[Congressional Record (Bound Edition), Volume 157 (2011), Part 7]
[Senate]
[Pages 9595-9596]
[From the U.S. Government Publishing Office, www.gpo.gov]




                              AFGHANISTAN

  Mr. CASEY. Mr. President, I rise tonight to speak about our policy in 
Afghanistan. We know the President is about to announce a major 
decision on the policy. As the President determines the degree and 
scope of the drawdown in Afghanistan, there will be a lot of debate, 
about troop levels, principally. But while this is an important 
discussion, we need to step back and comprehensively focus on overall 
U.S. strategic interests in the region.
  Over the course of my time in the Senate, some 4\1/2\ years now, I 
have participated in more than 20 Foreign Relations Committee hearings 
on Afghanistan and Pakistan. This week we will hear from Secretary 
Clinton on the U.S. policy on both Afghanistan and Pakistan. I 
personally chaired four hearings on U.S. policy in the region, I have 
traveled to Afghanistan and Pakistan on two occasions, and met with our 
military and civilian leadership as well as senior government officials 
in both countries. I have spoken repeatedly on the Senate floor about 
the importance of accountability of U.S. military and civilian 
programs.
  When it comes to matters of war, the Senate has a special 
responsibility to ask questions and to hold the executive branch 
accountable no matter what party is in the White House. I have taken 
this responsibility very seriously and have repeatedly questioned and 
examined U.S. policy in south Asia.
  There has been substantial progress in Afghanistan. On the 
battlefield, the United States coalition and Afghan forces have rolled 
back advances made by the Taliban. We have made measurable, albeit 
fragile, gains on security in key provinces of the country. Al-Qaida, 
operating from Pakistan, has been significantly degraded.
  There has also been measurable progress in the education and health 
fields. Only 900,000 boys and no girls attended school under the 
Taliban. Today more than 6 million children are in school and a third 
of them are girls. In the field of health, more than 85 percent of 
Afghans now have access to at least some form of health care, up from 9 
percent in the year 2002.
  These gains have not come without immeasurable sacrifice on the part 
of our Armed Forces and of course their families. In Pennsylvania we 
have lost 30 servicemembers killed in action in Operation Enduring 
Freedom since 2001. To date, 461 have been wounded, some of them 
grievously wounded.
  In Iraq, the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania lost 197 servicemembers 
killed in action and 1,233 were wounded. These courageous men and women 
gave what many years ago Lincoln called ``the last full measure of 
devotion'' to their country. We owe them a debt of gratitude. We owe 
the same debt of gratitude to their families and to all veterans and 
their families returning from the battlefield.
  After this exhaustive review, and based upon measurable gains in 
Afghanistan, I believe the United States can shift from a strategy of 
counterinsurgency toward an increased focus on counterterrorism. It is 
time for the United States to lighten its footprint in the country. It 
is also a time to accelerate the shift in responsibility to Afghan 
forces and for a drawdown of a significant number of United States 
troops from Afghanistan. The capabilities of both al-Qaida and the 
Taliban have been severely degraded.
  The United States-led development projects have strengthened the 
health and education sectors, as I mentioned before. At a time of 
economic austerity here in the United States, the approximately $120 
billion per year pricetag is, for sure, unsustainable. We must take a 
significant shift in our strategy.
  As chairman of the Senate Foreign Relations Subcommittee on Near 
Eastern, South, Central Asian Affairs, I am focused on our broader 
national security interests in both regions. We must focus on extremist 
groups that have the capability and intent to project terrorism on the 
United States homeland and interests around the world. We should 
continue to conduct counterterror operations on al-Qaida, Pakistani 
Taliban, and others who seek to strike the United States homeland and 
our interests.
  Significant challenges, however, do remain and the United States 
should focus on the following. First, we must redouble our efforts to 
train the Afghan security forces. We made substantial progress in 
recruiting and training, but this needs to be ramped up. In the long 
run, Afghanistan's ability to deny safe haven to al-Qaida or any 
terrorist organization will depend upon a strong and durable army and 
police in Afghanistan.
  Second, much work remains in Pakistan. In Senate hearings and 
meetings with U.S. and Pakistani officials, I have questioned 
Pakistan's full commitment to addressing the extremist threat within 
its borders. For example, Pakistan has done little to stop the flow of 
bomb components across the border into Afghanistan, where they are used 
against our troops. Terrorists in Pakistan have the capability to 
strike internationally, and have done so in recent years.
  These terrorists are also the central threat to the Pakistani state 
itself, a concern that grows as Pakistan

[[Page 9596]]

inexplicably expands its nuclear arsenal.
  The Pakistani people have suffered greatly in the struggle against 
these extremist groups as thousands of civilians and security forces 
have died. This is precisely why it is so unfortunate that the 
Pakistani Government is not fully committed to confronting this threat.
  I have been very patient with respect to this critical relationship, 
but I am compelled to speak the truth when the stakes are so high for 
the American people. The United States troops and the people of 
Pakistan both have a lot at stake, in addition to the American people. 
In my judgment, recent developments are unacceptable and merit a 
serious examination of U.S. aid to Pakistan. The Senate should hold 
hearings so we have a full accounting of Pakistan's efforts to combat 
terrorism.
  The third area of our focus should be the grave concerns that many of 
us have--and I have for sure--about the future of women and girls in 
Afghanistan. If nothing else, we cannot lose precious ground gained in 
rights for this critical 50 percent of the population--women and girls. 
Over the past 10 years, women have assumed seats in Parliament and 
girls have returned to school. I mentioned the number earlier. Women's 
rights have become a part of the public dialog at long last.
  When speaking to a group of Afghan women in May, Secretary of State 
Clinton said, ``We will not abandon you, we will stand with you 
always.''
  We must as a nation stand by this commitment to the women and girls 
who live in Afghanistan. Empowered women are the most influential voice 
to dissuade young men from taking up arms in Afghanistan and places 
around the world. These women are the most likely to develop their own 
communities as well.
  Finally and most importantly, it is our moral obligation to protect 
those who are most vulnerable in Afghanistan.
  I have significant concerns about governance in Afghanistan. I have 
closely examined Afghanistan's uneven governance record and have 
serious questions about the viability of the democratic experiment in 
that country. The foundational act of democracy, elections, has not met 
international standards in Afghanistan and has established the basis 
for an unresponsive government and unresponsive government officials 
and corruption.
  As the United States draws down its military presence, the 
international community must renew its focus on governance in 
Afghanistan and efficient disbursal of U.S. assistance. A recent Senate 
Foreign Relations Committee report suggests that we must do a better 
job of accounting for the resources spent on bolstering the Afghan 
Government.
  In conclusion, we have made progress in Afghanistan all these years. 
The surge in U.S. troops, working with coalition forces and the Afghan 
Army, has rolled back gains made by the Taliban. Our special forces 
have killed Osama bin Laden and several other senior al-Qaida leaders. 
The numbers and capabilities of the Afghan security forces have 
increased. Women and girls are better off than they were in the year 
2001, and the health sector has improved.
  Significant challenges remain, but based upon these advances and on 
the significant costs of our current policy, it is time, after 10 long 
years, to begin the drawdown process.
  I yield the floor.

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