[Congressional Record (Bound Edition), Volume 157 (2011), Part 3]
[Extensions of Remarks]
[Pages 4238-4239]
[From the U.S. Government Publishing Office, www.gpo.gov]




         52ND ANNIVERSARY OF THE TIBETAN NATIONAL UPRISING DAY

                                 ______
                                 

                           HON. TAMMY BALDWIN

                              of wisconsin

                    in the house of representatives

                       Wednesday, March 16, 2011

  Ms. BALDWIN. Mr. Speaker, March 10 marked the 52nd anniversary of the 
Tibetan uprising against the People's Republic of China, during which 
His Holiness the Dalai Lama fled into exile. On that day, there was a 
small commemoration on Library Mall in Madison with Wisconsin's 
Tibetan-American community, which my staff was honored to attend. While 
the commemoration serves as a painful but important reminder of China's 
prolonged efforts to outlaw dissent, restrict free expression, and 
violently occupy Tibet, it also serves as a symbol of our sustained 
vigilance, continued determination, and enduring hope that Tibetans 
everywhere will soon be free to live in peace with their land and 
culture intact.
  On this anniversary, I offer support and conviction to the thousands 
of Tibetans living in exile and the thousands more who have chosen to 
stand beside them in the struggle. for freedom. I support the Middle-
Way Approach proposed by His Holiness the Dalai Lama to honor the 
dignity of both Tibetan and Chinese people and to promote a respectful 
solution. I strongly believe that the United States has a 
responsibility to stand up for human rights and the rule of law, and I 
support efforts to address the plight of Tibetans.
  The Dalai Lama issued a statement on March 10, as he does every year, 
which represents a ``state of the union'' speech for Tibetans. This 
year's statement was newsworthy, in that the Dalai Lama announced that 
he intends to hand over the last vestiges of his governmental 
responsibilities to the elected leadership of the Tibetan Government in 
exile, while remaining a committed advocate for the Tibet cause. At a 
time when despots around the world cling to power as their people yearn 
for democracy, the Dalai Lama's willful ceding of power is a tribute to 
his vision to fulfill the aspirations of the Tibetan people and should 
inspire others around the world.
  I insert the Dalai Lama's March 10, 2011, statement into the Record.

Statement of His Holiness the Dalai Lama on the 52nd Anniversary of the 
              Tibetan National Uprising Day, March 9, 2011

       Today marks the 52nd anniversary of the Tibetan people's 
     peaceful uprising of 1959 against Communist China's 
     repression in the Tibetan capital Lhasa, and the third 
     anniversary of the non-violent demonstrations that took place 
     across Tibet in 2008. On this occasion, I would like to pay 
     tribute to and pray for those brave men and women who 
     sacrificed their lives for the just cause of Tibet. I express 
     my solidarity with those who continue to suffer repression 
     and pray for the well-being of all sentient beings.
       For more than sixty years, Tibetans, despite being deprived 
     of freedom and living in fear and insecurity, have been able 
     to maintain their unique Tibetan identity and cultural 
     values, More consequentially, successive new generations, who 
     have no experience of free Tibet, have courageously taken 
     responsibility in advancing the cause of Tibet. This is 
     admirable, for they exemplify the strength of Tibetan 
     resilience.
       This Earth belongs to humanity and the People's Republic of 
     China (PRC) belongs to its 1.3 billion citizens, who have the 
     right to know the truth about the state of affairs in their 
     country and the world at large. If citizens are fully 
     informed, they have the ability to distinguish right from 
     wrong. Censorship and the restriction of information violate 
     basic human decency. For instance, China's leaders consider 
     the communist ideology and its policies to be correct. If 
     this were so, these policies should be made public with 
     confidence and open to scrutiny.
       China, with the world's largest population, is an emerging 
     world power and I admire the economic development it has 
     made. It also has huge potential to contribute to human 
     progress and world peace. But to do that, China must earn the 
     international community's respect and trust. In order to earn 
     such respect China's leaders must develop greater 
     transparency, their actions corresponding to their words. To 
     ensure this, freedom of expression and freedom of the press 
     are essential. Similarly, transparency in governance can help 
     check corruption. In recent years, China has seen an 
     increasing number of intellectuals calling for political 
     reform and greater openness. Premier Wen Jiabao has also 
     expressed support for these concerns. These are significant 
     indications and I welcome them.
       The PRC is a country comprising many nationalities, 
     enriched by a diversity of languages and cultures. Protection 
     of the language and culture of each nationality is a policy 
     of the PRC, which is clearly spelt out in its constitution. 
     Tibetan is the only language to preserve the entire range of 
     the Buddha's teachings, including the texts on logic and 
     theories of knowledge (epistemology), which we inherited from 
     India's Nalanda University. This is a system of knowledge 
     governed by reason and logic that has the potential to 
     contribute to the peace and happiness of all beings. 
     Therefore, the policy of undermining such a culture, instead 
     of protecting and developing it, will in the long run amount 
     to the destruction of humanity's common heritage.
       The Chinese government frequently states that stability and 
     development in Tibet is the foundation for its long-term 
     well-being. However, the authorities still station large 
     numbers of troops all across Tibet, increasing restrictions 
     on the Tibetan people. Tibetans live in constant fear and 
     anxiety. More recently, many Tibetan intellectuals, public 
     figures and environmentalists have been punished for 
     articulating the Tibetan people's basic aspirations. They 
     have been imprisoned allegedly for ``subverting state power'' 
     when actually they have been giving voice to the Tibetan 
     identity and cultural

[[Page 4239]]

     heritage. Such repressive measures undermine unity and 
     stability. Likewise, in China, lawyers defending people's 
     rights, independent writers and human rights activists have 
     been arrested. I strongly urge the Chinese leaders to review 
     these developments and release these prisoners of conscience 
     forthwith.
       The Chinese government claims there is no problem in Tibet 
     other than the personal privileges and status of the Dalai 
     Lama. The reality is that the ongoing oppression of the 
     Tibetan people has provoked widespread, deep resentment 
     against current official policies. People from all walks of 
     life frequently express their discontentment. That there is a 
     problem in Tibet is reflected in the Chinese authorities' 
     failure to trust Tibetans or win their loyalty. Instead, the 
     Tibetan people live under constant suspicion and 
     surveillance. Chinese and foreign visitors to Tibet 
     corroborate this grim reality.
       Therefore, just as we were able to send fact-finding 
     delegations to Tibet in the late 1970s and early 1980s from 
     among Tibetans in exile, we propose similar visits again. At 
     the same time we would encourage the sending of 
     representatives of independent international bodies, 
     including parliamentarians. If they were to find that 
     Tibetans in Tibet are happy, we would readily accept it.
       The spirit of realism that prevailed under Mao's leadership 
     in the early 1950s led China to sign the 17-point agreement 
     with Tibet. A similar spirit of realism prevailed once more 
     during Hu Yaobang's time in the early 1980s. If there had 
     been a continuation of such realism the Tibetan issue, as 
     well as several other problems, could easily have been 
     solved. Unfortunately, conservative views derailed these 
     policies. The result is that after, more than six decades, 
     the problem has become more intractable.
       The Tibetan Plateau is the source of the major rivers of 
     Asia. Because it has the largest concentration of glaciers 
     apart from the two Poles, it is considered to be the Third 
     Pole. Environmental degradation in Tibet will have a 
     detrimental impact on large parts of Asia, particularly on 
     China and the Indian subcontinent. Both the central and local 
     governments, as well as the Chinese public, should realise 
     the degradation of the Tibetan environment and develop 
     sustainable measures to safeguard it. I appeal to China to 
     take into account the survival of people affected by what 
     happens environmentally on the Tibetan Plateau.
       In our efforts to solve the issue of Tibet, we have 
     consistently pursued the mutually beneficial Middle-Way 
     Approach, which seeks genuine autonomy for the Tibetan people 
     within the PRC. In our talks with officials of the Chinese 
     government's United Front Work Department we have clearly 
     explained in detail the Tibetan people's hopes and 
     aspirations. The lack of any positive response to our 
     reasonable proposals makes us wonder whether these were fully 
     and accurately conveyed to the higher authorities.
       Since ancient times, Tibetan and Chinese peoples have lived 
     as neighbours. It would be a mistake if our unresolved 
     differences were to affect this age-old friendship. Special 
     efforts are being made to promote good relations between 
     Tibetans and Chinese living abroad and I am happy that this 
     has contributed to better understanding and friendship 
     between us. Tibetans inside Tibet should also cultivate good 
     relations with our Chinese brothers and sisters.
       In recent weeks we have witnessed remarkable non-violent 
     struggles for freedom and democracy in various parts of North 
     Africa and elsewhere. I am a firm believer in non-violence 
     and people-power and these events have shown once again that 
     determined non-violent action can indeed bring about positive 
     change. We must all hope that these inspiring changes lead to 
     genuine freedom, happiness and prosperity for the peoples in 
     these countries.
       One of the aspirations I have cherished since childhood is 
     the reform of Tibet's political and social structure, and in 
     the few years when I held effective power in Tibet, I managed 
     to make some fundamental changes. Although I was unable to 
     take this further in Tibet, I have made every effort to do so 
     since we came into exile. Today, within the framework of the 
     Charter for Tibetans in Exile, the Kalon Tripa, the political 
     leadership, and the people's representatives are directly 
     elected by the people. We have been able to implement 
     democracy in exile that is in keep with the standards of an 
     open society.
       As early as the 1960s, I have repeatedly stressed that 
     Tibetans need a leader, elected freely by the Tibetan people, 
     to whom I can devolve power. Now, we have clearly reached the 
     time to put this into effect. During the forthcoming eleventh 
     session of the fourteenth Tibetan Parliament in Exile, which 
     begins on 14th March, I will formally propose that the 
     necessary amendments be made to the Charter for Tibetans in 
     Exile, reflecting my decision to devolve my formal authority 
     to the elected leader.
       Since I made my intention clear I have received repeated 
     and earnest requests both from within Tibet and outside, to 
     continue to provide political leadership. My desire to 
     devolve authority has nothing to do with a wish to shirk 
     responsibility. It is to benefit Tibetans in the long run. It 
     is not because I feel disheartened. Tibetans have placed such 
     faith and trust in me that as one among them I am committed 
     to playing my part in the just cause of Tibet. I trust that 
     gradually people will come to understand my intention, will 
     support my decision and accordingly let it take effect.
       I would like to take this opportunity to remember the 
     kindness of the leaders of various nations that cherish 
     justice, members of parliaments, intellectuals and Tibet 
     Support Groups, who have been steadfast in their support for 
     the Tibetan people. In particular, we will always remember 
     the kindness and consistent support of the people and 
     Government of India and State Governments for generously 
     helping Tibetans preserve and promote their religion and 
     culture and ensuring the welfare of Tibetans in exile. To all 
     of them I offer my heartfelt gratitude.
       With my prayers for the welfare and happiness of all 
     sentient beings.
       10 March 2011
       Dharamsala

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