[Congressional Record (Bound Edition), Volume 157 (2011), Part 7]
[House]
[Pages 9718-9719]
[From the U.S. Government Publishing Office, www.gpo.gov]




                                 RUSSIA

  The SPEAKER pro tempore. The Chair recognizes the gentleman from 
California (Mr. Dreier) for 5 minutes.
  Mr. DREIER. Mr. Speaker, in August of 2008, Russia and the Republic 
of Georgia engaged in what author Ronald Asmus called ``A Little War 
That Shook the World.'' And, Mr. Speaker, it did shake the world. For 
all of post-Soviet Russia's anti-democratic crackdowns, its aggressive 
and bellicose actions toward former Soviet states, it

[[Page 9719]]

was still a shock to see Russian tanks roll across the border of a 
sovereign, democratic country. The military conflict lasted 5 days; and 
a shaken world moved on, soon forgetting the shock and outrage of what 
happened.
  But for the people of the Republic of Georgia, this conflict goes on 
nearly 3 years later. They live with the tragic consequences that 
follow any armed conflict, including thousands of displaced persons and 
significant economic hardships. Beyond the human cost, they face a 
long-term strategic challenge of an occupying force in the regions of 
Abkhazia and South Ossetia where Russia continues to violate the terms 
of the ceasefire to which it agreed.
  As occupiers, they violate the sovereignty and territorial integrity 
of an independent democratic state, one that has chosen a path toward 
integration with Euro-Atlantic institutions and, more important, one 
that has chosen integration with Euro-Atlantic values of democracy, 
human rights, and the rule of law.
  Russia's recalcitrance has left the region in a bitter stalemate as 
it flouts international norms and its own commitments. Within the 
context of this stalemate, the temperature has seemed to cool, with 
bitter hardship and frustrations supplanting heated military conflict.
  But that cooling temperature is perhaps a very dangerous illusion. 
While the fear of overt military action may be waning, more 
subversive--but just as potentially deadly--action is taking place. 
Since 2009, the Republic of Georgia has experienced 12 acts or 
attempted acts of terrorism within its borders, which the Georgians 
believe are linked to Russian forces.
  One such bombing, on September 22, 2010, took place right near the 
U.S. Embassy in Tbilisi. Two thwarted attacks took place just this 
month. One improvised explosive device was intercepted on June 2, two 
days before several colleagues and I arrived in Tbilisi. Another was 
intercepted on June 6 while we were still there.

                              {time}  0940

  We had the opportunity to discuss with President Saakashvili at 
length the nature of these attacks and attempted attacks. He and his 
administration are increasingly concerned about what they perceive to 
be a systematic effort to target the Georgian people and undermine 
their progress toward a peaceful, stable, democratic and independent 
nation. The intended targets of recent bombing attempts seem to suggest 
an increased focus on civilian casualties, which is particularly 
troubling.
  As investigations proceed to determine the exact origin and intent of 
these bombings, it is more important than ever that we stand with our 
Georgian friends; that we stand with their right to sovereignty and 
territorial integrity; that we stand with their efforts to build a 
stronger democracy. In fact, the purpose of my recent trip to Tbilisi 
was to continue the work of the House Democracy Partnership, which has 
a longstanding program with the Georgian legislature.
  My co-chairman, David Price, and I have led a number of delegations 
to Tbilisi and hosted many Georgian legislators in Washington in order 
to provide training and support as they build their legislative 
institutions.
  It is important to work with new and reemerging democracies as they 
grow and develop, but it is all the more essential for us to support 
those who are under attack for the very reason that they have chosen 
their democratic path.
  The Obama administration has attempted to reset relations with Russia 
for a number of pragmatic and strategic reasons. I believe they were 
right to do so. But it is important to differentiate those 
relationships which are important for inescapable geopolitical 
considerations, and those which are based on shared values and goals. 
As a major international player and a permanent member of the United 
Nations Security Council, we must engage constructively with Russia, 
but that does not mean we must turn a blind eye to its tactics or 
strategic aims towards the former Soviet sphere. To the contrary, we 
must engage with eyes wide open.
  Georgia is not the only state to have emerged from the Soviet orbit 
with democratic intentions, only to face deliberate, significant 
pressures and obstacles from Moscow.
  The nature of our engagement with Russia will get more scrutiny than 
ever as Moscow moves toward entry into the World Trade Organization. 
Bringing them into a rules-based trading system will help us deal with 
the challenges that we face, but we cannot lose our resolve to address 
these challenges, or lose sight of the fact that the fate of democracy 
in the post-Soviet world is one of them. Those who are working 
diligently against great odds to build democratic institutions must 
know that the American people stand with them.

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