[Congressional Record (Bound Edition), Volume 157 (2011), Part 8]
[Extensions of Remarks]
[Pages 10648-10649]
[From the U.S. Government Publishing Office, www.gpo.gov]


               HONORABLE FRANK R. WOLF EGYPT TRIP REPORT

                                 ______
                                 

                           HON. FRANK R. WOLF

                              of virginia

                    in the house of representatives

                         Thursday, July 7, 2011

  Mr. WOLF. Mr. Speaker, I submit a copy of my Egypt trip report.


                                Purpose

       On June 26-28 I visited Egypt to meet with U.S. and host 
     government officials and key civil society actors, 
     specifically to address human rights and religious freedom 
     concerns, especially during this critical time of transition.


                                Meetings

       I met with U.S. Ambassador Margaret Scobey and received a 
     modified country team brief from embassy staff. I spoke with 
     U.S./Western print correspondents and saw Tahrir Square--site 
     of recent pro-democracy protests.
       I met with nearly a dozen Christian, Muslim, Baha'i, and 
     youth activists, including a leading evangelical minister, 
     Coptic youth leader and prominent Baha'i blogger.
       I also discussed the country's transition with political 
     activists, including 2005 presidential candidate and former 
     political prisoner Ayman Nour, who is again seeking the 
     presidency.
       I discussed interfaith dialogue with Sheikh Al-Azhar Ahmed 
     Al-Tayyeb, the leading scholar in Sunni Islam, and met with 
     Muslim Brotherhood official Essam El-Errian to caution the 
     group to respect religious freedom.
       I worshiped in a Coptic Orthodox Church and visited St. 
     Mary's Church in Imbaba (a Cairo suburb) which had been 
     destroyed by radical Islamists on May 7. I also met with a 
     woman who runs an orphanage and social services organization 
     for the Christian ``zabaleen'' (trash collectors) in Cairo.
       I met with Deputy Foreign Minister Wafaa Bassim and other 
     representatives of the Egyptian Ministry of Foreign Affairs 
     and raised concerns about human rights and the prospects of a 
     transition to a true democracy.
       In my meetings with Egyptian government officials, I 
     mentioned that this year I had introduced bipartisan 
     legislation, H.R. 440, (which now has 75 cosponsors) that 
     would create a Special Envoy position at the State Department 
     to focus specifically on the challenges faced by religious 
     minorities in key countries in the Middle East, including 
     Egypt. The legislation was introduced in January, prior to 
     the political unrest in Egypt, but has arguably never been 
     more needed. Ancient religious minority communities, among 
     them Coptic Christians, are important moderating influences 
     and are critical to the future of a democratic and 
     pluralistic Egypt.
       I met with representatives of non-governmental 
     organizations (NGOs) including the National Democratic 
     Institute (NDI) and International Republican Institute (IRI).


                   Human Rights and Religious Freedom

       Coptic Orthodox and other Christians told me that they 
     feared sectarian violence in the current political vacuum, 
     and were concerned about continued discrimination in 
     government hiring and building churches. They said that they 
     welcomed the Government of Egypt's announced intention to 
     draft a Unified Places of Worship Law, but cautioned that the 
     few details that had emerged thus far indicate that the draft 
     needs much work before it genuinely puts mosques and churches 
     on equal footing.
       In my meetings with Baha'i leaders we discussed the 
     community's continued difficulties in securing government 
     documents like birth and marriage certificates. I intend to 
     pursue this matter further with the Egyptian Government, 
     pressing them to rescind the 1960 decree that closed Baha'i 
     assemblies and seized their assets.
       In my meetings with Christian and secular Muslim democracy 
     activists, I was informed that Islamist elements in Egypt 
     seek an Iran-like theocratic state. Some interlocutors 
     worried that the Egyptian Army favors Muslim Brothers and 
     Salafists. Many agreed that if Islamists were to win in the 
     upcoming elections they would allow ``one man, one vote, one 
     time,'' thereby making their electoral victory irreversible.
       While meeting with senior representatives of the Muslim 
     Brotherhood (MB) I sought to press them on their intentions. 
     I raised concerned about the application of shariah law, 
     especially as it relates to the rights of minorities, and 
     made it clear that my concerns were shared by many in 
     Washington. Freedom-loving people the world over should be 
     very concerned if the MB comes to power in Egypt. We must not 
     close our eyes to their stated plans.


                         Democratic Transition

       Some Egyptian activists and most religious freedom 
     advocates were pessimistic about the transition to date and 
     prospects for a free, tolerant, and democratic government 
     after elections.
       Several of these activists stressed that the best way to 
     counter Islamists in the short run is to first draft a 
     constitution and delay elections until democratic parties 
     have formed and become operational. One activist went so far 
     as to say that he was 80 percent sure Egypt would become an 
     Islamist state akin to Iran unless the current transition 
     process and timeline is altered.
       Activists also said that secular, pro-democracy parties 
     need to take additional steps to get organized and build 
     support across the sectarian divide. One human rights 
     activist underscored the long-term importance of secular 
     education and more interaction between Christian and Muslim 
     youth.


                            Recommendations

       In light of the meetings I had and the insights I gained, I 
     came away with a number of broad-based policy 
     recommendations:
       The U.S. Government should encourage the Egyptian 
     Government to temporarily delay parliamentary elections, 
     currently scheduled for September. Under the Mubarak regime 
     free speech and freedom of assembly were curtailed, sectarian 
     divisions were stoked and the press was restricted--some of 
     these issues remain under the current transitional government 
     and are not conducive to a healthy electoral process. In 
     fact, at present, the Muslim Brotherhood (MB) and remnants of 
     the former ruling party are best positioned for victory, in 
     part because they are better organized and funded. We must 
     recognize that elections are but a component of a true 
     democracy and guard against the impulse to move too swiftly 
     in a direction that would likely guarantee an MB victory.
       When the elections are held, independent international 
     election monitors must be present and must be granted 
     unfettered access to polling stations, etc. In my meetings 
     with the Egyptian Ministry of Foreign Affairs I stressed that 
     the credibility of any future election, whenever it takes 
     place, would hinge on the involvement and presence of 
     international observers. The importance of independent 
     monitors and observers was underscored during my meetings 
     with NDI and IRI. Their insight and election expertise is 
     invaluable.
       The United States must seriously consider conditioning U.S. 
     foreign assistance, specifically military assistance, to 
     Egypt. Since the Camp David Peace Accords, Egypt has received 
     over $60 billion in U.S. foreign assistance--the second 
     largest overall recipient of such funding. Given the Mubarak 
     regime's human rights and religious freedom abuses, I have 
     long believed this assistance should be conditioned on 
     improvements in these areas. I understand that Egypt is a 
     proud country with a rich history. However, at this time of 
     historic transition in Egypt and tight budgetary times at 
     home, U.S. taxpayer dollars ought not be given to a 
     government that will persecute its own people. Aid to Egypt 
     should be conditioned upon the government respecting and 
     upholding universally recognized human rights norms. This is 
     especially important as Egypt moves toward crafting a new 
     constitution. It is imperative that this constitution is 
     fully secular and include, among other things, religious 
     freedom protections. Ultimately, foreign assistance, 
     especially of this magnitude, is a key leverage point and 
     should be used accordingly, particularly with the Supreme 
     Council of the Egyptian Armed Forces (SCAF).


                            Acknowledgements

       I would like to thank the U.S. embassy personnel, outgoing 
     Ambassador Margaret Scobey, Peter Shea, my control officer, 
     and Liz Colton for their assistance in making this trip 
     possible and for their dedicated service to their country.
       I would also like to acknowledge the good work of the press 
     in Egypt, some of whom I had the opportunity to meet. At a 
     time of such monumental and rapid change they clearly had a 
     read on the national pulse and their reporting of events in 
     real time is critical.
       I would also like to thank the many civil society 
     representatives I met, but for security reasons have opted 
     not to mention by name, who gave a candid and courageous 
     assessment of the challenges facing their country.


                               Conclusion

       The Egyptian people have endured much over the years. The 
     State Department's annual human rights report released in 
     April found the following:

[[Page 10649]]

       The government limited citizens' right to change their 
     government and extended a state of emergency that has been in 
     place almost continuously since 1967. Security forces used 
     unwarranted lethal force and tortured and abused prisoners 
     and detainees, in most cases with impunity. Prison and 
     detention center conditions were poor. Security forces 
     arbitrarily arrested and detained individuals, in some cases 
     for political purposes, and kept them in prolonged pretrial 
     detention. The executive branch exercised control over and 
     pressured the judiciary. The government partially restricted 
     freedom of expression. The government's respect for freedoms 
     of assembly, association, and religion was poor, and 
     nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) continued to face 
     restrictions.
       In the face of decades of human rights and religious 
     freedom abuses under the Mubarak regime, successive U.S. 
     administrations, including the Obama administration, failed 
     to advocate for those whose voices were being silenced. Many 
     pro-democracy activists and religious minorities that I spoke 
     with while in Egypt felt abandoned by the West.
       At this historic time of transition, we must not make that 
     mistake again. While there is a palpable sense of 
     anticipation and even hope about what the future might hold 
     for the Egyptian people, the outcome is far from guaranteed.
       There are reliable reports of human rights abuses and 
     political repression following Mubarak's resignation. For 
     example, a recently released Congressional Research Service 
     report indicated that:
       The SCAF has warned news organizations that it is illegal 
     to criticize the military in the press. A military court 
     sentenced a blogger (Maikel Nabil) to three years in prison 
     for insulting the military. Others have criticized the SCAF 
     over press reports that female detainees in military custody 
     were subject to ``virginity tests'' by doctors.
       Given the nature and extent of U.S. assistance to Egypt 
     over the years, the U.S. military has developed good 
     relations with the Egyptian military and we should leverage 
     those ties as Egypt looks to transition from military to 
     civilian rule. It will be critical for Secretary of Defense 
     Leon Panetta and the Joint Chiefs of Staff, among others, to 
     engage with the SCAF.
       Ultimately, I believe that the majority of Egyptians of all 
     faiths want democracy. The question is will it be taken away 
     from them after a single election?
       Their yearning for true freedom and democracy must not be 
     underestimated. We have a responsibility to stand with them 
     and help them realize their aspirations.

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