This graduation, however, would take place 
in the middle of a serious crackdown on human rights in Russia. In the 
past year, the Russian government has forced international non-
governmental organizations out of the country and imposed harsh 
sentences on individuals for peaceful protest. Just three days ago, 
President Putin signed a law that expands the definition of treason so 
broadly that any individual working with an international organization 
is at risk of being jailed for treason. These repressive tactics signal 
a serious step backward for Russia's human rights record.
  H.R. 6156 contains the Sergei Magnitsky Rule of Law Accountability 
Act, which would require President Obama to publically name those 
responsible for Mr. Magnitsky's torture and murder. The President would 
then be able to address those persons and other human rights abusers 
with individual sanctions, including prohibitions on travel to the 
United States and the use of American banking facilities. Those 
responsible for Mr. Magnitsky's murder should be brought to justice. 
While I support this provision, it is not enough to justify voting for 
the bill, which ignores the continued suffering of millions in Russia 
and Syria.
  I urge my colleagues to join me in opposing H.R. 6156.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. All time for debate on the bill has expired.
  Pursuant to House Resolution 808, the previous question is ordered on 
the bill, as amended.
  The question is on the engrossment and third reading of the bill.
  The bill was ordered to be engrossed and read a third time, and was 
read the third time.

[[Page 15370]]

  The SPEAKER pro tempore. The question is on the passage of the bill.
  The question was taken; and the Speaker pro tempore announced that 
the ayes appeared to have it.
  Mr. CAMP. Madam Speaker, on that I demand the yeas and nays.
  The yeas and nays were ordered.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. Pursuant to clause 8 of rule XX, further 
proceedings on this question will be postponed.

                          ____________________