[Congressional Record (Bound Edition), Volume 157 (2011), Part 12]
[House]
[Pages 17572-17604]
[From the U.S. Government Publishing Office, www.gpo.gov]




                              {time}  1340
            NATIONAL RIGHT-TO-CARRY RECIPROCITY ACT OF 2011

  Mr. SMITH of Texas. Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all 
Members have 5 legislative days to revise and extend their remarks and 
include extraneous material on H.R. 822.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore (Mr. Franks of Arizona). Is there objection 
to the request of the gentleman from Texas?
  There was no objection.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. Pursuant to House Resolution 463 and rule 
XVIII, the Chair declares the House in the Committee of the Whole House 
on the state of the Union for the consideration of the bill, H.R. 822.

                              {time}  1341


                     In the Committee of the Whole

  Accordingly, the House resolved itself into the Committee of the 
Whole House on the state of the Union for the consideration of the bill 
(H.R. 822) to amend title 18, United States Code, to provide a national 
standard in accordance with which nonresidents of a State may carry 
concealed firearms in the State, with Mrs. Miller of Michigan in the 
chair.
  The Clerk read the title of the bill.
  The CHAIR. Pursuant to the rule, the bill is considered read the 
first time.
  The gentleman from Texas (Mr. Smith) and the gentleman from Michigan 
(Mr. Conyers) each will control 30 minutes.
  The Chair recognizes the gentleman from Texas.
  Mr. SMITH of Texas. Madam Chairwoman, I yield myself such time as I 
may consume.
  H.R. 822, the National Right-to-Carry Reciprocity Act of 2011, was 
introduced by Mr. Stearns of Florida and Mr. Shuler of North Carolina 
and is cosponsored by 245 Members of Congress on both sides of the 
aisle. This landmark legislation recognizes the importance of the 
Second Amendment and makes it easier for individuals with concealed 
carry permits to travel to other States. Forty-nine States now allow 
concealed carry permits, and 40 of these States also extend some degree 
of reciprocity to permit holders from other States.
  This bill simply applies the States' reciprocal agreements 
nationwide. This legislation requires States that currently allow 
people to carry concealed firearms to recognize other States' valid 
concealed carry permits, much like States recognize driver's licenses 
issued by other States. The bill recognizes the right of States to 
determine eligibility requirements for their own residents.
  State, local, and Federal laws and regulations regarding how, when, 
and where a concealed firearm can be carried that apply to a resident 
will apply equally to a nonresident. For example, many States bar 
individuals from carrying firearms in a bar, at a sporting event, or in 
a State park. Under this legislation, all of these restrictions will 
apply to nonresidents as well.
  H.R. 822 also addresses concerns regarding the ability of law 
enforcement agencies to confirm the validity of an out-of-state 
concealed carry permit. The bill requires a person to show both a valid 
government-issued identification document, such as a license or 
passport, and a valid concealed carry license or permit.
  State law enforcement agencies can verify the validity of an out-of-
state

[[Page 17573]]

concealed permit through the Nlets system. Nlets is available to law 
enforcement officials in all 50 States 24 hours a day, 7 days a week. 
Data from the FBI's annual Uniform Crime Report shows that right-to-
carry States, or those that widely allow concealed carry, have 22 
percent lower total violent crime rates, 30 percent lower murder rates, 
46 percent lower robbery rates, and 12 percent lower aggravated assault 
rates, as compared to the rest of the country.
  Opponents of this bill have noted that some States would be required 
to recognize concealed carry permits issued by States with different 
standards of eligibility. However, 40 States already grant reciprocity 
to other States, including to States with different eligibility 
requirements. The States would not do this if different eligibility 
requirements were a concern.
  The Second Amendment is a fundamental right to bear arms that should 
not be constrained by State boundary lines. Opposition to this 
legislation comes from those who believe concealed carry permit holders 
often commit violent crimes, which is demonstrably false, or from those 
who want to restrict the right of law-abiding citizens to bear arms. 
This legislation enhances public safety and protects the right to bear 
arms under the Second Amendment. I urge my colleagues to support H.R. 
822.
  Madam Chairwoman, I reserve the balance of my time.
  Mr. CONYERS. Madam Chairman, I yield myself such time as I may 
consume.
  Members of the House, the measure that we have under consideration 
today is a very curious one in that there is some misunderstanding of 
what the constitutional right to carry loaded, hidden guns in public is 
really all about.
  I would begin our discussion pointing out that under the proposal 
before us, a concealed firearm permit issued by any State would be 
valid in every State that allows a concealed carry provision. So, for 
example, a visitor to my home State of Michigan would be allowed to 
carry a loaded, hidden weapon in public, even if he has not met the 
minimum requirements to do so mandated by our State law.
  Different States have enacted different requirements for carrying 
concealed weapons within their borders. And although Federal law 
prohibits individuals with Federal convictions from possessing a 
weapon, 38 of our States have chosen to deny concealed carry licenses 
to individuals with convictions for certain misdemeanor offenses.
  I would like to start our discussion off with the fact that there are 
so many members of law enforcement, so many members of the government, 
so many members of our editorials--please consider with me, my 
colleagues in the House, that every major law enforcement organization 
in the United States of America opposes the measure that is on the 
floor today, H.R. 822. Every single organization. These organizations 
include the International Association of Chiefs of Police; the Major 
Cities Chiefs Association, which includes the 56 largest cities in the 
United States of America; the Police Foundation; the National Latino 
Peace Officers Association; and the National Organization of Black Law 
Enforcement Executives.

                              {time}  1350

  We have letters from 600 mayors of the cities in the United States. 
The National Network to End Domestic Violence has sent us letters. 
There have been editorials in the New York Times, the Washington Post, 
and the St. Petersburg Times, and they have all submitted letters.
  I conclude my opening remarks by observing that there is no 
constitutional right to carry loaded, hidden guns in public. One of the 
things I hope we will be able to persuade you on is that the Supreme 
Court case of 2008, entitled, District of Columbia v. Heller is the 
case that the majority of the Court ruled, and Justice Scalia wrote 
this decision, that while the Second Amendment protects the right of 
law-abiding citizens to use arms in defense of their home and bans on 
carrying in public were presumptively lawful, it went on to say that 
the question held that prohibitions on carrying concealed weapons were 
lawful under the Second Amendment, that the prohibitions were lawful; 
and Justice Scalia's majority decision in that landmark case rendered 3 
years ago stated the Second Amendment is not unlimited and not a right 
to keep and carry any weapon whatsoever in any manner whatsoever or for 
whatever purpose. I cite the Supreme Court decision 128 2783 of 2008, 
the District of Columbia v. Heller.
  I reserve the balance of my time.
  Mr. SMITH of Texas. Madam Chairwoman, I yield 1 minute to the 
gentleman from Ohio (Mr. Chabot), a senior member of the Judiciary 
Committee.
  Mr. CHABOT. I thank the chairman for yielding.
  Madam Chairman, the Second Amendment to the United States 
Constitution states: ``The right of the people to keep and bear arms 
shall not be infringed.''
  In this modern age when it is very common for people to travel to 
work or for pleasure, it has really become routine, and the National 
Right-to-Carry Act is a commonsense solution to adapt to today's needs.
  This legislation allows people with valid, State-issued permits or 
licenses to carry a concealed firearm in any other State that has 
essentially the same laws. To be clear, this legislation does not 
create a national licensing scheme or agency. It does not supersede the 
laws for firearms use in any other State.
  The right of self-defense is a fundamental one and has been 
recognized in law for centuries. The Second Amendment dictates that the 
appropriate way to fight crime is to target criminals, not law-abiding 
gun owners. Today we have an opportunity to clearly recognize the right 
to bear arms for our citizens and to allow law-abiding citizens to 
exercise freedom without restrictive barriers. Let's take that 
opportunity today.
  Mr. CONYERS. Madam Chairman, I am pleased to recognize the former 
chair of the Constitution Subcommittee of the House Judiciary 
Committee, Jerry Nadler of New York, for as much time as he may 
consume.
  Mr. NADLER. I rise in strong opposition to H.R. 822, what the Brady 
Campaign correctly calls the ``Packing Heat on Your Street'' bill.
  America is in dire economic straits. Millions of people are out of 
work. Our growth rate is anemic. People are clamoring for Congress to 
pass legislation to grow the economy and help create jobs. And so what 
is the House of Representatives doing? This august body is considering 
gun legislation. The disconnect between the Republican House majority 
and the American people is beyond belief. It is no wonder that 
Congress' approval rating is 13 percent, according to the latest Gallup 
Poll.
  Not only are we wasting our time on this issue, what the bill does 
should scare every American. This bill, as amended by the Judiciary 
Committee, would let a person with a concealed-carry permit issued by 
one State take his or her weapon into any other State of which they are 
not a resident, regardless of the laws of that other State. State laws 
on both gun possession and concealed carry would be overridden. This 
bill takes away the right of the citizens of each State to set their 
own gun control policy. For a Republican House majority that supposedly 
believes in States' rights, this bill is shocking. So, for example, 
some States require firearms training or require people to be 21 years 
old to have a concealed-carry permit. All such rules would be tossed 
aside by this new Federal mandate.
  I tried to protect States by filing an amendment with the Rules 
Committee which would have created an exception to the bill to let 
States enforce laws against persons convicted of sex offenses against 
minors from possessing guns or having concealed weapons. That amendment 
was not made in order. I guess it was more important to

[[Page 17574]]

satisfy the gun lobby than it is to make sure our kids are protected 
from violent predators.
  To the extent States want to allow their citizens to enter into other 
States with concealed weapons, they can do so by entering into 
reciprocity agreements, and many States have done so. But why would we 
force those that have not, which have chosen to end reciprocity 
agreements due to lax standards of another State, why would we force 
them to accept the concealed-carry permit of every other State?
  Because any permit would suffice, this bill will create a race to the 
bottom, with whatever State has the most permissive concealed-carry 
rules setting national policy. In some States you don't even have to be 
a resident to get a concealed-carry permit. This lowest common 
denominator approach will only lead to more people carrying more hidden 
weapons--packing heat on your street. Knowing there are more concealed 
handguns all around does not make me feel safer.
  Lastly, I want to address the constitutional argument. In Heller, the 
Supreme Court held there is a Second Amendment right for persons to 
bear arm. Nowhere did the Court say, however, that there is an 
unlimited national right to carry a concealed handgun. In fact, Justice 
Scalia recognized the legality of reasonable limits on the Second 
Amendment. I can't imagine a more reasonable restriction for States to 
impose than those which govern who can carry a concealed firearm in 
their own States.
  I ask that Members reject this deeply flawed and dangerous bill.
  Mr. SMITH of Texas. Madam Chairwoman, I yield 3 minutes to the 
gentleman from Arizona (Mr. Franks), the chairman of the Constitution 
Subcommittee.
  Mr. FRANKS of Arizona. I thank the chairman.
  Madam Chair, H.R. 822, initially introduced by Mr. Stearns of Florida 
and Mr. Shuler of North Carolina and supported by more than half of my 
colleagues in the House of Representatives, would allow people with a 
valid permit or license to carry a concealed handgun in any other State 
that permits concealed carry. This is a policy akin to allowing 
licensed drivers from one State to drive their car in another State so 
long as they obey the local laws.
  Madam Chair, clearly the constitutional right to defend oneself and 
one's family should not be limited to only when you are at home. 
Criminals have always preferred unarmed victims. Conversely, law-
abiding citizens capable of defending themselves and their fellow 
citizens demonstrably save innocent lives.
  To give one of countless examples, in 2007, a man in Colorado named 
Matthew Murray wrote online: ``All I want to do is kill and injure as 
many Christians as I can.'' Murray then went on a shooting rampage, 
first killing two young students at a missionary training center 
outside Denver; and then at a gathering of over 7,000 people in and 
around the New Life Church in Colorado Springs, Colorado, with a rifle 
and a backpack full of ammunition, Murray entered the church and opened 
fire, killing two sisters. Murray was ultimately stopped and killed by 
Jeanne Assam, a church member and volunteer security guard who once 
worked in law enforcement and who had a concealed-carry permit. Apart 
from this armed hero's actions, many more innocent citizens would have 
died that day.
  H.R. 822 includes a number of provisions intended to retain the 
States' ability to regulate firearm use in their own States and 
increase public safety. Nothing in the bill affects a State's ability 
to set the eligibility requirements for its own residents, nor does it 
affect any State laws or regulations regarding how, when, or where 
concealed firearms can be carried. It also requires people who want to 
take advantage of the Federal grant of reciprocity to be properly 
permitted or licensed by a State to carry a concealed weapon and to be 
able to produce both the permit or license and a government-issued 
identification document.

                              {time}  1400

  To reiterate Chairman Smith's comments, studies have shown that 
concealed-carry laws are very good public policy for our country. Madam 
Chair, the NRA has estimated, based on FBI crime report data, that 
right-to-carry States, which widely allow concealed-carry, have 22 
percent lower violent crime rates, 30 percent lower murder rates, and 
46 percent lower robbery rates than States that prohibit or greatly 
restrict concealed-carry. H.R. 822 will help further extend this trend.
  With that, Madam Chair, I urge my colleague to support this bill.
  Mr. CONYERS. Mr. Chairman, I yield 1 minute to the distinguished 
gentleman from Florida (Mr. Deutch).
  Mr. DEUTCH. I thank the gentleman for yielding.
  Mr. Chairman, for all of the talk of States' rights in this Chamber, 
H.R. 822 obliterates the rights of State governments to pass their own 
gun rules and protect their own citizens from illegal gun violence. In 
my own State of Florida, we have a right-to-carry law, but we require 
those who seek such concealed permits to prove basic competency.
  To protect our families, we deny concealed-carry permits to those 
convicted of felonies, to those committed to mental institutions, or 
those with a history of illegal drug use. H.R. 822 denies Floridians 
the right to protect their own families and set their own standards. If 
Floridians wanted gun laws as lax as those in Utah, they would adopt 
their own.
  I'm disappointed the Rules Committee blocked my own amendment to 
amend this bill to ensure that individuals with concealed weapons could 
only cross lines into States that maintain a national law enforcement 
database. Without a database system accessible 24 hours a day with 
criminal background information on individuals holding concealed 
weapons permits from other States, Florida's law enforcement will be 
unable to adequately protect the public under this bill. It is the 
safety of our communities and our families that are at risk as a 
result.
  Mr. SMITH of Texas. Mr. Chairman, I yield 5 minutes to the gentleman 
from Florida (Mr. Stearns), the writer, author, and creator of this 
legislation.
  Mr. STEARNS. I would say to my colleague, I'm from Florida, and I'm 
supporting this bill. In fact, I'm the proud sponsor of this bill, 
ladies and gentlemen. I have sponsored this legislation since the 105th 
Congress--that's almost 14 years ago--because I believe it's long 
overdue that we take action to enhance the fundamental right of self-
defense for all law-abiding citizens of this country.
  I want to thank Mr. Trent Franks from Arizona for his assiduous and 
hard work in pushing this through the full committee and subcommittee, 
and I also thank Chairman Lamar Smith for his efforts, too.
  My colleagues, the right--the simple right--to defend yourself and 
your loved ones from a criminal is fundamental. And it's not 
extinguished when you simply cross a State border. This bill recognizes 
this important fact by establishing the interstate recognition of 
concealed-carry permits in much the same way driver's licenses are 
recognized.
  Now under this legislation, lawfully issued carry permits will be 
recognized in all States that also issue carry permits. There are now 
49 States that issue these permits. Most of these States also recognize 
permits issued from at least some other States, while some States 
recognize all valid permits issued by any State. But herein, simply, 
lies the problem. The nonuniformity of the laws regarding reciprocity 
makes it difficult for law-abiding permit holders to know for sure if 
they are obeying the law as they travel from State to State. While 
preserving the power of the States to set the rules on where concealed 
firearms can be carried, this legislation will establish interstate 
carry permit recognition in the 49 permit issuing States. So this 
legislation will simply make it easier for law-abiding permit holders 
to know that they are simply in compliance with the law when they carry 
a firearm as they travel this wonderful country of ours.
  Now consider the outcome if States administered driver's licenses as 
they

[[Page 17575]]

currently do carry permits. Drivers would have to stop at the State 
line to determine whether their license was valid before proceeding. 
Each State would recognize some licenses but, of course, not all of 
them. Some States would insist that others have precisely the same 
requirements for issuance of a license before offering reciprocity. And 
the status of such reciprocity would be constantly changing, literally 
day to day.
  So that is the reality of the current State reciprocity agreements 
for carry permits today. And only the Congress can remedy this 
interstate muddle. Our Union is a strong one, and we are proud to be 
citizens of a Nation who need not present papers to cross internal 
boundaries. But the holders of carry permits must indeed today worry 
whether their permits are valid before they can safely venture out of 
their home State while exercising a fundamental right. Our system of 
federalism beckons this body to remedy this disparity in due process 
and equal treatment under the law.
  Mr. Chairman, over the past 20 years, 17 States have passed right-to-
carry laws. In each of these States, opponents of firearms ownership 
have made dire predictions of mayhem in the streets if we simply dared 
to allow law-abiding citizens to carry a firearm for their own self-
defense. But in each case, these predictions were proven to be 
completely false. In fact, during that period, violent crime has 
dropped 51 percent to a 46-year low--1991 to 2011--and these are 
according to the FBI Uniform Crime Reports. Statistics don't lie in 
this case. They are actually showing violent crime has dropped, and 
this is one of the reasons.
  Mr. Chairman, this legislation will not strip States of the ability 
to prohibit dangerous persons from carrying a firearm. Federal law 
already prohibits a convicted felon or someone shown to be a danger 
from the mere possession of a gun, and the carry regulations set up in 
each State will apply to all permit holders, both residents and 
nonresidents. This bill does not set up a Federal carry permit system 
or establish any Federal regulations of concealed-carry permits. That 
power remains with the States. Additionally, this legislation does not 
include any new Federal gun laws, nor does it call for additional 
Federal regulation of gun ownership. In fact, it does not allow for new 
Federal regulation, for it amends the part of the Gun Control Act that 
allows only such regulation as is necessary, and in this case none.
  The Acting CHAIR (Mr. Simpson). The time of the gentleman has 
expired.
  Mr. SMITH of Texas. Mr. Chairman, I yield the gentleman 1 additional 
minute.
  Mr. STEARNS. My colleagues, this legislation simply guarantees 
citizens' constitutional rights as affirmed by two Supreme Court cases, 
D.C. v. Heller and McDonald v. Chicago, which simply ruled the Second 
Amendment is an individual right.
  This bill will allow law-abiding citizens who already have valid 
carry permits to carry firearms when they travel to protect themselves 
and to protect their families. These are people who have proven 
themselves to be among the most responsible and safe members of our 
communities, and we should not deprive them of this fundamental right 
when they simply cross a State border.
  I urge my colleagues to support this important legislation. It's a 
long time in coming, I'm pleased it's on the floor, and I look forward 
to its passage.
  Mr. CONYERS. Mr. Chairman, I yield myself 30 seconds.
  I want to just say to my dear friend from Florida, Cliff Stearns, you 
cannot compare licensing concealed-carry permits to driver's licenses, 
and that's why this idea of yours, with all due respect, has never been 
passed by the Congress before. The reason is that no States have the 
same way to automatically check a driver's license for concealed-carry.
  The Acting CHAIR. The time of the gentleman has expired.

                              {time}  1410

  Mr. CONYERS. I yield myself 15 additional seconds.
  You cannot compare a carrying concealed weapons check with a driver's 
license because they are checkable. A concealed-carry weapon, there are 
States that don't even permit the information to be revealed from their 
database. So you're making a huge error that I hope can be corrected.
  With that, Mr. Chairman, I yield 1 minute to the distinguished 
gentlelady from California (Ms. Chu), a member of the Judiciary 
Committee.
  Ms. CHU. This bill is a blatant attempt to override and weaken 
States' laws on an issue that could endanger people's lives. It hurts 
my home State of California, which developed laws to protect residents 
by developing criteria on those who could carry concealed-carry 
weapons. With this bill, that all goes away.
  This bill is so bad that it even allows drug dealers convicted of 
selling drugs to minors to carry a concealed weapon. California would 
not allow it because such permits can only go to those of good moral 
character. But under this law, we would have to accept the concealed 
weapon permit for every other State that allows weapons to these drug 
dealers. I offered an amendment in the Judiciary Committee to stop 
this, but those on the other side of the aisle voted it down.
  With this bill, a person who endangers the lives of our children will 
be allowed to carry a concealed loaded gun nationwide, and you would be 
powerless to stop it. It is the individual States that are in the best 
position to determine how to best protect its citizens.
  I strongly urge my colleagues to vote ``no'' on this dangerous bill.
  Mr. SMITH of Texas. Mr. Chairman, first I would like to yield 15 
seconds to the gentleman from Arizona (Mr. Franks).
  Mr. FRANKS of Arizona. Mr. Chair, I just would suggest to my friend, 
the gentleman from Michigan, that he is correct, one cannot compare 
this strictly with people and driver's licenses. The fact is, first of 
all, driving a car is not a fundamental right to defense as enshrined 
in our Constitution. Secondly, cars kill many more people than guns. 
And, third, we don't usually defend ourselves with cars.
  Mr. SMITH of Texas. Mr. Chairman, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman 
from Ohio (Mr. Austria).
  Mr. AUSTRIA. As a former chairman of the Ohio Senate judiciary 
committee, I helped lead the fight to pass the first concealed-carry 
law in the State of Ohio. And I can tell you, even with this law and 
this right, as one of the thousands of Ohioans with a concealed-carry 
permit, I understand the need to reinforce our Second Amendment rights 
by resolving the confusion and the problems that exist when traveling 
between States.
  The National Right-to-Carry Reciprocity Act does just that; it allows 
Ohioans and others with valid CCW permits issued by their home State to 
concealed-carry while visiting any of the 49 States where it's not 
expressly prohibited.
  H.R. 822 is not a Federal takeover. The bill preserves States' rights 
by requiring residents to comply with their home State's rules for 
getting a permit. The bill also maintains reciprocity agreements the 
States have already entered into with other States.
  The bill simply strengthens and protects our constituents' Second 
Amendment rights, and that's why I've cosponsored this legislation and 
look forward to its passage.
  Mr. CONYERS. Mr. Chairman, I yield myself 30 seconds.
  I just want, when we decide how we're going to cast our vote on this 
bill, to realize you cannot compare a concealed-carry weapon permit 
with a driver's license. The States do not have the ability, they do 
not have the automated machinery to do that. Many will not even release 
this information; it's considered a private matter. Concealed-carry 
permit information cannot be revealed in many States.
  I now yield 3 minutes to the former chairman of the Subcommittee on 
Crime, a distinguished member of the Judiciary Committee, the gentleman 
from Virginia (Mr. Scott).
  Mr. SCOTT of Virginia. I thank the gentleman for yielding.

[[Page 17576]]

  Mr. Chairman, H.R. 822 will harm public safety. That's why law 
enforcement organizations such as the International Association of 
Chiefs of Police, the Major Cities Chiefs Associations, and many other 
law enforcement organizations oppose this bill.
  This bill would allow people to use their concealed weapons permit in 
any State in the Union without regard to the standards and requirements 
of those other States. This bill even allows people who are ineligible 
to get a concealed weapons permit in their home State to go out of 
State and get a permit and use that permit anywhere in the country 
except their home State.
  Some States have minimum standards for those who may be eligible to 
carry a concealed weapon. For example, some States require firearms 
training and others deny permits to those who are under 21 or those 
with certain convictions for assaulting police officers, selling drugs 
to kids, sex offenses against children, or domestic violence. Standards 
such as these would be overridden by this bill because permits from 
States without these standards would have to be recognized.
  Now, many States already recognize concealed weapons permits from 
other States. My home State of Virginia recognizes many States' 
concealed weapons permits, but it requires a 24-hour verification. And 
for this reason, many States do not enjoy reciprocity with Virginia 
because 24-hour verification is not available. In fact, one State, 
Colorado, doesn't even maintain a statewide database, so there can be 
no out-of-state verification. As has been indicated, a driver's 
license, any time of day, you can verify the validity of a driver's 
license. But the concealed weapons permit, many States do not have 24-
hour verification.
  In overriding the ability of States to control the carrying of 
concealed weapons by nonresidents, this bill would create a situation 
where the weakest State laws essentially become the national law. We 
would be creating a race to the bottom with our public safety laws.
  Consideration of this legislation has been a challenge because 
apparently many people in this body believe that if more people carried 
guns, the crime rate would go down. Reliable studies, however, point 
out that the possession of a firearm is much more likely to result in 
the death of a family member or a neighbor than being used to thwart a 
crime.
  This bill will undermine public safety. We should let the States 
decide whether or not or under what conditions to allow people who are 
in their State to carry concealed handguns. I urge my colleagues, 
therefore, to vote against this legislation.
  Mr. SMITH of Texas. Mr. Chairman, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman 
from Indiana (Mr. Stutzman).
  Mr. STUTZMAN. I thank the gentleman for yielding.
  Mr. Chairman, rights do not come from the government. We are, in the 
words of the Declaration of Independence, ``endowed by our Creator with 
certain unalienable rights.''
  Mr. Chairman, the right to self-defense goes deep and cannot be taken 
away. The right to self-defense is the cornerstone for the Second 
Amendment. It is also the foundation for concealed-carry laws across 
this country.
  I am proud that my home State of Indiana has established a 
responsible process for obtaining a lifetime permit. Today, 49 States 
have some sort of right-to-carry law.
  Mr. Chairman, this bill ensures that permit holders in Indiana like 
myself can exercise our right to self-defense when our families travel 
across our great country. If you follow the law, your permit from one 
State will be honored by another.
  Mr. CONYERS. Mr. Chairman, I yield myself 15 seconds.
  Ladies and gentlemen, forgive my passion on the discussion of this 
subject, but almost 300 young people of African American decent are 
injured or killed by gunfire from age 15 to 24 every week.
  With that, I yield 2 minutes to my colleague, the gentleman from 
Illinois (Mr. Quigley), a distinguished member of Judiciary.
  Mr. QUIGLEY. Mr. Chairman, I rise in opposition to this measure.
  I too offered an amendment which failed in committee. My amendment 
would have prevented individuals convicted of assaulting a police 
officer or impersonating a police officer from carrying concealed 
loaded guns. Several States that allow permits also deny them to those 
who have assaulted or impersonated cops. The law enforcement officials 
of these States have decided that that is what's best for their 
communities. This bill will wipe those protections away and then will 
go further.
  May I remind my friends here who are citing the Constitution as their 
nexus for this law that the right to keep and bear arms in the interest 
of self-defense of a person at home is not unlimited.

                              {time}  1420

  As the Justices wrote in District of Columbia v. Heller, the right is 
not a right to keep and carry any weapon whatsoever in any manner 
whatsoever for whatever purpose. And, frankly, that's what the National 
Right-to-Carry Reciprocity Act purports.
  So if we're interpreting the 14th Amendment, deeming the Bill of 
Rights applicable to the States in this manner as to the right to bear 
arms, then doesn't that argument also dictate that each State interpret 
other States' decisions on other laws and statutes in the same manner?
  Does this mean that States should acknowledge abortion rights from 
one State to the next?
  Does this mean that States should acknowledge alcohol laws from one 
State to the next?
  Does this mean that States should acknowledge marrying licenses from 
one State to the next, particularly when it comes to same-sex marriage?
  I have a feeling that many of my friends here today would answer 
those questions with a simple ``no.'' You see my trouble with today's 
premise, then.
  I urge my colleagues to oppose this bill.
  Mr. SMITH of Texas. Mr. Chairman, I yield 1 minute to the gentlewoman 
from North Carolina (Mrs. Ellmers).
  Mrs. ELLMERS. I rise today in favor of H.R. 822. The right to bear 
arms is a staple of our Constitution as a basic American right, and we 
should continue to protect it while making sure our laws remain 
efficient.
  I am one of 268,000 permit holders in North Carolina. This is not 
only a rights issue; more importantly, it is a safety issue. As 
millions of American families know, there is no greater threat to our 
families than the ability to protect. We must protect our families, and 
it cannot stop at States' borders.
  H.R. 822 also does not impact State laws governing how concealed 
firearms are possessed or carried. Again, it does not jeopardize the 
States' rights.
  I call on my colleagues to support this important piece of 
legislation.
  Mr. CONYERS. Mr. Chairman, I yield myself 15 seconds.
  There are, my colleagues, over 65 million handguns in the United 
States; and nearly 100,000 people in America every year are shot or 
killed with a firearm.
  I now yield 2 minutes to our distinguished Judiciary colleague, a 
former magistrate from Georgia (Mr. Johnson).
  Mr. JOHNSON of Georgia. Mr. Chairman, I rise today in opposition to 
this dangerous bill, the National Right-to-Carry Reciprocity Act. The 
10th Amendment of the Bill of Rights of the United States Constitution 
provides as follows: ``The powers not delegated to the United States by 
the Constitution nor prohibited by it to the States are reserved to the 
States respectively, or to the people.''
  Mr. Chairman, this bill would override the laws of almost every State 
by forcing them to accept concealed-carry gun permits from every other 
State, even if the permit holder would not be allowed to carry a 
handgun in the State where he or she is traveling. This is ridiculous. 
Each State should decide who may carry a concealed, loaded gun

[[Page 17577]]

within their borders; and the Federal Government should respect the 
States' rights to do so.
  The irony here is that my friends on the Tea Party Republican side of 
the aisle claim to respect States' rights, but then they rush this 
legislation to the House floor, which tramples over States' rights.
  These Tea Party Republicans claim they want to create jobs for the 
millions of unemployed Americans in our Nation, but they are not 
focusing on creating jobs. Instead, they're bowing down to the National 
Rifle Association by moving this piece of special interest legislation 
forward.
  I urge my colleagues to oppose this dangerous bill.
  Mr. SMITH of Texas. Mr. Chairman, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman 
from Minnesota (Mr. Kline), the chairman of the Education and Workforce 
Committee.
  Mr. KLINE. I thank the gentleman for yielding.
  Mr. Chairman, I rise today in strong, strong support of H.R. 822, the 
National Right-to-Carry Reciprocity Act. This bill provides important 
protections for gun owners, and its time is past due.
  As a retired marine and avid outdoorsman, I'm an experienced firearms 
owner and user. I hold a concealed-carry permit in the State of 
Minnesota, and I believe individuals have the right to keep and bear 
arms for the protection of their home, property, family and person. 
They have that right.
  Unfortunately, there have been a lot of mischaracterizations 
surrounding this legislation. I've heard a lot of it here today. To be 
clear, this bill does not create a Federal licensing or registration 
system. It does not create Federal standards, or infringe on the 
ability of States to make laws for a carry permit, and it does not 
negatively affect States that have permit-less carry systems.
  Mr. Chairman, this bill will protect law-abiding gun owners from 
current confusion caused by the wide array of State laws and preempt 
the threat of frivolous lawsuits they could face simply by traveling 
outside of their home State. National Right-to-Carry Reciprocity 
provides critical recognition that the Second Amendment rights of our 
constituents do not end when they cross State lines, and this will 
enhance public safety.
  I urge my colleagues to stand for the Second Amendment and to stand 
for the rights of responsible gun owners who engage in gun safety, and 
I urge them to support H.R. 822.
  Mr. CONYERS. Mr. Chairman, I yield 1\1/2\ minutes to our dear friend, 
the gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Moran).
  Mr. MORAN. Mr. Chairman, the first reason this bill should be 
defeated is that it usurps State authority and replaces it with a 
lowest-common-denominator Federal directive.
  This is a radical piece of legislation. In fact, today 43 States are 
not in compliance with this law; 38 States today prevent people from 
carrying concealed weapons if they have certain dangerous misdemeanor 
criminal convictions; 35 States require the completion of a short gun 
safety program.
  The Commonwealth of Virginia has weakened its gun laws over the past 
2 years, allowing concealed guns in bars and renewal of permits by 
mail. I disagree with these actions, but I would never question the 
general assembly's authority to make these decisions.
  But this bill makes our State legislature's judgment irrelevant. This 
is a Federal power grab coming from a majority that claims to be a 
defender of States' rights.
  The second reason that this bill should be defeated is that our law 
enforcement professionals oppose it. The International Association of 
Chiefs of Police, the Major Cities Police Chiefs Association, the 
Virginia Association of Chiefs of Police all oppose this bill. Why? 
Because they know that it will be nearly impossible for police to 
verify the validity of 49 different carry permits, placing officers in 
potentially life-threatening situations.
  Some States don't even keep verifiable databases of those who have 
been issued concealed-carry permits. Law enforcement is trying to curb 
illegal gun smuggling, but this bill allows traffickers with concealed-
carry permits to transport firearms into destination States and present 
an unverifiable permit if stopped by police.
  This is a blatant legislative overreach, presumably because it was 
next on the NRA's legislative wish list.
  We should defeat this bill, Mr. Chairman.
  Mr. SMITH of Texas. Mr. Chairman, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman 
from Arkansas (Mr. Ross).
  Mr. ROSS of Arkansas. I rise today in strong support of H.R. 822.
  If you get a driver's license in Arkansas, it's recognized in every 
State in the country. And if you have a concealed-carry permit, the 
same rules should apply. Our Second Amendment rights to own and bear 
arms are universal, and our laws should reflect that as best they can.
  The National Right-to-Carry Reciprocity Act would allow every 
American citizen with a valid concealed-carry permit to carry a 
concealed firearm in all States that allow them for lawful purposes.
  Let me be clear: If your State bans concealed firearms, then this law 
will not affect that ban. This bill does not change any State laws 
about when and where you can carry a concealed firearm. This bill does 
not create a new Federal licensing system. It simply reinforces our 
Second Amendment rights and makes the laws more fair for law-abiding 
gun owners.
  As a strong supporter of the Second Amendment, I believe we must pass 
the National Right-to-Carry Reciprocity Act now, and I urge my 
colleagues to join me in voting for the bill.
  Mr. CONYERS. Mr. Chairman, I yield 1\1/2\ minutes to the 
distinguished gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Pascrell).

                              {time}  1430

  Mr. PASCRELL. I had to make a choice on this bill, whether I would 
support a disputable constitutional issue about whether you can by law 
carry a concealed weapon or move towards the other side to those who 
oppose this.
  Now, who opposes this legislation besides me? Mayors Against Illegal 
Guns, the International Association of Chiefs of Police, the Major 
Cities Chiefs Association, and the Police Foundation oppose this bill. 
Doesn't this mean anything to you at all? Doesn't it? Or does it?
  I prefer community policing than try to put more guns into the hands 
of those people who we don't even know are going to be trained to even 
use them. That's my preference, Mr. Chairman.
  This means my home State of New Jersey--this is not Idaho, this is 
not Montana--in fact, we have the most densely populated State in the 
Union. There is a different culture. When Clinton argued on behalf of 
gun possession when he was the President of the United States, he 
always made this point about the cultural differences in different 
parts of the country. And we respect that.
  I'm not against the Second Amendment. I support the Second Amendment. 
But I don't want those folks in the street who out-arm and out-gun our 
police officers.
  The Acting CHAIR (Mr. Simpson). The time of the gentleman has 
expired.
  Mr. CONYERS. I yield the gentleman an additional 15 seconds.
  Mr. PASCRELL. Twelve thousand fewer police officers we have in this 
country; 12,000 fewer police officers in our streets. We should be 
worried about that as a priority rather than this as a priority.
  So I made the decision. The evidence is like this against doing this. 
We haven't had any legislation which took away one gun in the past 20 
years from anybody in this country--not one. So we have made the 
perception being that we want to take guns away from people.
  How dare you even say it.
  Protect our police. Don't vote for this.
  Mr. SMITH of Texas. Mr. Chairman, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman 
from Illinois (Mr. Kinzinger).
  Mr. KINZINGER of Illinois. The right to keep and bear arms is a real 
simple phrase. Some people have only negative thoughts. When the words 
``gun''

[[Page 17578]]

or ``firearm'' are heard, thoughts immediately turn to criminals; but 
that's the problem because the debate we're having today isn't about 
criminals. It's about the rights of law-abiding citizens to bear arms 
for self-defense.
  Look, Illinois is the only State without concealed-carry, but I'd 
argue we already have concealed-carry. There are people that are killed 
in Chicago very often by guns that are already concealed but not 
concealed by law-abiding citizens. Illinois is the only State that 
doesn't allow any form of it legally.
  I want H.R. 822 to be a clear sign to the Governor of Illinois that 
now is the time to join the rest of the country in allowing citizens 
the right to conceal a firearm on their person. We hear so much about 
if we allow people to carry guns, more people are going to be killed. 
But that flies in the face of statistics.
  After 2008, there was a record number of guns purchased, but we saw 
crime drop almost everywhere, bar none.
  My point is that law-abiding citizens in this country are not the 
problem. Illinois needs to join the rest of the country in supporting 
conceal-carry for its citizens. And I believe that this is a sign that 
it's time to do so now.
  Mr. CONYERS. Mr. Chairman, I am pleased to yield 2 minutes to the 
distinguished gentlelady from Florida (Ms. Wasserman Schultz), a former 
member of the Judiciary Committee.
  Ms. WASSERMAN SCHULTZ. I rise in opposition to H.R. 822, the National 
Right-to-Carry Reciprocity Act.
  This ill-conceived bill is yet another distraction from what should 
be the most pressing concern of this Congress, putting Americans back 
to work.
  What's more disturbing is that this bill jeopardizes public safety by 
mandating that States honor even the most lax concealed-weapon laws of 
other States. The gentleman from Illinois is incorrect: this is about 
criminals.
  For my constituents in south Florida, gun control is a serious issue. 
Miami-Dade County has one of the highest rates of gun violence in the 
country. In the entire State of Florida, there are almost 800,000 
permits for concealed firearms. Florida's process for issuing 
concealed-carry licenses is problematic enough, and I would certainly 
not suggest foisting it on any other State that has stronger safeguards 
that protect its citizens. But this bill will do exactly that.
  For States that require age minimums or safety training before 
getting a concealed-weapons permit or that prohibits certain violent 
offenders from getting a permit in the first place, that all goes out 
the window if this bill is passed into law. What we get in return is 
the worst of the worst, a lowest-common-denominator of all of the State 
laws.
  For example, in just one 6-month period in 2006, Florida gave 
concealed-carry licenses to more than 1,400 individuals who had pleaded 
guilty or no contest to felonies, 216 of them had outstanding warrants, 
128 of them had active domestic violence injunctions. And under this 
bill, other States will be mandated to honor these permits. They will 
be mandated to allow Florida's self-admitted felons to carry concealed 
weapons in their States.
  This is why the Nation's leading law enforcement organizations 
strongly oppose this bill. It's also opposed by more than 600 members 
of the bipartisan Mayors Against Illegal Guns, including many of my 
local mayors of both parties in south Florida.
  Why would this bill be a higher priority than creating jobs? This is 
the 11th straight month of this Congress, and the House majority still 
has no jobs agenda.
  Regardless of how Americans feel about guns, the overwhelming 
majority would agree that gun policy is not a higher priority than job 
creation is right now.
  I urge my colleagues to vote ``no'' on this bill, and I urge my 
friends across the aisle to stop putting American lives at risk and 
start putting them back to work.
  Mr. SMITH of Texas. Mr. Chairman, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman 
from North Carolina (Mr. Coble), the chairman of the Courts 
Subcommittee of the Judiciary Committee.
  Mr. COBLE. Mr. Chairman, I rise in support of H.R. 822.
  Conceal-and-carry permits may be one of the most scrutinized permits 
for gun owners to receive. Unfortunately, the manner in which these 
permits are recognized by various States is confusing and inconsistent. 
H.R. 822 will help resolve this dilemma, Mr. Chairman.
  For example, in my home State of North Carolina, conceal-and-carry 
permits from South Carolina and Georgia are recognized, but not permits 
from New Mexico.
  Meanwhile, New Mexico readily recognizes conceal-and-carry permits 
from North Carolina. If enacted, there would be no discrepancy over 
which permits are valid. Another reason for supporting H.R. 822 is that 
it protects State sovereignty. States are not required to issue 
conceal-and-carry permits, and State laws regarding the use and 
ownership of firearms are explicitly preserved.
  I firmly believe that the Second Amendment confirms a constitutional 
right for individuals to own a firearm, Mr. Chairman. I also believe 
that ownership and use of a firearm carries a special level of personal 
responsibility.
  This bill promotes both of these ideals; and if enacted, it will help 
make America safer, which probably explains why this bill has 245 
cosponsors.
  I thank the chairman for yielding.
  Mr. CONYERS. Mr. Chairman, I am pleased to yield 2 minutes to the 
distinguished gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Holt).
  Mr. HOLT. Mr. Chairman, this is another great example of legislation 
in search of a problem. Driven by ideological fervor of its sponsors 
rather than by any practical approach to safety, H.R. 822 would amend 
existing Federal law to establish a national standard for carrying 
concealed firearms.
  As the sponsors well know, these matters have long been the province 
of the States. It's fascinating how quickly the majority ignores the 
10th Amendment when the gun lobby comes calling. Why needlessly create 
a conflict, or should I say a shootout, between the Second and the 10th 
Amendments?
  Passage of the Law Enforcement Officers Safety Act of 2004, which I 
voted for, and which permits qualified law enforcement officers to 
carry concealed firearms across States, makes this essentially 
redundant and unnecessary.
  The bill before us would have the effect of overriding New Jersey's 
own laws in this area, which police officers and hunters and other 
citizens tell me work well and keep our citizens safe.

                              {time}  1440

  Ask our law enforcement officers. They'll tell you New Jerseyans live 
well within our gun safety laws. We don't need more lax laws.
  Now, others have said today--but maybe it's worth repeating--that 
this body should be focusing on creating jobs, not passing 
ideologically driven, special interest legislation that would endanger 
public safety, subvert the constitutional order, and go against the 
interests and the declared recommendations of law enforcement officers 
all across the U.S.
  The Acting CHAIR. The Chair would inform the managers that the 
gentleman from Texas has 9\1/4\ minutes remaining and that the 
gentleman from Michigan has 2\1/2\ minutes remaining.
  Mr. SMITH of Texas. Mr. Chairman, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman 
from California (Mr. Lungren).
  Mr. DANIEL E. LUNGREN of California. I strongly support the Second 
Amendment. For that reason, I signed on to the amicus briefs in the 
Heller case and in the McDonald v. City of Chicago case, upholding the 
right to bear arms as an individual and constitutional right. I believe 
that. At the same time, as the former attorney general of California, I 
continue to have a deep and abiding commitment to preserving States' 
rights in the manner that the Founders envisioned the notion of 
federalism.
  Under the 10th Amendment, it is obvious that the Constitution 
allocates what are known generally as police powers to the States to 
protect public safety and health. That's why I object to some of our 
legislation to expand the Federal role in tort law and in marriage law, 
because it's not just those

[[Page 17579]]

things you necessarily agree with, but it's tougher when it's those 
things you may disagree with that are left to the States. Some people 
have talked about licenses here. You don't have a right to take your 
license to practice medicine or law to the next State. We have not 
required that. We allow States to do that.
  Here is the other thing.
  My State is one of the most liberal. We have too liberal a law with 
respect to concealed weapons, but the only way the liberal State 
legislature in California will respond to this is by following 
Illinois, because it's the only way they can get a limit, as they see 
it, on these sorts of things.
  The Acting CHAIR. The time of the gentleman has expired.
  Mr. CONYERS. I yield the gentleman an additional 15 seconds.
  Mr. DANIEL E. LUNGREN of California. My suggestion is, those who are 
concerned about it in my State might have to worry about this because 
our legislature will now be tempted to get rid of all concealed-weapons 
permits because, unfortunately, under this legislation, that's the only 
thing they can do to police the eligibility of those who get concealed-
weapons permits.
  So this does cut both ways, and at least I think we ought to 
understand that States' rights is a legitimate argument here on this 
floor.
  Mr. SMITH of Texas. Mr. Chairman, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman 
from Utah (Mr. Matheson).
  Mr. MATHESON. I would like to thank my colleague from Florida (Mr. 
Stearns) for introducing the bill before us today.
  Mr. Chairman, I support this bipartisan legislation for two reasons. 
One, I believe that our gun laws should ensure that a responsible, law-
abiding individual is able to exercise his Second Amendment right to 
carry firearms. Two, this bill simplifies what is now a piecemeal 
system of existing reciprocal agreements among the States.
  There are millions of concealed-carry permit holders in this country, 
including thousands in my State. They comply with State law to gain a 
State permit so that they can legally carry weapons for self-defense. 
By passing this bill, we will ensure that, when they travel to other 
States, they will be able to exercise their right to self-defense while 
away from home. This bill does not create a federal licensing or 
registration system. It does not allow a concealed-weapon permit holder 
to carry a concealed weapon in States like Illinois, which do not allow 
concealed carry.
  I think that addresses the criticism of this legislation that it 
would override a State's ability to determine who can carry concealed 
weapons within that State's borders. Permit holders who want to take 
their weapons with them to another State are required to be aware of 
and abide by that State's rules.
  As a strong supporter of Second Amendment rights, I support this 
legislation, and I urge its adoption.
  Mr. SMITH of Texas. Mr. Chairman, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman 
from New York (Mr. Gibson).
  Mr. GIBSON. I thank the chairman for yielding.
  Mr. Chairman, I rise today in strong support of H.R. 822, the 
National Right-to-Carry Reciprocity Act.
  This bill is about freedom. It's about the Constitution and our Bill 
of Rights. This bill is about the Second Amendment right. As with all 
of the amendments contained in the Bill of Rights, these were born out 
of our experiences with King George and out of a desire to prevent such 
abuses of power in our Republic. Indeed, at the outset of hostilities 
during the Revolution, the British Army marched to Concord to 
confiscate our guns and extinguish our freedoms.
  The Founders put the Second Amendment in the Bill of Rights to assure 
our right to keep and bear arms and safeguard our liberty. At least in 
my district, this is a nonpartisan bill. Republicans, Democrats and 
independents alike support the Second Amendment and hold dear our Bill 
of Rights.
  The premise of H.R. 822 is very simple. If a citizen is permitted to 
carry a concealed weapon in one State, other States that have a 
concealed-carry law will honor and recognize it, supporting and 
strengthening the Second Amendment. I urge my colleagues to support it.
  Mr. SMITH of Texas. Mr. Chairman, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman 
from Virginia (Mr. Goodlatte).
  Mr. GOODLATTE. I thank the chairman for yielding and for his 
leadership on this issue.
  Mr. Chairman, I rise today in strong support of H.R. 822, the 
National Right-to-Carry Reciprocity Act of 2011.
  This bipartisan bill has 245 cosponsors, and it enhances Americans' 
right to self-defense by enabling millions of permit holders to 
exercise their right to self-defense while traveling outside their home 
States.
  The Second Amendment is in the United States Constitution, and we are 
all taking an oath in this body to uphold the United States 
Constitution, including rights under the Second Amendment. The 10th 
Amendment is certainly an important right as well, but it does not 
trump the right or the responsibility of this body to protect rights 
under the Second Amendment.
  Forty-nine States have laws that permit their citizens to carry a 
concealed firearm in some fashion or another. Unlike driver's licenses, 
however, concealed-carry permit holders in one State are not always 
authorized to carry their firearms when traveling outside their home 
States.
  H.R. 822 remedies this problem by granting concealed-carry permit 
holders reciprocity between States. The firearm owner must abide by all 
applicable State laws when carrying in a foreign jurisdiction. This 
bill affirms that the Second Amendment protects the fundamental 
individual right to keep and bear arms and that the States cannot 
unreasonably infringe upon that right.
  In McDonald v. Chicago, the Supreme Court concluded that the due 
process clause of the 14th Amendment incorporates the Second Amendment 
right recognized by the Supreme Court in the District of Columbia v. 
Heller.
  This bill does not create any kind of Federal bureaucracy that may 
concern some people. It simply extends to them their Second Amendment 
rights when they travel in other States. H.R. 822 recognizes that 
right, and I urge my colleagues to support this measure.
  The Acting CHAIR. The gentleman from Texas has 4\1/4\ minutes 
remaining. The gentleman from Michigan has 2\1/4\ minutes remaining.
  Mr. CONYERS. Mr. Chairman, I yield the balance of my time to the 
distinguished gentleman from Georgia (Mr. Woodall).
  Mr. WOODALL. I thank the gentleman for yielding.
  I love the Second Amendment. I got my first gun from Santa Claus when 
I was 6 years old. The first handgun I ever fired wasn't my dad's or my 
uncle's or my grandfather's--it was my mother's. I got my first 
concealed-carry application filled out as a freshman in law school. I 
lived in a bad neighborhood and needed it for self protection. I've had 
it for the last 20 years. I love the Second Amendment.
  But if the Second Amendment protects my rights to carry my concealed 
weapon from State to State to State, I don't need another Federal law 
that says, yeah, I really mean it. It's already protected. If the 
Second Amendment doesn't protect my right to carry a concealed weapon 
from State to State to State, then the Ninth and 10th Amendments leave 
that responsibility to individuals and the States to regulate on their 
own.
  I came to Congress to protect freedom. I don't believe the Second 
Amendment was put in the Bill of Rights to allow me to shoot targets. I 
don't believe the Second Amendment was put in the Bill of Rights to 
allow me to hunt for deer and turkey. I think the Second Amendment was 
put in the Bill of Rights so that I could defend my freedom against an 
overbearing Federal Government.
  I don't want the Federal Government in any issue of the law where the 
Constitution does not require it.
  And it does not require it here.
  Don't tell me it's an Interstate Commerce Clause issue; we dismiss 
that on my side of the aisle regularly. Don't

[[Page 17580]]

tell me it's necessary and proper; we dismiss that on our side of the 
aisle regularly. And don't tell me it's full faith and credit because 
we dismiss that on our side of the aisle regularly.

                              {time}  1450

  The temptation to legislate is great. The temptation is great. I 
absolutely believe in the intent of this legislation. I want the right 
to carry from coast to coast. Georgia has already orchestrated 
reciprocity agreements with 25 States. We've got 24 more to go. The 
Second Amendment exists so that we can keep and bear arms to defend 
ourselves against government, no matter how well-intended. Rather than 
arms, I ask my colleagues to use their voting cards today to defend us 
against the overreach of the Federal Government, no matter how well-
intended.
  Mr. SMITH of Texas. Mr. Chairman, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman 
from Alaska (Mr. Young).
  Mr. YOUNG of Alaska. I thank the gentleman for yielding.
  I have listened to this debate. This is a reciprocity vote that 
allows me to carry my weapon, as I have carried it for the last 50 
years, from one State to another as long as I have a permit and they do 
also.
  But more than that, I am a little bit resentful when I hear on the 
floor that this is ``the will of the NRA.'' Now, I am proud to have 
been a lifetime member of the NRA--since I could vote. I am a member 
today. I participate in their board meetings, and I am proud of that 
organization. It is probably one of the leading organizations. But to 
cast that in the form of ``they are not the people of America'' is 
wrong. The greatest strength the NRA has is its members. There is talk 
about how strong they are as a lobbying group. The lobbying group is 
the citizen, the citizen that wants to carry his arm, as permitted, 
across State lines, as they do with a driver's license.
  This is a good piece of legislation. I'm glad we are having this 
discussion. There can be differences of opinion. But don't take it away 
from myself to go from Alaska with my permit and go into the other 48 
States, I believe it is, that have permits and I can't use my permit. 
That's wrong. Let's vote for this legislation.
  Mr. SMITH of Texas. Mr. Chairman, I yield 1 minute to the gentlewoman 
from Florida (Mrs. Adams), a member of the Judiciary Committee.
  Mrs. ADAMS. I rise in support of H.R. 822.
  As a former law enforcement officer and a State representative, I 
have dealt with issues relating to our Second Amendment right.
  It's interesting when I hear some of the blurring between gun 
purchasing and a concealed-carry permit. I have done both. And as a law 
enforcement officer, I would like to know, if someone would tell me, 
``Hey, I have a concealed-carry permit and I have a weapon,'' rather 
than finding it either by accident or having it pointed at me. So I 
stand in great support of this piece of legislation. I do believe that 
it is good legislation. It will not harm the people, as I have heard 
here on the floor.
  And I have heard that we aren't working on jobs. Well, I beg to 
differ that issue because we have passed over 20 bills sitting in the 
Senate that have not been heard that would relate to jobs. So, yes, we 
are working on jobs and the economy, and we also are working on other 
issues that are brought to us from our constituents.
  I stand in great support of H.R. 8122.
  Mr. SMITH of Texas. Mr. Chairman, I yield myself the balance of my 
time.
  H.R. 822 is important legislation that recognizes that Americans' 
ability to exercise their fundamental constitutional rights should not 
disappear at their State's border. The parade of horribles that have 
been alleged by some of my colleagues on the other side of the aisle 
are simply not true. Federal law already prohibits felons, domestic 
abusers, and illegal drug users from possessing a firearm. This 
legislation does not change that. If a person is prohibited from 
possessing a firearm under Federal law, they cannot carry a concealed 
weapon under this bill.
  The arguments we have heard so often today against this legislation 
are against guns in the hands of violent criminals generally, not 
against legally permitted concealed weapons. Concealed-carry laws have 
shown that concealed weapons actually lower violent crime rates in a 
jurisdiction. H.R. 822 simply permits law-abiding Americans to take 
their Second Amendment rights with them when they travel.
  I urge my colleagues to support this bipartisan piece of legislation, 
and I yield back the balance of my time.
  Ms. SCHAKOWSKY. Mr. Chair, I rise today in strong opposition to H.R. 
822, the National Right-to-Carry Reciprocity Act of 2011.
  By forcing each state to recognize every other state's concealed 
carry permits, this legislation would create serious safety challenges 
for communities and law enforcement officials across the country. 
Further, it seriously infringes upon individual states' rights to set 
minimum standards based on local needs and concerns.
  This legislation has been called the ``lowest common denominator 
approach'' to public safety. Currently, states use widely varying 
criteria to determine who is allowed to carry a concealed firearm. At 
least 38 states prohibit individuals convicted of certain dangerous 
misdemeanor crimes from obtaining concealed carry permits; 35 states 
require completion of a gun safety program or other proof of competency 
in order to receive a permit; at least 36 states have age restrictions; 
and 29 states will not award concealed carry permits to alcohol 
abusers.
  Forcing national reciprocity would allow individuals who would be 
denied a permit in their home state to apply for a permit in a less 
restrictive state. It jeopardizes the safety of police officers making 
routine stops, who may not have the resources to verify the validity of 
an unfamiliar, out-of-state concealed carry permit.
  Mr. Chair, right now states can determine their own concealed carry 
regulations. They can choose to enter into reciprocity agreements with 
other states, and they can choose to end those agreements. They can 
choose to only allow residents of the state to obtain concealed-carry 
permits, or they can opt to issue licenses to both residents and non-
residents. They can chose, as Illinois has so sensibly done, not to 
allow concealed carry at all.
  Different states have different crime fighting concerns and 
priorities, and this legislation is a dangerous attempt to override 
state laws. I urge my colleagues to join me in opposing this bill.
  Mr. GENE GREEN of Texas. Mr. Chair, I rise in strong support of H.R. 
822, the National Right-to-Carry Reciprocity Act of 2011.
  This important, bipartisan, legislation reinforces fundamental rights 
enshrined in the U.S. Constitution by allowing any person with a valid, 
state-issued concealed firearm permit to carry a concealed firearm in 
any state that issues concealed firearm permits.
  As an avid hunter and outdoorsman, and as a lifetime member of the 
National Rifle Association, I can share with personal experience the 
frustration of my fellow hunters and outdoorsmen the absurdity of 
having to know which states recognize visiting permit holders from 
other states and which states that do not.
  Our country should not force its law-abiding citizens to check in 
their fundamental right to self-defense at the state line.
  The National Right-to-Carry Reciprocity Act would clarify this matter 
by requiring states that allow concealed carry to recognize each 
other's permits, similar to how states recognize each other's driver's 
licenses.
  Right-to-carry laws also help deter crime. Presently, 40 states have 
right-to-carry laws. Based on crime data from the FBI, right-to-carry 
states have 22 percent lower total violent crime rates in comparison to 
the rest of the country.
  In my home state of Texas, violent crime has dropped 20 percent and 
the murder rate has dropped 31 percent, since the enactment of its 
right-to-carry law in 1996.
  This legislation is also in-line with recent rulings found by the 
U.S. Supreme Court. In 2008 in District of Columbia v. Heller and again 
in 2010 in McDonald v. City of Chicago, the high court found the right 
to possess a firearm for self-defense cannot be infringed.
  I am a proud co-sponsor of the bill and have co-sponsored similar 
legislation in previous Congresses.
  I call on my colleagues on both sides of the aisle to stand up in 
support of the U.S. Constitution and the millions of hunters and 
outdoorsmen in our country and vote in favor of this bill.
  Mr. WAXMAN. Mr. Chair, I rise in strong opposition to H.R. 822, the 
National Right-to-Carry Reciprocity Act.
  I share the view of many Californians that states have a 
responsibility to enact commonsense measures to keep deadly weapons out

[[Page 17581]]

of the hands of children, criminals and individuals with a history of 
serious mental illness. I am appalled that this bill would supersede 
reasonable state standards and subject California to weaker and 
oftentimes dangerous gun laws of other states.
  As the leading Democrats on the Judiciary Committee stated in their 
dissenting views to this bill:

       H.R. 822, the `National Right-to-Carry Re-
     ciprocity Act of 2011,' is a dangerous bill that would 
     override the laws of almost every state by obliging each to 
     accept concealed handgun carry permits from every other 
     state, even if the permit holder would not be allowed to 
     carry or even possess a handgun in the state where he or she 
     is traveling. The law tramples federalism and endangers 
     public safety.

  For example, in California, we believe--and it is the law--that if 
you're a convicted sex offender, you should lose your right to own a 
gun. But under this bill, an individual in California convicted of 
misdemeanor sexual battery could carry a firearm.
  In California, it is the law that gun owners should have some basic 
training to ensure guns are stored safely and away from children. But 
under this bill, individuals with no knowledge of how to handle a 
firearm could keep and carry a gun in California.
  In California, we believe--and it is the law--that gun owners should 
have a clean criminal record. But under this bill, a man convicted of 
multiple counts of domestic violence could walk the streets of 
California with a concealed handgun.
  This is not a trivial issue. In January 2008, a Florida man, Michael 
Leopold Phillips, killed his wife and then turned the gun on himself, 
committing suicide. Mr. Phillips had a long history of spousal abuse; 
he had been arrested on three occasions for domestic violence, and an 
ex-wife had issued a restraining order against him years earlier. But 
Florida has some of the most relaxed gun laws in the country, and Mr. 
Phillips was granted a concealed carry permit by the state even though 
he had documented history of abusing women.
  I believe that California should have every right, with the full 
force of our laws behind them, to keep guns out of the hands of people 
like Mr. Phillips.
  The Republican leadership likes to preach its fidelity to the 
overarching principle of states' rights--but this bill shows their 
fidelity to states' rights is subject to a test of political 
convenience. When it comes to a state's right to decide how to protect 
its citizens from gun violence, the Republican leadership has ceded its 
principles to the gun lobby.
  This bill is an affront to federalism and an assault on public 
safety. I urge my colleagues to vote no on this dangerous legislation.
  Mr. TOWNS. Mr. Chair, I rise in strong opposition to the National 
Right-to-Carry Reciprocity Act, which preempts the laws of almost every 
state by obliging each to accept concealed handgun carry permits from 
every other state, even if the permit holder would not otherwise be 
allowed to carry or even possess a handgun in the state where he or she 
is traveling. Presently America's economy is struggling. Many of our 
citizens are devastated by unemployment and crime rates are an issue of 
national concern. Therefore, extending handgun laws simply does not 
seem logical.
  I am greatly perturbed by the negative ramifications that this bill 
will have on individual state's abilities to protect their citizens 
from gun violence. For example, states such as Arizona, California, 
Connecticut, Delaware, Florida, Hawaii, Iowa, Kentucky, Louisiana, 
Massachusetts, Michigan, Nebraska, New Jersey, Nevada, Oklahoma, Rhode 
Island, Tennessee, Texas, Utah, Wisconsin, and Wyoming require gun 
safety training as a requirement to obtain a concealed carry permit. 
North Dakota requires certain permit applicants only to pass an open 
book exam to satisfy its requirement. My state, New York prohibits 
carrying by individuals younger than 21 years of age. H.R. 822 
eliminates the authority of states to select who may be eligible to 
carry a concealed loaded gun in public. Who can decide the best 
protective policies for each state besides the officials elected to 
represent it?
  Additionally, H.R. 822 can potentially endanger the lives of our 
valued law enforcement officers who strive to protect our citizens. Out 
of state carrying permits are extremely difficult to verify since a 
national permit database does not exist and officers tend to have 
difficulties establishing the validity of these particular permits. 
Such an impediment can lead to an escalating situation during traffic 
stops or other high risk situations that could end fatally. Law 
enforcement officers work diligently to ensure that streets are safe 
for our citizens but H.R. 822 makes this task more difficult in 
numerous ways for these esteemed officers. It is our responsibility to 
protect these law enforcement officials who put their lives at risk on 
a daily basis to ensure the safety of our citizens.
  Supporting this bill will indubitably reverse the efforts by 
officials in New York to reduce already challenging crime rates. 
Supporting this bill will jeopardize the safety of my constituents, New 
York residents and citizens nationwide. Our constituents depend on us 
to maintain a safe country for them and the generations after them. 
Voting in support of this bill will put all of our lives at risk. I 
urge my colleagues on both sides of the aisle to vote ``no'' on this 
Bill.
  Mrs. MILLER of Michigan. Mr. Chair, my home slate of Michigan is one 
of 49 in the nation that currently has a law that allows individuals to 
receive a license to carry a concealed weapon.
  Some warned that right-to-carry laws would lead to an increase in 
crime, but the facts bear out that just the opposite is true. Violent 
crime has gone down substantially across the nation as more and more 
states instituted right-to-carry laws.
  When criminals know that law abiding citizens have the ability to 
defend themselves they have to think twice before victimizing people. 
This legislation simply allows those who have gotten the training to 
receive a permit to carry in their home state to use that permit in 
other states.
  The bill also requires that concealed weapons permit holders abide by 
the local laws in the state where they choose to exercise this right 
and thus is not a federalization of gun laws.
  Just as another state cannot deny drivers license holders from 
Michigan the ability to drive in that state, they should not deny 
concealed carry permit holders from Michigan the right to carry.
  I urge my colleagues to join me in supporting this legislation that 
strengthens the Constitutional rights of all Americans.
  Mr. FARR. Mr. Chair, I am strongly opposed to the National Right to 
Carry Reciprocity Act of 2011. This misguided bill is unworkable in 
practice and will compromise officer safety and public security. 
Furthermore, this bill flagrantly treads on the rights of states to 
legislate and enforce public security within their own states.
  It is very troubling that at the very time where we all have the 
responsibility to be more aware of our public security, my colleagues 
have introduced a bill that values Wild West ``shoot 'em up'' swagger 
over reasonable measures to protect public safety.
  This bill will make it easier for criminal gun traffickers to travel 
to gun markets across the country with loaded weapons, without concern 
for any police scrutiny. Gun traffickers who have concealed carry 
permits would be able to bring cars or backpacks full of loaded guns 
into destination states and simply present their permit if stopped. As 
a practical matter, to arrest the traffickers, law enforcement would 
have to observe them in the act of selling guns. Far too many U.S.-
purchased weapons make it into the hands of criminals in Latin America, 
and H.R. 822 would only exacerbate this problem.
  Mr. Chair, while I support gun rights for law abiding citizens for 
sport and collection, I simply cannot support this bill.
  I hope my colleagues will join with me and the California Police 
Chiefs Association, along with other national law enforcement 
organizations, to defeat this misguided and destructive legislation.
  Mr. VAN HOLLEN. Mr. Chair, I rise to oppose the severely flawed H.R. 
822, the National Right-to-Carry Reciprocity Act.
  This bill would make it difficult for states and local governments to 
enforce their firearms laws and puts the safety of the public and law 
enforcement at risk. State and local regulations of firearms vary 
dramatically. Some states have no standards for carrying a firearm 
beyond the minimum federal requirements. In Maryland, alcoholics and 
drug addicts, those convicted of certain crimes, or those with a 
propensity for violence or mental instability, among other things, may 
not obtain a permit to carry a firearm. This bill would require 
Maryland to accept concealed carry gun permits from other states even 
when the permit is not in compliance with Maryland law.
  Since there is no national database for concealed carry licenses, it 
is difficult for states to authenticate conceal carry licenses from out 
of state. This is one of the reasons Maryland currently does not 
recognize any out-of-state permits. The inability to quickly and 
accurately verify the validity of out of state concealed carry permits 
creates additional risk for law enforcement officers. William McMahon, 
the President of the Maryland Chiefs of Police Association, recently 
called this legislation ``dangerous and unacceptable.''
  I urge my colleagues to join me in opposing this misguided bill.
  Mr. GINGREY of Georgia. Mr. Chair, I rise today in strong support of 
H.R. 822, the National Right-to-Carry Reciprocity Act of 2011,

[[Page 17582]]

which was introduced by my good friend, Representative Cliff Stearns 
from Florida. H.R. 822 is a sorely needed, commonsense reform to the 
enforcement of the concealed firearms permitting process. For too long, 
law-abiding citizens have been forced to struggle with conflicting and 
often confusing state laws. When traveling, many gun owners are 
sometimes forced to choose between safety and obeying the incompatible 
laws of another state, even if they have a valid permit in their home 
state.
  In practice, the current system makes the permitted carrying of a 
concealed weapon legal on one side of an arbitrary line on a map and 
illegal on the other. Mr. Chairman, it makes no more sense for a state 
to deny the concealed-carry permit of another state than it would to 
deny a drivers license in the same scenario. This is simply another 
example in a long line of bureaucratic infringements on individuals' 
abilities to exercise their constitutionally protected Second Amendment 
rights.
  Mr. Chair, I commend Mr. Stearns for his leadership on this issue. 
The Founding Fathers envisioned a country in which the government 
existed in order to ensure the rights to ``Life, Liberty, and the 
Pursuit of Happiness,'' not to create a litany of rules and regulations 
that ultimately hinders the pursuit of any of them.
  Mr. Chair, the American people are demanding a country in which they 
can freely exercise the rights guaranteed to them in the United States 
Constitution, and I believe H.R. 822 is a terrific step in the right 
direction. I urge my colleagues to support the Second Amendment's 
rights of law abiding citizens everywhere and vote in favor of H.R. 
822.
  Mr. CONNOLLY of Virginia. Mr. Chair, after a decade in which 10 to 12 
thousand Americans were murdered with guns every single year, the House 
is considering legislation to protect criminals' ability to carry 
concealed weapons. This reckless legislation almost certainly would add 
to our gun homicide rate, which is already 19.5 times higher than other 
developed countries. This bill will likely add to the gun violence 
death toll, which totals over 1 million Americans since 1968.
  H.R. 822, the National Right-to-Carry Reciprocity Act, could open the 
door for criminals or terrorists to use fraudulent concealed weapon 
permits from other states. As the Virginia State Police wrote in a 
letter that I will submit for the record, state police in one state 
frequently are unable to verify a concealed carry permit from another 
state. For those states where verification is possible, in many cases 
states have already established reciprocity. It would be reckless, 
however, to establish a uniform reciprocity standard under which our 
police cannot verify many concealed carry permits. Can we risk the 
possibility that a violent criminal or a terrorist could be pulled over 
yet be allowed to continue on their way because the police officer is 
unable to check the validity of a concealed carry permit? Regardless of 
our respective positions on concealed carry laws, I would hope that we 
can at least legislate in a manner that preserves the ability of police 
to protect our communities from violent criminals.
  Finally, it is ironic that the self-appointed defenders of states' 
rights would negate public safety laws across America through 
Congressional fiat. This bill effectively negates any concealed carry 
laws in states for out of state residents in a gross abuse of 
Congressional power which endangers our communities and first 
responders.
  This destructive legislation only will add to the death toll that has 
already caused so much grief in communities like Northern Virginia. I 
urge my colleagues to vote against it.
  Mr. HURT. Mr. Chair, today, I rise in support of H.R. 822, the 
National Right-to-Carry Reciprocity Act offered by my colleagues, 
Representatives Stearns and Shuler. I want to thank them for their 
leadership on this legislation, which protects the basic second 
amendment freedoms that are so important to central and southside 
Virginians.
  This bipartisan bill would allow valid state-issued concealed firearm 
carry permits to be honored by any state or U.S. territory that allows 
concealed carry, requiring that each state recognize another's carry 
permits, just as they recognize each other's drivers' licenses.
  Currently, 49 of 50 states, including the Commonwealth of Virginia, 
have laws permitting concealed carry in some fashion. Additionally, 
over half of those states--25 of those 49--already honor the Virginia 
concealed carry permit.
  This legislation, which has overwhelming support in the House--from 
representatives from 48 states and both sides of the aisle--would allow 
central and southside Virginians to utilize their carry permits in all 
of the 49 states that allow concealed carry.
  The constitutional right to keep and bear arms and the ability to 
defend one's self are fundamental liberties which were protected by our 
founding fathers. H.R. 822 recognizes that these basic liberties should 
not be constrained by borders or boundaries, and does so without 
hindering states' authority to set criteria for their own residents, 
and without affecting state laws that regulate how concealed firearms 
are carried.
  I am proud to cosponsor this legislation as I continue to work to 
protect our second amendment freedoms for those in Virginia's 5th 
District and across the country, and I urge my colleagues to join with 
me in supporting passage of this bill.
  Ms. McCOLLUM. Mr. Chair, I rise in strong opposition to H.R. 822 
because it threatens to undermine our states' ability to enforce their 
own gun laws and endangers the safety of our citizens, especially those 
that serve in law enforcement.
  If this legislation passes, it would mean that the Republican-
controlled Congress will automatically give anyone the right to carry a 
concealed, loaded weapon into Minnesota's neighborhoods. This reckless 
bill is opposed by mayors, governors, domestic violence prevention 
advocates, and major law enforcement organizations, including the 
Minnesota Chief of Police Association. As members of our law 
enforcement community will attest, the best way to prevent gun violence 
is to keep guns off the street and out of the hands of criminals. Gun 
traffickers routinely take advantage of gun show loopholes and 
negligent background checks to divert guns from the legal market into 
the criminal market. This legislation makes it even more difficult to 
trace illegal guns and keep them out of the hands of those that could 
inflict harm on our Minnesota law enforcement officers, families, and 
friends.
  H.R. 822 takes away Minnesota's right to police its own communities 
and enforce its own stringent gun laws. As with every state and 
municipality across the country, Minnesota has developed its laws to 
adequately meet the needs of its residents. This legislation unfairly 
forces states with strict gun laws to recognize conceal-and-carry 
permits issued by any other state, even if those states' permit 
requirements are lax in comparison. This is unjust and ultimately 
dangerous, especially for communities faced with high crime rates.
  The sobering statistics from the U.S. Census report speak volumes: of 
the 129,741 murders that were reported between 2000 and 2008, nearly 
two-thirds of the victims were killed by a firearm. Equally frightening 
is the deadly role firearms play in domestic violence incidents. 
According to the American Journal of Public Health, abused women are 
five times more likely to be killed by their abuser if the abuser owns 
a firearm. Research also shows that between 1990 and 2005, firearms 
were used to kill more than two-thirds of spouse and ex-spouse homicide 
victims. These numbers are tragic. Instead of empowering our local law 
enforcement officers to prevent such heinous acts, H.R. 822 ties their 
hands by making it harder to determine whether someone carrying a gun 
is doing so illegally. I oppose this legislation in order to preserve 
the safety of our communities and prevent the gun violence that has 
claimed hundreds of innocent lives.
  Ms. RICHARDSON. Mr. Chair, I rise today in strong opposition to H.R. 
822, the proposed National Right-to-Carry Reciprocity Act of 2011. I 
call on my colleagues to join me in rejecting this ill-considered and 
unwise legislation which will effectively force all states to accept 
the lowest-common-standard in concealed carry laws. Passage of this 
bill is reckless and undeniably a threat to public safety.
  This law would add an unnecessary burden on police officers who risk 
their lives every day in traffic stops and other risky situations. It 
would make it nearly impossible for them to be able to determine 
whether the guns they encounter are legal or not.
  The very likely and viable threats posed to public safety if this 
legislation passes are egregious. This legislation will do away with 
the strict gun laws each state has established according to its 
constituent composition and needs and empower dangerous individuals to 
carry concealed, loaded guns in states where they would not qualify for 
a local permit.
  California has one of the most stringent gun laws in the Nation, and 
there is a reason for that. California had the highest number of gun 
murders in the Nation last year, 1,257, which is 69 percent of all 
murders that year and equivalent to 3.37 per 100,000 people in the 
state.
  A very real example of what this legislation will do is a person 
convicted of domestic violence and not allowed to possess, let alone 
carry a concealed weapon in California, can cross state lines into a 
state that does not have the same restrictions, receive a permit for a 
gun, then cross states lines back into California and exact revenge 
against his victim.

[[Page 17583]]

  Proponents against gun laws and restrictions constantly chime, ``Guns 
don't kill people. People kill people.'' That may be the case, but a 
person with a gun can kill another much more easily than a person 
without one. FBI crime statistics based on reports to FBI bureau and 
local law enforcement show that in 2010, the latest year for which 
detailed statistics are available, there were 12,996 murders in the 
U.S.; of those, 8,775 were caused by firearms.
  This dangerous bill will allow a resident of a state with strict 
concealed weapon permitting standards to simply go to and obtain a 
permit in a state with minimal standards, then head back home and carry 
a concealed weapon in a state that would have never allowed him to do 
so in the first place.
  If ever you needed a concrete example of why this is such an ill-
conceived and dangerous piece of legislation for both the public and 
law enforcement, consider the recent testimony of Philadelphia Police 
Commissioner Charles Ramsey before the House Judiciary Subcommittee on 
Crime, Terrorism, and Homeland Security. The Police Commissioner 
testified that in 2005, a man named Marqus Hill had his concealed carry 
permit revoked by Philadelphia Police after he had been charged with 
attempted murder. Mr. Hill later traveled to Florida, got a new permit 
despite his record, used his Florida permit to carry a loaded gun into 
Philadelphia, and later shot a teenager thirteen times in the chest, 
killing him in the street.
  Mr. Chair, the ramifications of such legislation do not stop there. 
It would also make it easier for gun traffickers to move loaded guns 
through urban city streets where police officers are already having a 
difficult time combating crime and violence. It will be nearly 
impossible for police to verify the validity of 49 different carry 
permits.
  Policing our streets and confronting the risks inherent in even 
routine traffic stops is already perilous enough. Ambiguity as to the 
legality of firearm possession could lead to confusion among police 
officers that could result in catastrophic incidents. Congress should 
be working to make the job of law enforcement officers more, not less, 
safe.
  Today, states establish standards for carrying concealed, loaded 
handguns in public places that include criteria beyond an applicant's 
ability to pass a federal background check. For example, at least 38 
states prevent people convicted of certain violent crimes from 
obtaining carry permits, 14 states require applicants to demonstrate 
good character to obtain a carry permit, and about half of states grant 
law enforcement discretion to deny a permit. The National Right-to-
Carry Reciprocity Act would gut these standards and empower dangerous 
individuals to carry concealed, loaded guns in states where they would 
not qualify for a local permit.
  We see firsthand the tragedies that can unfold when guns end up in 
the hands of criminals, the seriously mentally ill, domestic violence 
offenders and other dangerous people. Let us not forget the tragedy 
earlier this year in Tucson, Arizona. Statistics show that every year, 
more than 12,000 gun murders are committed in big cities and small 
towns throughout the United States.
  States and localities should have the right to determine who is 
eligible to carry firearms in their communities. It is essential that 
state, local and tribal governments maintain the ability to legislate 
concealed carry laws that best fit the needs of their communities.
  H.R. 822 is a dangerous piece of legislation that will create a very 
real threat to public safety. In opposing this reckless piece of 
legislation, I stand with the people of my home state of California. I 
stand with domestic violence prevention advocates. I stand with law 
enforcement across the Nation and our local police who risk their lives 
every day to protect the public. I will vote against H.R. 822 and I 
urge all members of the House to do likewise. For the foregoing reasons 
I urge my colleagues to reject H.R. 822 and allow states to continue to 
decide for themselves and set their own standards regarding who can 
carry hidden, loaded guns in their communities.
  Mr. KIND. Mr. Chair, I rise today in strong support of the National 
Right-to-Carry Reciprocity Act, H.R. 822. Not only am I a proud 
cosponsor of this legislation but I am also a firm and committed 
supporter of Second Amendment rights. This legislation will ensure 
further protection of this vital right by allowing law abiding citizens 
to carry concealed weapons across state lines.
  On November 1st of this year, Wisconsin became the 49th state to 
implement a concealed carry law. The first day the law went into 
effect, the Wisconsin State Department of Justice website had 400,000 
hits and residents had downloaded 83,000 applications. It is clear that 
Wisconsinites were eager to take advantage of this new law. Given the 
strong interest this law has garnered in my state and in other states 
throughout the country, I believe that it is only logical to extend 
this right across state lines.
  The bill allows law-abiding gun owners with valid state-issued 
concealed firearm permits or licenses to carry a concealed firearm in 
any other state that also allows concealed carry. In all actuality, 
with all but one state allowing concealed carry, this legislation 
doesn't break that much new ground. In fact, for the majority of states 
that have had concealed carry laws on the books for some time now; they 
have been recognizing permits from other states for years. As can be 
the case, the state by state approach has caused confusion. This 
legislation will eliminate any uncertainty by putting in place simple 
and concise federal policy.
  This is a widely supported bill with 245 bipartisan House cosponsors. 
Given the strong support here in Congress and the increased interest in 
states throughout the country, it is my hope that the Senate will 
follow our lead and pass this legislation. It would be a great victory 
to have this become law this year.
  The Acting CHAIR. All time for general debate has expired.
  Pursuant to the rule, the amendment in the nature of a substitute 
printed in the bill shall be considered as an original bill for the 
purpose of amendment under the 5-minute rule and shall be considered 
read.
  The text of the committee amendment in the nature of a substitute is 
as follows:

                                H.R. 822

       Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of 
     the United States of America in Congress assembled,

     SECTION 1. SHORT TITLE.

       This Act may be cited as the ``National Right-to-Carry 
     Reciprocity Act of 2011''.

     SEC. 2. RECIPROCITY FOR THE CARRYING OF CERTAIN CONCEALED 
                   FIREARMS.

       (a) In General.--Chapter 44 of title 18, United States 
     Code, is amended by inserting after section 926C the 
     following:

     ``Sec. 926D. Reciprocity for the carrying of certain 
       concealed firearms

       ``(a) Notwithstanding any provision of the law of any State 
     or political subdivision thereof (except as provided in 
     subsection (b)), a person who is not prohibited by Federal 
     law from possessing, transporting, shipping, or receiving a 
     firearm, and who is carrying a valid identification document 
     containing a photograph of the person, and a valid license or 
     permit which is issued pursuant to the law of a State and 
     which permits the person to carry a concealed firearm, may 
     possess or carry a concealed handgun (other than a machinegun 
     or destructive device) that has been shipped or transported 
     in interstate or foreign commerce, in any State, other than 
     the State of residence of the person, that--
       ``(1) has a statute that allows residents of the State to 
     obtain licenses or permits to carry concealed firearms; or
       ``(2) does not prohibit the carrying of concealed firearms 
     by residents of the State for lawful purposes.
       ``(b) The possession or carrying of a concealed handgun in 
     a State under this section shall be subject to the same 
     conditions and limitations, except as to eligibility to 
     possess or carry, imposed by or under Federal or State law or 
     the law of a political subdivision of a State, that apply to 
     the possession or carrying of a concealed handgun by 
     residents of the State or political subdivision who are 
     licensed by the State or political subdivision to do so, or 
     not prohibited by the State from doing so.
       ``(c) In subsection (a), the term `identification document' 
     means a document made or issued by or under the authority of 
     the United States Government, a State, or a political 
     subdivision of a State which, when completed with information 
     concerning a particular individual, is of a type intended or 
     commonly accepted for the purpose of identification of 
     individuals.''.
       (b) Clerical Amendment.--The table of sections for such 
     chapter is amended by inserting after the item relating to 
     section 926C the following:

``926D. Reciprocity for the carrying of certain concealed firearms.''.

       (c) Effective Date.--The amendments made by this section 
     shall take effect 90 days after the date of the enactment of 
     this Act.

     SEC. 3. GAO AUDIT OF THE STATES' CONCEALED CARRY PERMIT OR 
                   LICENSING REQUIREMENTS FOR NON-RESIDENTS.

       (a) The Comptroller General of the United States shall 
     conduct an audit of--
       (1) the laws and regulations of each State that authorize 
     the issuance of a valid permit or license to permit a person, 
     other than a resident of such State, to possess or carry a 
     concealed firearm, including a description of the permitting 
     or licensing requirements of each State that issues concealed 
     carry permits or licenses to persons other than a resident of 
     such State;
       (2) the number of such valid permits or licenses issued or 
     denied (and the basis for such denials) by each State to 
     persons other than a resident of such State; and
       (3) the effectiveness of such State laws and regulations in 
     protecting the public safety.
       (b) Not later than 1 year after the date of enactment of 
     this Act, the Comptroller General

[[Page 17584]]

     shall submit to Congress a report on the findings of the 
     study conducted under subsection (a).

  The Acting CHAIR. No amendment to the committee amendment in the 
nature of a substitute shall be in order except those printed in House 
Report 112-283. Each such amendment may be offered only in the order 
printed in the report, by a Member designated in the report, shall be 
considered read, shall be debatable for the time specified in the 
report equally divided and controlled by the proponent and an opponent, 
shall not be subject to amendment, and shall not be subject to a demand 
for division of the question.


                 Amendment No. 1 Offered by Mr. Woodall

  The Acting CHAIR. It is now in order to consider amendment No. 1 
printed in House Report 112-283.
  Mr. WOODALL. Mr. Chairman, I have an amendment at the desk.
  The Acting CHAIR. The Clerk will designate the amendment.
  The text of the amendment is as follows:

       Page 5, line 25, strike ``that--'' and insert ``that does 
     not have in effect an agreement with the State that issued 
     the license or permit providing for reciprocal treatment of 
     such licenses or permits issued by the 2 States, and that--
     ''.

  The Acting CHAIR. Pursuant to House Resolution 463, the gentleman 
from Georgia (Mr. Woodall) and a Member opposed each will control 5 
minutes.
  The Chair recognizes the gentleman from Georgia.
  Mr. WOODALL. Mr. Chairman, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
  The amendment I have introduced today, because I have such 
appreciation for the goal of H.R. 822, says: Understanding what we are 
trying to get is reciprocity across the Nation for all of those States 
and for all of those citizens that have already labored in the 
vineyards to achieve reciprocity, let's leave those State agreements in 
place. If we must take more Federal responsibility, let's not take it 
from those areas where the States are working, where the process is 
working. If you live in my next-door neighbor State, in Alabama, you 
already recognize 22 other States' permits; in Georgia, we recognize 
23; in Florida, to our south, 33. The system is working today. 
Legislatures are working out these agreements today. If we must expand 
the size and scope of the Federal reach in the gun law legislation, 
let's not trample on those agreements that already exist to achieve 
this goal that so many share.
  I absolutely support the goal of H.R. 822, which is to ensure that 
all Americans have concealed-carry reciprocity across the Nation. That 
is already happening today, Mr. Chairman, through State legislatures, 
through State attorneys general, through State Governors negotiating 
these agreements. My amendment would leave those agreements in place 
and preserve the rights of States to continue to legislate and regulate 
in this area.
  I reserve the balance of my time.
  Mr. SMITH of Texas. Mr. Chairman, I rise in opposition to the 
amendment.
  The Acting CHAIR. The gentleman is recognized for 5 minutes.
  Mr. SMITH of Texas. Mr. Chairman, I yield myself such time as I may 
consume.
  This amendment undercuts the uniform eligibility standard that forms 
the foundation of this legislation. The underlying bill allows 
individuals with valid State-issued permits to carry a concealed 
firearm in all other States that also authorize concealed carry. This 
Second Amendment right to bear arms is, therefore, limited by this 
amendment.
  Forty-nine States authorize concealed carry, and 40 of those States 
have reciprocity agreements with all or some of the other concealed-
carry States. But these agreements vary from State to State, creating a 
patchwork of laws that limits reciprocity, creates confusion for gun 
owners, and undermines the Second Amendment. The amendment offered by 
the gentleman from Georgia keeps this patchwork in place by exempting 
States with reciprocity agreements from the bill. The amendment 
prevents individuals from taking advantage of nationwide concealed-
carry reciprocity unless the State they reside in has a separate 
agreement with the State they wish to travel to.
  While I appreciate my colleague's dedication to the concept of 
States' rights, I think it is misapplied to this legislation. H.R. 822 
upholds States' rights in several important ways:
  First, it does not apply to those jurisdictions that prohibit 
concealed carry, such as Illinois and the District of Columbia;
  Second, the bill does not affect a State's right to set eligibility 
requirements for its own residents;
  Third, H.R. 822 does not impact State laws governing how concealed 
firearms are possessed or carried within the various States. All State, 
Federal, and local laws that prohibit, for example, carrying a 
concealed handgun in a public building or a place of worship apply 
equally to any nonresident concealed-carry holder; and
  Fourth, this legislation does not create any authority for the 
Federal Government to regulate concealed-carry permits. No Federal 
agency has any role in the implementation or oversight of this bill 
which is left, rightfully, up to the States. But, most importantly, 
this bill respects and protects an individual's right to bear arms 
while they are traveling.
  In two recent decisions, the U.S. Supreme Court affirmed that the 
Second Amendment endows individuals with the right to keep and bear 
arms, and this right is based in large part on the right to defend 
one's self. Americans don't need to simply defend themselves in their 
homes. They must also be able to defend themselves outside their homes 
and while traveling to other States.

                              {time}  1500

  Eighty percent of violent crime occurs outside the home, according to 
the Justice Department. Americans cannot fully be empowered to defend 
themselves if they are prevented from exercising all their Second 
Amendment rights. H.R. 822 advances the Second Amendment right to bear 
arms, and I regret, I believe this amendment infringes upon that right.
  For these reasons, I oppose the amendment, and I reserve the balance 
of my time.
  Mr. WOODALL. Mr. Chairman, in closing, I thank the chairman of the 
committee for his work on these issues. I agree with so much of what he 
had to say, that it is absolutely true that the merit of this 
legislation is that it eliminates the patchwork of reciprocity 
agreements that go on across this country. And the price we pay for 
eliminating that patchwork is trampling upon the work of the States.
  Now, I'm a freshman in this House, Mr. Chairman, and I think small 
government conservatives in previous Congresses have lost their way, 
particularly during the Bush administration. They went along with a 
huge expansion of government regulation, with the very best of 
intentions. They went along with the huge expansion of the size of 
government, with the very best of intentions. They increased the 
regulatory burden of the Federal Government, with the very best of 
intentions. And this bill today is brought with the very best of 
intentions. But when previous Congresses have gone along with the very 
best of intentions, personal freedom and liberty have been eroded, even 
with the very best of intentions.
  Mr. Chairman, the only thing that happens if the Woodall amendment 
passes today is that agreements that already exist for reciprocity, and 
any future agreements made for reciprocity, will be held supreme over a 
unified Federal standard. I ask my colleagues, my Republican colleagues 
and my Democratic colleagues, isn't it worth it? Isn't sacrificing a 
uniform framework worth it to protect the rights of State legislatures 
and the work of citizens across this country that they have put in to 
protect, preserve, and promote Second Amendment rights across this 
Nation.
  I yield back the balance of my time.
  Mr. SMITH of Texas. Mr. Chairman, how much time do I have remaining?
  The Acting CHAIR. The gentleman has 2 minutes remaining.
  Mr. SMITH of Texas. I yield 30 seconds to the gentleman from Georgia 
(Mr. Johnson).

[[Page 17585]]


  Mr. JOHNSON of Georgia. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, for yielding me this 
time.
  Mr. Chairman, I rise in support of Congressman Woodall's amendment. I 
would point out that currently States have the ability to enter into 
reciprocity agreements with other States. This legislation, should it 
pass, would take that ability away. It would mandate that there be this 
reciprocity agreement, and that's usurpation of States' rights.
  I have no problem with the Second Amendment, by the way, and the NRA 
is a lobbying organization which is quite powerful here in Washington, 
DC.
  Mr. SMITH of Texas. Mr. Chairman, I yield myself the balance of my 
time.
  The whole point of this bill is to allow those who have concealed-
carry permits to freely carry their weapons into other States that also 
have and recognize concealed-carry permits.
  If we were to accept this amendment, in my judgment, we would be 
infringing upon the Second Amendment. I feel that the Second Amendment 
should be enforced. We ought to interpret it broadly. We ought to allow 
individuals to take advantage of their Second Amendment rights, travel 
freely from one State to another without restrictions except for the 
restrictions that are required locally by their State and local 
governments.
  I mentioned awhile ago that one recognition of State prerogatives 
that we have in the bill is that, for example, if one State does not 
allow individuals who have concealed-carry permits to go into a public 
building or a sports event or some other type of location, they are not 
going to be allowed to do so even if they have a concealed-carry permit 
from out of State.
  So, once again, we need to respect the right that is given to us by 
the Second Amendment in a complete, full way. We need to allow 
individuals with concealed-carry permits to travel freely from State to 
State. This underlying bill does that, with one exception: the State of 
Illinois does not recognize concealed-carry permits. You would not be 
able to carry a weapon into that State. But except for that one State, 
we need to embrace the Second Amendment in every way that we can 
practically, recognize the Supreme Court has done the same thing, and 
allow individuals to travel with those concealed-carry permits.
  I yield back the balance of my time.
  The Acting CHAIR. The question is on the amendment offered by the 
gentleman from Georgia (Mr. Woodall).
  The question was taken; and the Acting Chair announced that the ayes 
appeared to have it.
  Mr. SMITH of Texas. Mr. Chairman, I demand a recorded vote.
  The Acting CHAIR. Pursuant to clause 6 of rule XVIII, further 
proceedings on the amendment offered by the gentleman from Georgia will 
be postponed.


          Amendment No. 2 Offered by Mrs. McCarthy of New York

  The Acting CHAIR. It is now in order to consider amendment No. 2 
printed in House Report 112-283.
  Mrs. McCARTHY of New York. Mr. Chairman, I have an amendment at the 
desk.
  The Acting CHAIR. The Clerk will designate the amendment.
  The text of the amendment is as follows:

       Page 5, line 25, strike ``that--'' and insert ``that has in 
     effect a law providing that the provisions of this section 
     shall apply with respect to the State, and--''

  The Acting CHAIR. Pursuant to House Resolution 463, the gentlewoman 
from New York (Mrs. McCarthy) and a Member opposed each will control 5 
minutes.
  The Chair recognizes the gentlewoman from New York.
  Mrs. McCARTHY of New York. Mr. Chairman, I yield myself such time as 
I may consume.
  I would like to thank my colleague from Michigan (Mr. Conyers) for 
working with me on this issue. I rise totally in opposition to H.R. 
822.
  It saddens me, but it does not surprise me, that we're here having 
this debate today. H.R. 822 is an unnecessary and seriously flawed 
piece of legislation. This bill overrides the decisions of States and 
forces them to recognize concealed-carry gun permits from every other 
State.
  Almost every State currently allows carry permits, but States differ 
substantially in regards to their permitting requirements. They have 
different minimum age requirements. Some States require safety training 
before receiving a permit, and some States bar people convicted of 
certain crimes. These different requirements have been put in place by 
the elected legislatures of the States who did so with an understanding 
of the specific needs of their communities. H.R. 822 erases all of that 
and creates an unworkable system.
  Under this bill, States with strong gun safety laws, such as New 
York, California, and Massachusetts, would allow out-of-State visitors, 
potentially as young as 18, to walk down our streets armed and 
dangerous. There are States in our Nation that don't require a 
background check before issuing a concealed-carry permit. There are 
States in our Nation that don't require any firearm training before 
letting people walk around with a concealed weapon. These are decisions 
that those States made for themselves. I don't want those decisions 
imposed upon the communities I represent, and neither should anybody 
else.
  Also, police officers would be faced with the task of attempting to 
determine the authority of permits from 48 other States on the fly and 
in potentially tense situations. Simply put, this bill is 
anticommunity, antisafety, and antipolice.
  And, finally, the bill attempts to solve a problem that simply does 
not exist. Many States have chosen to enter into these agreements with 
other States to honor each other's concealed-carry permits. Nothing is 
stopping a State from recognizing a permit from any other State. The 
fact that States have not done so represents a deliberate choice to 
only enter into agreements with States that they feel have the proper 
approach to issuing concealed-carry permits.
  The Federal Government should not be second-guessing the decision of 
the States in this matter. It saddens me but does not surprise me. We 
are here today discussing not how to make Americans safer and reduce 
gun violence, but, instead, we're talking about how to weaken our gun 
laws and considering a bill that takes local decisions out of the hands 
of local officials.
  The gun manufacturing lobby will try to say otherwise, but I fully 
support the Constitution, as my colleague mentioned before. I believe 
in the rights afforded in the Second Amendment, and I support law-
abiding gun owners. In the absence of a perfect, nonviolent society, 
however, we must make laws to protect the public. I know this 
firsthand. After all, it was a man with a concealed handgun that took 
the life of my husband and gravely wounded my son on the Long Island 
Railroad back in 1993.
  Now, you may hear arguments today about interstate commerce as a 
justification for this bill, but this bill has nothing to do with 
interstate commerce. This bill is simply about the Federal Government 
overriding the States' laws about who can carry a concealed weapon.
  You may also hear comparisons to State-issued driver's licenses, 
which are recognized nationwide. But if we want to compare guns to 
cars, as the gun lobby often likes to do, let's have this conversation. 
Cars and their use are among the most heavily regulated consumer 
products and activities in the United States due to the safety risk 
they pose.
  One thing that does surprise me, though, is why so many supporters of 
this bill who have been so vocal about defending States' rights in the 
past are now choosing, in this instance, to trample on States' rights.

                              {time}  1510

  Federalism dictates that some things should remain with the States 
and some things should be addressed at the national level.
  Going back to the matter of interstate commerce, I'm sure all 
Americans would love to see the House address interstate commerce in a 
more direct way, which is getting Americans

[[Page 17586]]

back to work and growing the economy. We should be talking about how to 
create jobs and prepare the next generation to succeed in the global 
economy. Instead, we're talking about how to trample on States' rights, 
weaken gun laws, and make America less safe, all to please our 
country's powerful gun lobby. So, as I said, it saddens me, but it does 
not surprise me that we're having this debate today.
  I have an amendment under which States would be required to 
proactively opt-in to the agreements called for by H.R. 822. The intent 
of this amendment is to require that States affirmatively pass 
legislation enacting the provisions of H.R. 822 before the bill can go 
into effect in that State. This would restore States' rights, something 
I believe in.
  I urge my colleagues to support this amendment and oppose H.R. 822.
  Mr. Chairman, I yield back the balance of my time.
  Mr. SMITH of Texas. Mr. Chairman, I rise in opposition to the 
amendment.
  The Acting CHAIR. The gentleman is recognized for 5 minutes.
  Mr. SMITH of Texas. Mr. Chairman, I yield myself such time as I may 
consume.
  This amendment frustrates the basic purpose of H.R. 822. It requires 
that States pass legislation to implement the bill's provisions.
  The Supreme Court, in two recent cases, has recognized a fundamental 
individual right to bear arms that is largely based on the right to 
defend oneself and one's family. Over 80 percent of violent crime 
occurs outside of one's home, according to the Department of Justice. 
This means that for the right to bear arms in self-defense to have any 
meaning, law-abiding citizens with permits should be able to carry 
firearms outside of their homes and sometimes across State boundaries.
  Under current law 40 States have established a patchwork of 
reciprocal agreements that can be confusing for concealed-carry permit 
holders to navigate. H.R. 822 provides uniformity to our concealed-
carry laws by creating nationwide reciprocity for concealed-carry 
permit holders. By contrast, this amendment allows States to opt out of 
H.R. 822's Federal grant of reciprocity. And it provides that only 
States that choose to pass laws implementing the legislation must 
recognize out-of-state concealed-carry permits. This amendment would, 
in effect, just continue the status quo and so would be of no help to 
individuals with concealed-carry permits.
  Since 2004 police officers have enjoyed the right to use a concealed-
carry permit to take a firearm across State lines. And, in 2010, 
President Obama signed legislation to include other law enforcement 
personnel who could take advantage of this ability. It is ironic that 
some of these groups now want to deny this same right to law-abiding 
citizens with concealed-carry permits.
  According to a 2009 Zogby poll, 83 percent of those polled said they 
supported concealed-carry laws--83 percent. Over 4 million Americans 
across the country have qualified for a concealed-carry permit. They, 
most likely, endorse this legislation.
  I appreciate the gentlewoman from New York's mentioning States' 
prerogatives, and I hope she will express the same sentiments about 
other pieces of legislation. H.R. 822 retains the States' ability to 
regulate firearms in their own States by making clear that all State 
regulations regarding how a firearm is carried continue to apply to 
both residents and nonresidents, and by keeping in place the State's 
own permitting process.
  I urge my colleagues to join me in opposing this amendment, and I 
yield back the balance of my time.
  The Acting CHAIR. The question is on the amendment offered by the 
gentlewoman from New York (Mrs. McCarthy).
  The question was taken; and the Acting Chair announced that the noes 
appeared to have it.
  Mrs. McCARTHY of New York. Mr. Chairman, I demand a recorded vote.
  The Acting CHAIR. Pursuant to clause 6 of rule XVIII, further 
proceedings on the amendment offered by the gentlewoman from New York 
will be postponed.


           Amendment No. 3 Offered by Mr. Hastings of Florida

  The Acting CHAIR. It is now in order to consider amendment No. 3 
printed in House Report 112-283.
  Mr. HASTINGS of Florida. Mr. Chairman, I have an amendment at the 
desk.
  The Acting CHAIR. The Clerk will designate the amendment.
  The text of the amendment is as follows:

       Page 6, line 1, insert ``(A)'' after ``(1)''.
       Page 6, line 4, strike ``(2)'' and insert ``(B)''.
       Page 6, line 5, strike the period and insert ``; and''.
       Page 6, after line 5, insert the following:
       ``(2) provides for the issuance of such a license or 
     permit, and requires the applicant for such a license or 
     permit to complete and submit the application to the State in 
     person.''.

  The Acting CHAIR. Pursuant to House Resolution 463, the gentleman 
from Florida (Mr. Hastings) and a Member opposed each will control 5 
minutes.
  The Chair recognizes the gentleman from Florida.
  Mr. HASTINGS of Florida. Mr. Chairman, I yield myself such time as I 
may consume.
  My amendment would exempt States from right-to-carry reciprocity when 
the State does not require individuals to apply for and complete a 
carry permit application at their local law enforcement station.
  The United States Congress should never be in the business of 
stripping States of the right to make their own decisions about whether 
to recognize other States' permits. States have put forward a 
considerable amount of time trying to determine just what is best for 
their citizenry in reference to safety. By overriding State-based 
concealed-carry laws and forcing States to recognize concealed-carry 
permits from every other State, we're putting our State and local law 
enforcement in grave danger.
  Two nights ago the sheriff in my county and I discussed this matter. 
I might add he is a Republican sheriff who is a friend of mine. We 
discussed this matter, and we concluded that it's going to be very 
difficult to get people to want to become police officers. Not only are 
they being attacked in reference to their organizing efforts, but now 
we are going to make it difficult for them to do their jobs.
  This amendment closes a loophole that would otherwise be created by 
H.R. 822.
  Almost every State allows concealed-carry in some form, but States 
differ in how they implement their concealed-carry policies, including 
having, as has been mentioned, different age requirements, training 
requirements, and excluding individuals guilty of certain crimes. One 
of these major discrepancies is addressed in this amendment and would 
force a State wishing to enforce H.R. 822's State reciprocity 
requirement to make certain carry permit applications are completed at 
an individual's local law enforcement station.
  In my home State of Florida, concealed-carry permits may be granted 
to nonresidents, and all applicants are allowed to apply by mail. It is 
so easy that a staffer in one of our offices was able to complete the 
form in less than 30 minutes. If H.R. 822 passes, residents and 
nonresidents of Florida would be able to apply by mail from almost 
anywhere in the country and use their concealed-carry permits 
throughout the country.
  Mr. Chairman, gun violence continues to grow at astounding levels in 
the United States. When the Surgeon General was Mr. Satcher, he called 
it an epidemic and even said that it was a health crisis so many people 
were killing each other with weapons.
  Mr. CONYERS. Will the gentleman yield?
  Mr. HASTINGS of Florida. I yield to the gentleman from Michigan.
  Mr. CONYERS. I thank the gentleman for his amendment. I rise in 
support of it and observe that last year, over 70 percent of Utah's 
concealed-carry permits were issued to nonresidents. I commend the 
gentleman.
  Mr. HASTINGS of Florida. I thank the gentleman from Michigan.

[[Page 17587]]

  Mr. Chairman, the last thing we need is to tell sovereign States that 
they are no longer free to make the decision to require an in-person 
interview when making a gun permit determination. At least 10 States 
grant law enforcement broad discretion to deny permits to carry 
concealed, loaded guns based on an applicant's record or other factors. 
Fourteen other States grant law enforcement more limited discretion. In 
addition, at least 14 States require applicants to show good moral 
character. Many of these States require applicants to present 
themselves in person for interviews. For example, applicants in New 
York must complete an in-person interview to receive their carry 
permit.
  By contrast, Utah applicants, as has been pointed out by the ranking 
member, can submit their application by mail and can complete the 
fingerprinting and firearm safety training requirements outside of the 
State. In comparison, Utah's driver's license application specifically 
requires, and rightly so, that applicants submit the application in 
person, that it be notarized, and that the employee initial the 
application upon submission. Utah also grants permits to nonresidents, 
potentially allowing individuals nationwide to apply for a permit by 
mail.

                              {time}  1520

  Supporters of H.R. 822 claim that concealed-carry permits should be 
treated like driver's licenses. My amendment, however, points out that 
this is yet another instance of my friends' hypocrisy. First-time 
drivers applying for licenses in Utah and Florida must appear in person 
and pass a written and road test.
  While Utah and Florida are free to make the decision that they will 
not require in-person appearances for concealed carry permit 
applicants, it should not be the job of Congress to impose this 
decision on other states.
  Mr. Chair, H.R. 822 is a dangerous bill, and quite frankly will do 
nothing to create a single job across the nation.
  Americans are hurting, they want jobs, and to be able to provide for 
their families.
  I urge my colleagues to support my amendment, which will help to 
close a dangerous loophole created by H.R. 822.
  I yield back the balance of my time.
  Mr. CHABOT. Mr. Chairman, I rise in opposition to the amendment.
  The Acting CHAIR. The gentleman from Ohio is recognized for 5 
minutes.
  Mr. CHABOT. Mr. Chairman, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
  This amendment would effectively gut the bill, though the intent is 
actually somewhat unclear.
  As written, the amendment allows a visitor to carry a handgun under 
the provisions of the bill only in States that require applications to 
be completed and submitted in person; however, few States have such a 
requirement for nonresidents.
  This amendment would create unnecessary confusion. For example, 
Florida accepts applications by mail, but the State of Washington does 
not. If this amendment were adopted, a Virginia resident who held a 
valid permit could carry a handgun in Washington, which requires 
everyone to apply in person, but not in Florida, which has no concerns 
about issuing permits by mail.
  It is possible that the amendment was intended to allow interstate 
carry under the bill's provisions only for holders of permits that were 
issued in person. The problem is that isn't how the amendment is 
drafted. If it were, it would still effectively gut the bill because so 
few States require in-person application.
  The fact is that any application or fingerprinting requirements for a 
resident or a nonresident to obtain a concealed-carry permit are in 
addition to all the other requirements, including a national instant-
background check that the applicant must go through first to legally 
purchase the gun.
  Despite what some opponents of H.R. 822 would have you believe, not 
everyone who owns a gun is a criminal. And, in fact, there is 
overwhelming evidence to show that concealed-carry laws have resulted 
in lower crime rates in most States. Typically, most criminals don't 
bother with legally purchasing a gun and then making sure they have a 
valid permit before they carry it concealed; they just do it. That's 
why we call them criminals.
  I urge my colleagues to oppose this amendment, and I yield back the 
balance of my time.
  The Acting CHAIR. The question is on the amendment offered by the 
gentleman from Florida (Mr. Hastings).
  The question was taken; and the Acting Chair announced that the ayes 
appeared to have it.
  Mr. CHABOT. Mr. Chairman, I demand a recorded vote.
  The Acting CHAIR. Pursuant to clause 6 of rule XVIII, further 
proceedings on the amendment offered by the gentleman from Florida will 
be postponed.


          Amendment No. 4 Offered by Ms. Jackson Lee of Texas

  The Acting CHAIR. It is now in order to consider amendment No. 4 
printed in House Report 112-283.
  Ms. JACKSON LEE of Texas. I have an amendment at the desk, Mr. 
Chairman.
  The Acting CHAIR. The Clerk will designate the amendment.
  The text of the amendment is as follows:

       Page 6, line 1, insert ``(A)'' after ``(1)''.
       Page 6, line 4, strike ``(2)'' and insert ``(B)''.
       Page 6, line 5, strike the period and insert ``; and''.
       ``(2) maintains a complete database of all permits and 
     licenses issued by the State for the carrying of a concealed 
     handgun, and makes that database available to law enforcement 
     officers from all States 24 hours a day.''.
       Page 6, after line 5, insert the following:

  The Acting CHAIR. Pursuant to House Resolution 463, the gentlewoman 
from Texas (Ms. Jackson Lee) and a Member opposed each will control 5 
minutes.
  The Chair recognizes the gentlewoman from Texas.
  Ms. JACKSON LEE of Texas. Mr. Chairman, I yield myself such time as I 
may consume.
  I am hoping that there will be no Member that will oppose a 
commonsense amendment that allows our law enforcement officers to be 
more protected.
  One might think, as I point to this picture of a nurse giving a young 
man an immunization shot and the young man squinting, that I would be 
more in tune with this legislation to have a law enforcement officer or 
a policeman dressed in their uniform.
  I put a child here because I wanted to emphasize the fact that, can 
we have any disagreement that if we put our law enforcement officers in 
jeopardy, many of them leave behind families. Or I might use as an 
example this young child is squinting in pain from immunization. That 
won't harm them, but a person recklessly having stolen maybe someone's 
gun that comes with the national concealed law, the right-to-carry law, 
may not have a squinting child but, rather, a dead child.
  Let me give you an example of the legislation or the amendment that I 
have in real time. A North Harris police officer in 2008 had a traffic 
stop. Before he went to this individual that he was stopping, he 
dutifully went to a dispatcher, a database to find out who this might 
be. Tragically, it was not soon enough because a gun was taken and he 
was shot dead. He leaves behind a wife and two children, albeit the 
fact that I have a child here, because I'm simply trying to create a 
simple amendment to this bill that will protect our law enforcement.
  What does my amendment do? It ensures that a comprehensive database 
is created to provide a listing of individuals from each State who 
possess permits and licenses to carry concealed weapons. This amendment 
would also require that the concealed-weapons database be available to 
law enforcement officers in all States 24 hours a day. Thank goodness, 
because of Federal funding, many of our law enforcement officers have 
their laptops, many of them even their iPads, and so this database is a 
simple process.
  It is interesting or it should be known that 36 States are especially 
adversely impacted by this bill because 36 States do not grant any 
reciprocity. Twenty-seven States recognize concealed-carry permits from 
only select States. So a 24-hour database, I believe, would do what 
Republicans and Democrats say they want to do: protect law enforcement 
officers.

[[Page 17588]]

  Failing to implement a national system that would allow law 
enforcement officials to check the status of individuals who are 
legally allowed to carry a concealed gun will result in a routine 
situation, such as a traffic stop, becoming a life-threatening 
situation. If an officer discovered a gun during a routine traffic 
stop, the officer might quickly and accurately determine this guy is 
legal as to whether the driver or lady possesses a valid out-of-state 
permit.
  Oh, yes, we can offer reciprocity, but does the officer on the street 
walk around and look at the car that's coming across the border of 
their State and a sign says, We have reciprocity, I am from such and 
such, I'm okay. It is nearly an impossible task for the officer to 
verify the validity of 48 different carry permits--are we going to have 
a national carry permit--in the middle of what could be a tense 
situation.
  Even if that person is legally carrying it based upon the permit from 
another State, according to the majority's report on this bill, only 18 
States maintain an electronic database of concealed-carry permits that 
are immediately accessible to other law enforcement agencies. Seven 
States cannot provide any real-time access to this basic information to 
out-of-state agencies, and two States do not even maintain a database 
for their own purposes. This amendment gives our local law enforcement 
a plausible chance to verify whether out-of-state concealed-carry 
permits are legitimate.
  Mr. Chairman, how much time do I have remaining?
  The Acting CHAIR. The gentlewoman has 1 minute remaining.
  Ms. JACKSON LEE of Texas. I yield to my ranking member on this 
amendment.
  Mr. CONYERS. I thank the gentlelady for yielding. And I am in full 
support of the logical and rational approach that she is taking in 
supporting a database.
  I plead with my colleagues to join us in a bipartisan sense to 
support an amendment that would create a comprehensive mechanism so 
that all permits and licenses for carrying concealed weapons would be 
available on a 24-hour-a-day basis. I congratulate the gentlelady on 
her amendment.
  Ms. JACKSON LEE of Texas. I thank the gentleman for his kindness.
  Who can oppose such a simple amendment, particularly when it is noted 
that some States do not have this electronic database?
  The officer who went to his dispatcher, who was doing the right 
thing, he lost his life. He left behind children. Do we want squinting 
children getting an immunization shot or getting shot?
  I ask my colleagues to support this amendment.
  Mr. Chair, I rise today in support of my amendment #4 to H.R. 822, 
the ``National Right-to-Carry Reciprocity Act of 2011.'' My amendment 
ensures that a comprehensive database is created to provide a listing 
of individuals from each State who possess permits and licenses to 
carry concealed weapons. This amendment would also require that the 
concealed weapons database be available to law enforcement officers in 
all States 24-hours a day.
  Failing to implement a national system that would allow law 
enforcement officials to check the status of individuals who are 
legally allowed to carry a concealed gun could result in a routine 
situation, such as a like traffic stops, becoming life-threatening 
situation.
  If an officer discovered a gun during a routine traffic stop, the 
officer must quickly and accurately determine whether the driver 
possesses a valid out-of-state permit. It is a nearly impossible task 
for the officer to verify the validity of 48 different carry permits, 
in the middle what could be a tense or dangerous situation.
  According to the Majority's report on this bill, only 12 states 
maintain an electronic database of concealed carry permits that are 
immediately accessible to other law enforcement agencies. 7 states 
cannot provide any real time access to this basic information to out-
of-state agencies, and 2 states do not even maintain a database for 
their own purposes.
  This amendment gives state and local law enforcement a plausible 
chance to verify whether out-of-state concealed carry permits are 
legitimate
  Consider for a moment, a police officer in Houston, Texas has just 
pulled someone over for speeding. The driver, who is a resident of 
Missouri, gives the officer a concealed carry permit from Utah, which 
is a state that grants concealed carry permits to nonresidents. Under 
our current system it is impossible for the officer in Houston to 
instantly confirm whether or not the driver from Missouri has a valid 
right to carry a concealed weapon.
  State and local law enforcement should always be aware of who is 
carrying loaded, hidden guns in their communities. A local sheriff or 
police chief would benefit from knowing how many people carrying a 
concealed weapon have entered their jurisdiction from out-of-state, and 
who those people are.
  My amendment would give the officer the ability to garner this 
information from a comprehensive database; this would allow the officer 
to have an advantage when approaching a vehicle with a potentially 
armed driver.
  As it stands officers would have to distinguish between real and fake 
carry permits issued not only by their own state, but by every state. 
And in many cases, officers would have to determine whether a person is 
entitled to carry a gun, which would depend on their state of residence 
and is nearly impossible to verify quickly.
  The comprehensive database provides the officer with an information 
safety net, although my amendment will not address the significant 
flaws in this legislation; this is an attempt to ensure that law 
enforcement officers have an additional tool at their disposal.
  In addition, state authorities would also have information on whether 
or not the individuals applying for licenses in their state have ever 
had a license revoke in a different state.
  Under this bill, local law enforcement will have a difficult time 
verifying out-of-state permits in real time. Pass this amendment to 
give our local law enforcement officials a fighting chance.
  A comprehensive database would save lives, as state officials could 
use this database to determine whether they would be issuing a permit 
to an individual, who may have had their permit revoked in another 
state.


                          THE STORY OF MARQUS

  In 2005, a man named Marqus had his concealed carry permit revoked by 
Philadelphia Police after he had been charged with attempted murder. 
During the revocation hearing, he attacked an officer.
  After this incident Marqus was able to attain a new permit from 
Florida despite his record of violence. He then used his Florida permit 
to carry a loaded gun in Philadelphia.
  Marqus who under Philadelphia law regained his right to carry a 
concealed weapon in Philadelphia only because of a reciprocity 
agreement with the state of Florida, would eventually, use this right 
to carrying a concealed weapon to shoot a teenager in the chest 
thirteen times killing him in the streets of Philadelphia. Philadelphia 
did its job, they revoked a license of a violent individual.
  Florida if they had access to the type of database I am proposing 
today may have reconsidered issuing a license to Marqus. However, if 
Florida continued to issue licenses to individuals that a state, such 
as Texas, did not agree believe have licenses. Under the current law 
the State of Texas would be able to revoke their reciprocity agreement. 
H.R. 822 takes away the States ability to determine how to best protect 
their citizens from those who they have determined should not be 
allowed to carry concealed weapons.
  Currently, each state has its own eligibility standards. Those 
criteria include determining the following: At least 38 states, 
including Texas, prevent people from carrying concealed weapons if they 
have certain dangerous misdemeanor criminal convictions beyond domestic 
violence misdemeanors, which prohibit gun possession under federal law.
  Over 50 percent of states, including Texas, require those seeking 
permits to complete a safety training program, many of these programs 
include live fire training, or other proof of competency prior to the 
issuance of a carry permit. As well as, and age restriction such as 
prohibiting anyone
  Although it is often argued that guns do not kill people, people kill 
people. Well, it can also be said we should not make it any easier to 
put a powerful and lethal weapon in the hands of those who have 
histories of violence and abuse.
  Every sheriff and police officer in the country would have to honor 
concealed carry permits from all 50 states but first they would need to 
be able to verify the validity of each state's different type of 
permit. Knowing local laws and recognizing when someone is breaking 
them already keeps our law enforcement busy. But H.R. 822, as written, 
would not give police a way to ensure out-of-state permits were valid 
or up to date.
  Some state permits look as simple as a library card, and would be 
just as easy to forge. A national database would result in a uniform

[[Page 17589]]

approach on who has a valid permit to carry a concealed weapon. The 
fact that each state has its own requirements is indicative of how 
complex this issue really is and with one measure Congress would 
eliminate the right of States to set their own public safety laws. If 
this measure passes every state will be compelled to honor every other 
State's permit to carry concealed and loaded guns, regardless of how 
different each state's standards or criteria to secure a permit may be.
  States should have the right to know whether the individuals carrying 
concealed weapons have valid permits or licenses to carry or possess 
concealed weapons. This measure would require that one central database 
be created, which encompasses the information of each person from each 
state who has a current, valid permit or license to carry or possess a 
concealed handgun--and requires that this comprehensive database be 
accessible to law enforcement in any state 24 hours a day.
  I believe that an amendment creating a comprehensive listing of 
licensed individuals from each State, in one main location that is 
accessible at any time of day is a necessary tool that will protect the 
public and the safety of law enforcement officers.
  I yield back the balance of my time.
  Mr. GOWDY. Mr. Chairman, I rise in opposition to the amendment.
  The Acting CHAIR. The gentleman from South Carolina is recognized for 
5 minutes.
  Mr. GOWDY. Mr. Chairman, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
  This amendment seeks to require States to maintain a database of all 
concealed-carry permits that would be accessible to law enforcement 
officers 24 hours a day. This amendment, aside from being a version of 
NCIC for law-abiding citizens, is unnecessary for a number of reasons.
  The State-issuing authority already maintains a database of 
concealed-carry permits, and a number of States make these databases 
accessible to law enforcement through the Nlets System, which law 
enforcement in all 50 States can use to determine whether someone 
visiting from another State is carrying a valid concealed permit. This 
system is available to law enforcement officers 24 hours a day, 7 days 
a week.
  Law enforcement officers can also contact other States to determine 
whether a person has a criminal background, a warrant out for their 
arrest, or other information that will help determine whether someone 
poses a safety threat to themselves or the general public.

                              {time}  1530

  But the fundamental flaw of this amendment is that it continues to 
place conditions and restraints on law-abiding citizens all the while 
ignoring the obvious, which is that people intent on doing harm do not 
register their firearms nor call ahead to report their travel schedule.
  No database has yet been created which can determine whether a person 
with a firearm intends to use it in a criminal matter, whether the 
firearm is carried illegally or not, so officers are trained to be 
careful in every situation and have the authority to take necessary 
precautions to ensure the safety of those on the scene of an 
investigative stop.
  This amendment, as is true with many other amendments that we have 
and will consider today, is premised on the flawed view that concealed-
carry permit holders pose a threat to public safety. People intent on 
committing illegal acts will not go to the trouble of obtaining a 
concealed-carry permit, and statistics back that up.
  I oppose the amendment, Mr. Chairman, and I yield back the balance of 
my time.
  The Acting CHAIR. The question is on the amendment offered by the 
gentlewoman from Texas (Ms. Jackson Lee).
  The question was taken; and the Acting Chair announced that the ayes 
appeared to have it.
  Mr. SMITH of Texas. Mr. Chairman, I demand a recorded vote.
  The Acting CHAIR. Pursuant to clause 6 of rule XVIII, further 
proceedings on the amendment offered by the gentlewoman from Texas will 
be postponed.
  The Chair understands that amendment No. 5 will not be offered.


           Amendment No. 6 Offered by Mr. Johnson of Georgia

  The Acting CHAIR. It is now in order to consider amendment No. 6 
printed in House Report 112-283.
  Mr. JOHNSON of Georgia. Mr. Chairman, I have an amendment at the 
desk.
  The Acting CHAIR. The Clerk will designate the amendment.
  The text of the amendment is as follows:

       Page 6, line 14, after the period insert the following: 
     ``Notwithstanding the preceding sentence, the possession or 
     carrying of a concealed handgun in a State shall be subject 
     to any law of the State that limits the eligibility to 
     possess or carry a concealed handgun to persons who have 
     received firearm safety training that includes a live-fire 
     exercise.''.

  The Acting CHAIR. Pursuant to House Resolution 463, the gentleman 
from Georgia (Mr. Johnson) and a Member opposed each will control 5 
minutes.
  The Chair recognizes the gentleman from Georgia.
  Mr. JOHNSON of Georgia. Mr. Chairman, I yield myself such time as I 
may consume.
  I rise in support of my amendment to this dangerous bill, the 
National Right-to-Carry Reciprocity Act.
  My amendment is about protecting a State's right to decide who may 
carry a concealed, loaded handgun within its borders. It would require 
the possession of or carrying of a concealed handgun in a State be 
subject to that State's law regarding firearm safety training, 
including live-fire exercise.
  Currently, at least 34 States require applicants to complete a 
firearm safety training course or present proof of equivalent 
experience in order to obtain a concealed-carry permit; 19 States 
require live-fire instruction to obtain a carry permit. However, some 
States only require minimal training such as an Internet-only 
instruction. Even worse, however, are the States that do not require 
any firearm training to obtain a concealed-carry permit.
  This bill would override State laws and require States to allow out-
of-State residents to carry loaded, concealed weapons in public, even 
if they have not met basic licensing or training requirements mandated 
for carrying in that State. This does not make any sense.
  By federally mandating recognition of all out-of-State concealed 
handgun permits, H.R. 822 would allow individuals who do not meet a 
State's live-fire firearm training standards to carry concealed weapons 
within their borders and prohibit States from ever restricting carrying 
by those individuals.
  According to the Violence Policy Center, since May 2007, at least 385 
people, including law enforcement officers, have been killed by 
individuals with concealed-carry permits. None of these incidents 
involved self-defense. Some of these incidents included mass 
shootings--the most recent occurring in July at a child's birthday 
party at a Texas roller rink--claiming the lives of 89 innocent 
victims. This illustrates why States should have the right to determine 
who is eligible to carry firearms within their borders. They know what 
is best for their communities.
  This bill is all about the National Rifle Association and its needs, 
not about the American people and putting them back to work. Congress 
should not put its stamp of approval on this dangerous and misguided 
legislation.
  States that require a person to demonstrate that they know how to use 
a firearm or meet minimum training standards before obtaining a 
concealed-carry permit should not be forced to allow out-of-State 
visitors to carry concealed weapons if they do not meet that State's 
concealed licensing requirements, especially if a State requires that 
individuals undergo live-fire training to ensure they know how to 
properly operate a firearm. This is common sense.
  This is a commonsense amendment, and it will keep Americans safe. It 
simply would require the possession or carrying of a concealed handgun 
in a State be subject to that State's law regarding firearm safety 
training, including live-fire exercises.
  I urge my colleagues to support this amendment and oppose the 
underlying bill.
  I reserve the balance of my time.
  Mr. SMITH of Texas. Mr. Chairman, I rise in opposition to the 
amendment.

[[Page 17590]]

  The Acting CHAIR. The gentleman is recognized for 5 minutes.
  Mr. SMITH of Texas. Mr. Chairman, I yield myself such time as I may 
consume.
  This amendment allows States to prohibit nonresidents from carrying a 
concealed firearm if they did not take part in a firearm safety class 
that included a live-fire exercise as part of the permitting process. 
This amendment would, for the first time ever, insert the Federal 
Government into the State's concealed-carry permitting process. H.R. 
822, by contrast, protects each State's ability to set its own 
eligibility requirements for concealed-carry permits.
  Thirty-seven States require some degree of firearms training. The 
gentleman from Georgia's home State, interestingly, does not require 
any training and, thus, under this amendment, its citizens would not be 
able to enjoy the Federal grant of reciprocity provided by H.R. 822.
  The States carry out their training requirements in a number of ways. 
Some States allow applicants to certify their proficiency through 
classroom training, while other States recognize prior military or 
police service to meet these requirements. Virginia, for example, 
provides eight different ways to meet the training requirements.
  This amendment is silent on a number of important issues. Is prior 
military or law enforcement service sufficient to meet the live-fire 
requirement? Does an applicant need to go through this training each 
time they renew their permit or is it sufficient to have completed a 
course the first time they applied? These ambiguities give us more 
reason to oppose this amendment.
  We know that concealed-carry laws do reduce crime. A study by John 
Lott and David Mustard found that when concealed-carry laws went into 
effect, murders fell by over 7 percent and rapes and aggravated 
assaults fell by 5 and 7 percent, respectively. These findings have 
been confirmed by 18 other studies, but none have found that concealed 
carry increases crime.
  The benefit of concealed-carry laws should not be measured only by 
the instances of self-defense, but also by the number of crimes that 
are prevented from occurring in the first place.
  I urge my colleagues to oppose this amendment, and I reserve the 
balance of my time.
  The Acting CHAIR. The gentleman from Georgia has 1 minute remaining.
  Mr. JOHNSON of Georgia. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
  I agree wholeheartedly with my colleague from Texas, Chairman Smith. 
This legislation does, in fact, insert the Federal Government into 
State licensing of firearms, and it does it in a big way. It actually 
eviscerates the States' ability to regulate how or the qualifications 
for applicants to be able to receive a concealed-carry permit.
  As I stated earlier, 34 States require applicants to complete a 
firearms safety training course; unfortunately, Georgia does not. But 
that does not mean that that is right or proper. I believe that other 
States can certainly have a more conscientious approach to gun 
licensing, and certainly States have had a right to do that, and I want 
to preserve that right.
  With that, I yield back the balance of my time.
  Mr. SMITH of Texas. Mr. Chairman, I yield myself the balance of my 
time.
  The Acting CHAIR. The gentleman is recognized for 3 minutes.
  Mr. SMITH of Texas. Mr. Chairman, I am glad that the gentleman from 
Georgia agrees with me that this amendment does insert the Federal 
Government into the States' concealed-carry permitting process. I would 
simply say that that admission and the fact that that is the case is 
enough reason to oppose this amendment.
  I yield back the balance of my time.
  The Acting CHAIR. The question is on the amendment offered by the 
gentleman from Georgia (Mr. Johnson).
  The question was taken; and the Acting Chair announced that the ayes 
appeared to have it.
  Mr. SMITH of Texas. Mr. Chairman, I demand a recorded vote.
  The Acting CHAIR. Pursuant to clause 6 of rule XVIII, further 
proceedings on the amendment offered by the gentleman from Georgia will 
be postponed.

                              {time}  1540


                  Amendment No. 7 Offered by Mr. Cohen

  The Acting CHAIR. It is now in order to consider amendment No. 7 
printed in House Report 112-283.
  Mr. COHEN. Mr. Chairman, I have an amendment at the desk.
  The Acting CHAIR. The Clerk will designate the amendment.
  The text of the amendment is as follows:

       Page 6, line 14, after the period insert the following: 
     ``Notwithstanding the preceding sentence, the possession or 
     carrying of a concealed handgun in a State under this section 
     shall be subject to any State law limiting the eligibility to 
     possess or carry a concealed handgun to individuals who have 
     attained 21 years of age.''.

  The Acting CHAIR. Pursuant to House Resolution 463, the gentleman 
from Tennessee (Mr. Cohen) and a Member opposed each will control 5 
minutes.
  The Chair recognizes the gentleman from Tennessee.
  Mr. COHEN. Mr. Chairman, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
  Before I came to Congress, I was a member of the Tennessee Senate for 
probably an inordinate amount of years before I graduated to this 
august body. It took me 24 years to matriculate. But during those 24 
years, I worked on much important legislation to help the people of 
Tennessee.
  One of the things I helped the people in Tennessee with is I wrote 
the Right to Carry bill in Tennessee. The fact is this was a difficult 
bill to pass; it was a difficult bill to craft. There were people with 
different opinions of what should be in the bill, and we debated it. We 
went back and forth on what should be in it. We took votes and certain 
things passed and certain failed, and we came up with a bill we thought 
was a good bill.
  I always felt that people who could take a gun and have enough vision 
and calmness of hand and hit a target at some pace, not have a criminal 
record, and pass a written test of limited challenge, should have a 
right to carry a gun. In fact in Tennessee, very few people with the 
right to carry a gun have committed crimes and used their guns 
improperly.
  But the fact is we worked on this law and we had certain 
restrictions, and one of the restrictions is you had to be 21 years of 
age, the same age that you have to be to buy a beer or to drink. And 36 
other States came to that same decision that you should be 21 before 
you can get a permit to carry a gun.
  Eight States have differed: Alabama, Delaware, Indiana, Iowa, Maine, 
Montana, New Hampshire, and South Dakota. So you've got a southern 
State in there, you've got an eastern State, a couple of Big Tens, a 
couple out in the Big Sky world, and some in the east. And they decided 
you only had to be 18, those eight States.
  This bill, if passed, would tell the citizens in those 37 States and 
the legislators in those 37 States that argued and determined that 21 
was the right age that it would be the right age in your State for the 
people who are residents of your State, but if somebody from one of 
those other eight States came into your State and was less than 21, 
they could carry a gun when your citizens couldn't. Because their State 
decided 18 was sufficient, your laws made no difference; and you'd have 
teenagers carrying guns in States that had determined that it was not 
the appropriate age.
  Twenty-one is the right age to drink, and I'm not submitting that it 
should be less at this time, but the fact is the brain doesn't really 
develop to a certain extent until you're out of your teens; and that is 
why much of the crime and the violent crime is committed by people 18 
to 20. They are only 5 percent of the population, but 20 percent of the 
homicides in violent crime are committed by people from 18 to 20. And 
if you pass this bill, you'll have people 18 to 20 going into States 
and having a right to carry a gun when the citizens of that State won't 
have it. That makes no sense.
  In 2007, the most recent year in which we have data, there were 
13,000 people

[[Page 17591]]

who lost their lives in this country to accidents involving alcohol; 
but there were 31,000 people, over twice as many, who lost their lives 
because of gunfire.
  It doesn't make sense that we would not only trample on the laws of 
the different States but also the work of the legislators such as me 
who worked hard within the legislative bodies, within the give-and-take 
of Senate and House and conference committees to come up with what we 
thought was the policy of our State to have that overridden by the 
folks here in this United States House of Representatives, the Senate 
would be concurring, to pass a bill to say your laws make no 
difference, and 18- and 19- and 20-year-olds from Alabama and South 
Dakota and Maine and New Hampshire are going to be able to come in your 
State and carry a gun when your citizens won't be able.
  It should be up to each of the States to decide that, and what we're 
getting to is the lowest common denominator, which isn't right.
  So the fact is these laws should be left up to the States. The States 
right now can have reciprocity agreements. Tennessee didn't have one 
when we passed our bill in 1996, but in 2003 they got one. But the 
State of Tennessee decided on its reciprocity, not the United States 
Congress. And States have reciprocity agreements, and they're all going 
to be overridden. Some are more liberal than others--Tennessee is the 
most liberal--but other States have got restrictions. They're all going 
to be set aside because of this.
  I would hope that the Members who come from the 37 States that 
require your citizens to be 21 would not allow people under 21 to come 
into your State and have teenagers who are most likely to commit crimes 
with guns to come into your State with a concealed-carry permit.
  Mr. CONYERS. Will the gentleman yield?
  Mr. COHEN. I yield to the distinguished gentleman from Michigan.
  Mr. CONYERS. I thank the gentleman for yielding.
  Your experience in your State legislature and your legal experience 
really have impressed me that your amendment, and we haven't talked 
about this today on H.R. 822, is extremely important. I hope my 
colleagues will join with you.
  Mr. COHEN. I thank the gentleman.
  I yield back the balance of my time.
  Mr. GOWDY. Mr. Chairman, I rise in opposition to the amendment.
  The Acting CHAIR. The gentleman from South Carolina is recognized for 
5 minutes.
  Mr. GOWDY. Mr. Chairman, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
  This amendment prohibits persons who are legally permitted to carry a 
concealed weapon between the age of 18 and 21 from taking advantage of 
H.R. 822's grant of reciprocity. We continue to believe, Mr. Chairman, 
that adults who reach the age of 18--which is the age of majority for 
well nigh everything in this country, save alcohol--are capable of 
being responsible just as 19-year-olds and 20-year-olds are. They can 
vote. More importantly, they can serve in the military where they are 
highly trained to handle firearms in very critical situations.
  Fewer than 10 States allow people under 21 to receive a concealed-
carry permit. One State allows this if a weapon is necessary for the 
person's job, such as law enforcement, and another if a person gets 
permission from law enforcement.
  This amendment eliminates the current practice of many States, 
including the amendment sponsor's home State of Tennessee, recognizing 
concealed-carry permits of nonresidents between the ages of 18 and 21, 
even though their own residents must be 21 to conceal carry.
  In fact, 14 States recognize all valid permits issued by any States, 
including those States that permit persons between the ages of 18 and 
21. As many as 10 additional States recognize 18-year-old permit 
holders from other States with which they have reciprocity.
  Mr. Chairman, America trusts our brave men and women under the age of 
21 to volunteer for duty and to defend our country. What this amendment 
says, however, is you can carry a gun and defend this country overseas, 
but you can't carry a gun and defend yourself once you get back. This 
is not consistent with the Second Amendment, nor is it reflective of 
our views with respect to what 18-year-olds can and should be permitted 
to do. What is good enough to defend the foundations of this Republic 
and us, I hasten to add, should be sufficient to defend oneself.
  Mr. COHEN. Will the gentleman yield?
  Mr. GOWDY. I yield to the gentleman from Tennessee.
  Mr. COHEN. I thank the gentleman for yielding.
  Based on your argument, you would think that the state that the laws 
of the 37 States have that limit gun permits to people that are 21 
should be abolished. Why does your legislation not go further and 
trample on the States' rights and say that you can only have a 
limitation of age 18 and say that you cannot have a limitation of age 
21?
  Mr. GOWDY. The only thing that this debate today has given me cause 
for celebration for is I now know my colleagues on the other side of 
the aisle are familiar with the concept of States' rights because I 
have not heard them talk about it for the first 11 months.
  Do you suppose Tennessee should have a different version of the First 
Amendment or the Fourth Amendment or the Fifth Amendment or the Eighth 
Amendment? So why are we treating the Second Amendment like it is in 
the constitutional trash heap?
  Mr. COHEN. No. What I'm saying to you, sir, is your belief is 
obviously that the Second Amendment is an individual right so that the 
States that have laws that say you have to be 21, those laws should be 
abolished and we should limit it to 18.
  For the record, I have talked about States' rights on medical tort 
liability, and I've talked about States' rights on medical marijuana.
  Mr. GOWDY. Reclaiming my time, the gentleman from Tennessee is right. 
He has from time to time mentioned States' rights, which puts him in a 
very lonely position on his side of the aisle.
  With that, I yield back the balance of my time.

                              {time}  1550

  The Acting CHAIR. The question is on the amendment offered by the 
gentleman from Tennessee (Mr. Cohen).
  The question was taken; and the Acting Chair announced that the noes 
appeared to have it.
  Mr. COHEN. Mr. Chairman, I demand a recorded vote.
  The Acting CHAIR. Pursuant to clause 6 of rule XVIII, further 
proceedings on the amendment offered by the gentleman from Tennessee 
will be postponed.


          Amendment No. 8 Offered by Ms. Jackson Lee of Texas

  The Acting CHAIR. It is now in order to consider amendment No. 8 
printed in House Report 112-283.
  Ms. JACKSON LEE of Texas. Mr. Chairman, I have an amendment at the 
desk.
  The Acting CHAIR. The Clerk will designate the amendment.
  The text of the amendment is as follows:

       Page 6, line 21, strike the close quotation marks and the 
     following period.
       Page 6, after line 21, insert the following:
       ``(d) A person may not, under this section, carry or 
     possess a concealed handgun in a State, unless the person 
     provided at least 24 hours notice to the designated law 
     enforcement agency of the State of the intention of the 
     person to carry or possess a concealed handgun in the 
     State.''.

  The Acting CHAIR. Pursuant to House Resolution 463, the gentlewoman 
from Texas (Ms. Jackson Lee) and a Member opposed each will control 5 
minutes.
  The Chair recognizes the gentlewoman from Texas.
  Ms. JACKSON LEE of Texas. Mr. Chairman, I yield myself such time as I 
may consume.
  I thank you for your courtesies, and I am delighted to have seen my 
good friend engage in a dialogue and a colloquy with my friend from 
Tennessee. Maybe I might even get the same courtesies because this is a 
very important

[[Page 17592]]

issue that also deals with constitutional questions.
  I am back with my young man who is getting his immunization shot, 
with a nurse looking over him, because I want people to know that this 
is about family, that it's about the fact as to whether or not we make 
a statement on behalf of protecting law enforcement, of protecting our 
families, and not fall upon the spear of the Second Amendment and the 
National Rifle Association.
  To my ranking member and dear friend, even the supercommittee is not 
without ghosts riding through. I understand they had a deal, and then 
Mr. Norquist comes riding through. Whenever we want to talk about 
getting together on guns and the Second Amendment, the NRA comes riding 
through. So we've got the NRA, and we've got Mr. Norquist, and we can't 
ever get any bipartisanship because the ghosts keep riding through.
  My amendment is a very simple one, and it speaks, again, to 
protecting the lives of our officers, and what it says is having the 
State have a designated entity, a designated agency, that requires an 
individual coming into another State with a concealed-carry permit to 
provide at least 24 hours advance notice to law enforcement agencies of 
their intention to carry or possess a concealed handgun in another 
State. States must retain their ability to know which individuals are 
allowed under this newly proposed bill to possess and carry a concealed 
weapon.
  Now, my friend did not engage with me in a dialogue, the gentleman, I 
believe, from South Carolina.
  But just imagine a trooper with a traffic stop on, say, for example, 
I-45 in the State of Texas--it could be I-95 in Maryland--at 3 a.m. The 
car has a Colorado license plate, and the driver supplies a Colorado 
driver's license. The State trooper goes back to his car, and he can 
instantly validate this person is from Colorado with respect to the 
license plate and the license. Upon returning to the car, the trooper 
notices that the driver has a concealed weapon on his hip. The driver 
hands over his Colorado concealed-carry permit. The trooper has no 
ability to determine the validity of that permit. Therefore, if that 
person had been required to notify a State agency in Texas or in 
Maryland, that information might be readily accessible.
  I heard a comment about the NLET process. You can go to the NLET. 
Only 12 States have allowed electronic access to their concealed-carry 
databases known as NLET. It does not respond, in essence, to the other 
38 States.
  My friends, we are recklessly passing a bill that we think is sorely 
needed. It does not in any way have anything to do with jobs. It 
doesn't have anything to do with protecting innocent children. It has 
nothing to do with making sure our law enforcement is safe. I am simply 
adding an amendment that would make it better. When you're coming into 
our State, let's let our law enforcement know, and let's provide safety 
to the American people.
  I reserve the balance of my time.
  Mr. GOWDY. Mr. Chairman, I rise in opposition to the amendment.
  The Acting CHAIR. The gentleman from South Carolina is recognized for 
5 minutes.
  Mr. GOWDY. Mr. Chairman, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
  This amendment is based on the premise that any person who possesses 
a gun, including an American who legally purchases a gun and obtains a 
concealed-carry permit, is a criminal and must seek permission to 
exercise his or her constitutional rights. It would be nice, indeed, if 
we could get those who harbor criminal intentions to call ahead of time 
and inform local law enforcement of their plans. It would, in fact, be 
ideal if they would let us know which store they were going to rob, 
which home they were going to invade, which car they intended to steal.
  That typically doesn't happen, Mr. Chairman, and to require law-
abiding citizens to call ahead is mind-boggling.
  Do we have to call ahead when we plan to assert our First Amendment 
rights? Do we have to call ahead and inform States we're traveling 
through of our intention to rely upon our Fourth Amendment rights? What 
about Miranda? Do we call ahead and reserve our Miranda reservations? 
Do we need to tell them which road we'll be traveling on, Mr. 
Chairman--and who do they call and what do they tell them when they 
call? Do they describe the gun? Do they tell them what caliber?
  What is law enforcement supposed to do with this information? Does 
anyone really think criminals ever call ahead and announce their 
intentions? What happens if a person fails to provide notice, Mr. 
Chairman? What is the designated law enforcement agency expected to do 
with this information--maintain a database of all entering nonresidents 
and track the person's movements inside the State?
  Should a nonresident with a concealed-carry permit engage in criminal 
activity within the State, is the State then liable for not preventing 
it?
  Would a person who lives in Maryland but works in Virginia be 
required to call every day, Mr. Chairman?
  What if it's an emergency trip--the birth of a grandchild? A sickness 
in the family? Do we just postpone our trip so we can meet the 
requirements of this amendment or do we sacrifice our right to travel 
in self-defense because we didn't call quickly enough?
  This is a practical nightmare. It's a constitutional abomination. I 
urge my colleagues to oppose it.
  Mr. Chairman, I yield back the balance of my time.
  The Acting CHAIR. The gentlewoman from Texas has 1\1/2\ minutes 
remaining.
  Ms. JACKSON LEE of Texas. I'm so glad my dear friend rose to speak to 
the new phenomenon of apples and oranges.
  My friends, I am not coddling criminals. We know this is a 
distinctive bill that is not addressing the question of criminals who 
come to do us harm. What we are suggesting is that guns kill, and we 
are suggesting that people use guns to kill.
  On that lonely, dark road at 3 a.m., when that trooper identifies 
your driver's license but can't identify whether or not you have a 
legitimate concealed-weapon permit to carry, then we are asking for you 
to have help. We're asking for there to be 24-hour notification. I am 
sure there will be the possibility of waivers, but don't tell me that a 
law enforcement entity, once known that they can go to the 
documentation that has the notification that someone is coming in from 
another State with a concealed weapon, will not find it useful. In 
fact, it will help this law enforcement officer tell this individual 
carrying legally, On your way, sir; On your way, ma'am. Thank you. Or, 
in essence, we might catch someone who has a concealed weapon and a 
permit from another State, but that person is rushing across the State 
to get away from a wife or a husband and has been in a violent domestic 
abuse or a domestic violence altercation.
  So let me just say, for all of the laughers, guns kill, and it is a 
shame that we allow the ghost of the NRA to ride into this place and 
just smack down common sense. Save the lives of children because guns 
kill. Save the lives of law enforcement officers who leave behind 
children, because guns kill. Don't fool around with the NLET process, 
which doesn't even work. Let's notify. I ask for the support of my 
amendment.
  Mr. Chair, I rise today in support of my amendment No. 8 to H.R. 822, 
the ``National Right-to-Carry Reciprocity Act of 2011.'' My amendment 
ensures that any person seeking to possess a concealed weapon in a 
state other than the state that issued the concealed carry permit must 
provide at least 24 hours advance notice to law enforcement agencies of 
their intention to carry or possess a concealed handgun in another 
State.
  States must retain their ability to know which individuals are 
allowed, under this newly proposed bill, to possess and carry concealed 
weapons within their borders. This measure would require an individual 
to notify out of state law enforcement, 24 hours in advance, of their 
intention to possess or carry a concealed weapon into the borders of a 
State in which those individuals are not licensed.
  In its current form, the bill will have a difficult time verifying 
out of state permits in real time, endangering their lives, and the 
lives of the public. State and local law enforcement must always be 
aware of who is carrying loaded, hidden guns. This information will 
give law

[[Page 17593]]

enforcement a fighting chance as they protect their communities.
  I believe that an amendment requiring prompt and adequate 
notification to law enforcement officials regarding an out of state 
individual's intention to carry a concealed weapon is necessary to 
protect the safety of the public and to protect the safety of the men 
and women who protect the public.
  According to the Majority's report on this bill, only 12 states 
maintain electronic databases of concealed carry permits that are 
immediately accessible to other law enforcement agencies. 7 states 
cannot provide any real time access to this basic information, and 2 
states do not even maintain databases.
  Currently, there are several states that have implemented time 
requirements to ensure the safety of their citizens when dealing with a 
variety of weapons. This amendment will create a standard that is sure 
to provide law enforcement with the information desperately needed to 
keep the public safe from unknown harms.
  This is a fundamental states rights issue. The measure before us 
today takes away a state's right to set their own criteria for 
determining who should be allowed to carry a fire arm within their 
borders.
  Texas has robust handgun concealed carry laws and these laws would 
only undermine the criteria established by my home state. This measure 
would bolster the protections that Texas and many other states seek to 
implement to protect their citizens from gun violence. Texas standard 
to attain a permit is currently higher than current federal law and the 
requirements of a number of other states.
  As it stands Texas already honors the permits of 39 other states; 
which only emphasizes that this can be address at the state level. One 
of my main concerns is that the lives and safety of men and women 
working in the line of duty will be compromised if we fail to 
effectuate this amendment requiring a 24-hour advance notice of out of 
state individuals carrying concealed weapons.
  Law enforcement officers put their lives on the line for us every 
day. Since 2009 least 122 law enforcement officers have been shot and 
killed, with an average of one officer killed by gunfire each week. 
Since the beginning of 2011, guns have killed at least 30 law 
enforcement officers. It is important that the very men and women who 
put their lives on the line are the very men and women who have instant 
access to information on whether on not the individual they are 
approaching during a routine traffic stop is armed.
  In 2009, Houston Police Officer Timothy Abernathy was shot and killed 
during a routine traffic stop. An 11 year Veteran of the Houston Police 
Department, Officer Abernathy stopped a vehicle for a minor traffic 
violation. This should have been routine, but the suspect shot Officer 
Abernathy in the head, killing him. Officer Abernathy was 43 years old.
  Gun violence is dangerous to all Americans. In 2010, approximately 
8,775 people were killed by firearms. 6,000 of those deaths were caused 
by handguns. In 2010, 152 of those killed by guns were law enforcement 
officers. Each year, there are approximately 16,000 assaults on police 
officers, and many of those attacks utilize firearms.
  The facts are quite simple. If we are going to ask state and local 
law enforcement officials to put their lives on the line every day for 
the safety of our communities, we owe it to them to know who is 
carrying a loaded and concealed weapon. Establishing a database of 
individuals with concealed carry permits could save a life.
  I urge my colleagues to support my amendment to H.R. 822 in order to 
ensure that we act fervently to protect the lives of those who risk 
their lives for the general public on a daily basis. Again, this 
amendment will strengthen a State's ability to continue its efforts to 
protect the safety of its citizens and law enforcement officials.
  The Acting CHAIR. The question is on the amendment offered by the 
gentlewoman from Texas (Ms. Jackson Lee).
  The question was taken; and the Acting Chair announced that the noes 
appeared to have it.
  Ms. JACKSON LEE of Texas. Mr. Chairman, I demand a recorded vote.
  The Acting CHAIR. Pursuant to clause 6 of rule XVIII, further 
proceedings on the amendment offered by the gentlewoman from Texas will 
be postponed.


                Amendment No. 9 Offered by Mr. Cicilline

  The Acting CHAIR. It is now in order to consider amendment No. 9 
printed in House Report 112-283.
  Mr. CICILLINE. I have an amendment at the desk, Mr. Chairman.
  The Acting CHAIR. The Clerk will designate the amendment.
  The text of the amendment is as follows:

       Page 6, line 21, strike the close quotation marks and the 
     following period.
       Page 6, after line 21, insert the following:
       ``(d) Subsection (a) shall not apply with respect to the 
     possession or carrying of a concealed handgun in a State on 
     the basis of a license or permit issued in another State, 
     unless the Attorney General of the State, the head of the 
     State police, and the Secretary of State of the State have 
     jointly issued a certification that the laws of both States 
     which provide for the issuance of such a license or permit 
     are substantially similar.''.

  The Acting CHAIR. Pursuant to House Resolution 463, the gentleman 
from Rhode Island (Mr. Cicilline) and a Member opposed each will 
control 5 minutes.
  The Chair recognizes the gentleman from Rhode Island.
  Mr. CICILLINE. Mr. Chairman, I yield myself such time as I may 
consume.
  As a founding member of the bipartisan Mayors Against Illegal Guns, 
cochaired by Mayor Menino of Boston and Mayor Bloomberg of New York, I 
rise today in strong opposition to the National Right-to-Carry 
Reciprocity Act.
  This dangerous legislation threatens public safety by undermining the 
ability of States and localities to reduce gun violence by limiting the 
carrying of loaded concealed weapons within their borders.
  This bill has nothing to do with honoring the Second Amendment. It, 
instead, completely dishonors the rights of local communities and State 
governments to make decisions to protect the well-being and safety of 
their citizens. This bill prevents States from responding to the unique 
needs of their communities as they determine the eligibility criteria 
for carrying a loaded concealed weapon. It instead forces them to 
accept standards set in other States.

                              {time}  1600

  As a result, this bill strips away reasonable limitations properly 
enacted by States and imposes upon every State, except Illinois, the 
least restrictive standard in the country for carrying a concealed 
loaded gun. The implications of this bill are drastic and a radical 
departure from well-settled practice and law that assigns primary 
responsibility for public safety to States and localities.
  In Rhode Island and in many States like it, this bill would decimate 
the strong concealed-carry framework developed by duly elected 
officials within the State. These officials enacted requirements that 
they believe most effectively prevent dangerous individuals from 
carrying a concealed firearm within their borders.
  Rhode Island does not have any reciprocity agreements recognizing any 
other State permits; and our heightened standards require applicants to 
be at least 21 years old, of good character, not an abuser of alcohol, 
to complete a firearm safety training course that includes a live-fire 
examination, and to show good cause for needing a concealed-carry 
permit. To further provide for our unique public safety needs, Rhode 
Island also grants broad discretion to local law enforcement officials 
in the process of approving or denying a concealed-carry permit. As a 
result, Rhode Island ranks among the States with the lowest gun death 
rates, less than half the national average.
  Under this bill, Rhode Island would be forced to recognize concealed-
carry permits from all States, regardless of how lax the other States' 
standards. This would leave my fellow Rhode Islanders subject to the 
whims of the other States' concealed-carry permits and actually 
prioritize the rights of out-of-State concealed-carry permit holders 
over the rights of Rhode Islanders within our own borders. For example, 
while Rhode Island requires safety training that includes a live-fire 
exam in order to acquire a concealed-carry permit, there are 10 States 
that have no training requirements whatsoever. While Rhode Island 
prevents alcohol abusers from obtaining these permits, only 28 States 
have such a standard in place.
  The commonsense provisions of Rhode Island State law and the laws of

[[Page 17594]]

similarly situated States prevent dangerous individuals from carrying 
loaded concealed weapons. Such protections would be completely 
undermined by this law. This bill is a clear and undeniable threat to 
public safety and will facilitate a new path that allows more and 
potentially dangerous individuals to carry concealed loaded guns within 
our borders and against our will. This must not be allowed.
  Because this bill presents such an indisputable threat to public 
safety in many States, I have introduced this amendment which would 
require that, at the very least, prior to granting reciprocity in a 
State, the attorney general, the head of a State police, and the 
secretary of State jointly certify that the laws of a nonresident 
permit holder State are substantially similar to its own. This would 
provide States an opportunity to preserve adherence to their core 
requirements that restrict concealed-carry weapons but not allow them 
to deny permits from States that match their standards. It would, at a 
minimum, ensure that we respect the decisions and judgments made by 
local and State governments on this key public safety issue.
  The certification process will not be burdensome to States. In fact, 
some States, including South Dakota and Nebraska, already incorporate 
this type of process in determining eligibility for engaging in 
reciprocity agreements with other States.
  I urge my colleagues to support my amendment and protect the citizens 
of this country from the imposition of dangerously lax standards for 
the carrying of concealed weapons in direct contradiction to the 
decision of local and State governments charged with protecting the 
lives and safety of their citizens.
  I reserve the balance of my time.
  Mr. SMITH of Texas. Mr. Chairman, I rise in opposition to the 
amendment.
  The Acting CHAIR. The gentleman is recognized for 5 minutes.
  Mr. SMITH of Texas. Mr. Chairman, I yield myself such time as I may 
consume.
  This is one of three amendments under consideration today that would 
allow the States to opt out of the nationwide concealed-carry system 
that H.R. 822 seeks to establish. This undermines the bill's goal of 
creating national uniformity in our concealed-carry laws.
  This amendment provides that every State attorney general, head of 
police, and secretary of State must certify that the concealed-carry 
eligibility laws of every other State are substantially similar to 
their own before the State can participate in this legislation's grant 
of reciprocity. This is obviously intended to be overly burdensome both 
to those with concealed-carry permits and to the States themselves. It 
is also simply a way for State officials who do not support the Second 
Amendment right to bear arms to decide that their State will not 
recognize out-of-State concealed-carry permits.
  The amendment also incorrectly assumes that there are critical 
differences between the States' eligibility requirements, which is 
simply not the case. Each State has a vested interest in making sure 
that those with a propensity towards violence are not granted a 
concealed-carry permit. Every State conducts a thorough background 
check so that unqualified individuals will not be able to carry a 
concealed firearm. The eligibility standards used by the States are 
more similar than not. The fact that there may be small differences 
among the States' eligibility laws should not allow a State to prohibit 
the exercise of Second Amendment rights within its boundaries.
  Also, Federal and State laws governing the purchase of a firearm must 
be complied with before a person can even apply for a concealed-carry 
permit. In order to purchase a firearm or take advantage of the 
reciprocity extended by H.R. 822, a person convicted of a felony or a 
domestic violence misdemeanor cannot legally purchase a firearm under 
Federal law. A person must also be cleared through the Federal Bureau 
of Investigation's National Instant Criminal Background Check System, 
or NICS, before they can purchase a firearm.
  Data from the FBI's annual Uniform Crime Report show that right-to-
carry States, those that widely allow concealed-carry permits, have 22 
percent lower total violent crime rates, 30 percent lower murder rates, 
46 percent lower robbery rates, and 12 percent lower aggravated assault 
rates as compared to the rest of the country. This amendment allows the 
current patchwork of concealed-carry laws to continue and ignores the 
right to bear arms guaranteed by the Second Amendment.
  For those reasons, I oppose this amendment, and I reserve the balance 
of my time.
  The Acting CHAIR. The gentleman from Rhode Island has 30 seconds 
remaining.
  Mr. CICILLINE. Just very quickly, the purpose is not, of course, to 
overly burden State governments but, instead, to respect the judgments 
and decisions they've made in weighing the equities and making 
determinations as to what is the right criteria, to give respect to the 
duly elected officials in States who have made those judgments. It 
happens in South Dakota. It happens in Nebraska. It's not unduly 
burdensome. It's really about respecting the people in State government 
and in local governments who have the responsibility to protect the 
public health, safety, and well-being of residents of States.
  I yield back the balance of my time.
  Mr. SMITH of Texas. Mr. Chairman, if you respect and support the full 
right of individuals to enjoy the rights under the Second Amendment to 
the Constitution to bear arms, you will oppose this amendment.
  I yield back the balance of my time.
  The Acting CHAIR. The question is on the amendment offered by the 
gentleman from Rhode Island (Mr. Cicilline).
  The question was taken; and the Acting Chair announced that the ayes 
appeared to have it.
  Mr. SMITH of Texas. Mr. Chairman, I demand a recorded vote.
  The Acting CHAIR. Pursuant to clause 6 of rule XVIII, further 
proceedings on the amendment offered by the gentleman from Rhode Island 
will be postponed.


                Amendment No. 10 Offered by Mr. Reichert

  The Acting CHAIR. It is now in order to consider amendment No. 10 
printed in House Report 112-283.
  Mr. REICHERT. I have an amendment at the desk.
  The Acting CHAIR. The Clerk will designate the amendment.
  The text of the amendment is as follows:

       At the end of the bill, add the following:

     SEC. __. GAO STUDY OF THE ABILITY OF STATE AND LOCAL LAW 
                   ENFORCEMENT TO VERIFY THE VALIDITY OF OUT-OF-
                   STATE CONCEALED FIREARMS PERMITS.

       (a) In General.--The Comptroller General of the United 
     States shall conduct a study of the ability of State and 
     local law enforcement authorities to verify the validity of 
     licenses or permits, issued by other States, to carry a 
     concealed firearm.
       (b) Report to the Congress.--Within 1 year after the date 
     of the enactment of this Act, the Comptroller General shall 
     submit to the Committee on the Judiciary of the House of 
     Representatives and the Committee on the Judiciary of the 
     Senate a written report which contains the results of the 
     study required by subsection (a).

  The Acting CHAIR. Pursuant to House Resolution 463, the gentleman 
from Washington (Mr. Reichert) and a Member opposed each will control 5 
minutes.
  The Chair recognizes the gentleman from Washington.
  Mr. REICHERT. Mr. Chairman, I yield myself such time as I may 
consume.
  Today we are considering a national reciprocity law for firearms 
licenses and permits. I have always supported Second Amendment rights 
for people to carry and keep firearms.
  I come at this from a little bit of a different perspective. I was a 
police officer for 33 years. I worked the streets for 6 years in a 
patrol car, SWAT commander, hostage negotiator. I have had guns pointed 
at me. I have looked down the barrel of a shotgun. I have looked down 
the barrel of a rifle. I have heard the shots fly by. I have been at 
the other end of the gun, too. Fortunately, I have not had to fire at 
anyone, but in protection of the people in my community, I have 
experienced being at both ends of a firearm.

[[Page 17595]]

  So I understand and I get the concerns of cops, my brothers and 
sisters in law enforcement. What we want to make sure today is that 
those law enforcement officers across this country that protect us--and 
they're protecting us while we're in the Capitol today--are equipped 
and prepared to enforce this law.
  I have a concern, so my amendment would require that the GAO look 
into whether or not law enforcement officers are able and have the 
ability to verify the validity of out-of-State concealed firearms 
permits and licenses. Within 1 year of enactment, the results of this 
study will be reported to the House Judiciary Committee and the Senate 
Judiciary Committee.
  Our State and local law enforcement across this country every day put 
their lives on the line. They put the badge on. They put their uniforms 
on. They walk out into the street. They go out in their patrol cars and 
are putting their lives on the line. It's a risk and responsibility 
that they will gladly accept. They want to come home safely, of course, 
to their families, but they know the risks when they leave their home. 
They know the risks when they put on the badge. We owe it to them to 
ensure the underlying bill does not create any unintended consequences 
or additional safety concerns.

                              {time}  1610

  Right now it is unclear whether every cop in every jurisdiction 
across this Nation can efficiently determine the validity of concealed-
firearms permits. Each State decides how best to store that information 
and have access to its own concealed-carry permit information, but 
maybe not that of other States.
  Only 12 States right now are participating in a program that allows 
electronic access to a joint concealed-carry database. In the remaining 
38 States, law enforcement officers are required to contact appropriate 
local officials over the phone or by email. This method is not timely 
enough and not effective. We must understand how long it takes for law 
enforcement officers to determine whether or not a State concealed-
carry permit is legitimate or fraudulent. This is critical to both the 
safety of the cops patrolling our neighborhoods and protecting the 
rights of law-abiding citizens.
  This GAO study will help us better understand the impact of national 
reciprocity for concealed firearms on our Nation's law enforcement and 
their ability to effectively enforce the law. We must pass this 
amendment to ensure that our cops have the adequate tools to enforce 
this law.
  I reserve the balance of my time.
  Mr. CONYERS. Mr. Chairman, I claim the time in opposition.
  The Acting CHAIR. The gentleman from Michigan is recognized for 5 
minutes.
  Mr. CONYERS. I merely wanted to ask our distinguished colleague from 
Washington if I understood correctly that the GAO would conduct a study 
about the ability of the State and local law enforcement to verify the 
validity of out-of-state concealment after this bill is passed?
  I yield to the gentleman.
  Mr. REICHERT. I thank the gentleman for yielding.
  The question is whether or not this study is tied to the passage of 
the bill. No, the study is not tied to the passage of the bill. The 
study will begin upon passage of the bill, and the report must be filed 
before 1 year is up.
  Mr. CONYERS. I see. Could I ask the gentleman why we wouldn't conduct 
the study in front of the bill rather than after the bill?
  Mr. REICHERT. The way that this amendment is presented, it's 
presented allowing the study to go on as law enforcement encounters 
this new law and will then know what challenges they face as they look 
to enforce the law. We won't know all of those things until the law is 
in place.
  Mr. CONYERS. Well, may I suggest that perhaps our responsibility as 
Federal legislators might be to determine the impact of this proposal 
on public safety before we pass it, not years later after we pass it.
  Would the gentleman concede that that might be the more appropriate 
path that we normally take?
  Mr. REICHERT. Yes, sir. That is what my amendment is intended to do, 
to gather that information so we can appropriately revise the current 
policies that may exist in police departments across the country and 
sheriff's offices across the country.
  Mr. CONYERS. I thank the gentleman.
  I yield back the balance of my time.
  Mr. REICHERT. Mr. Chairman, I yield the balance of my time to the 
gentleman from Texas (Mr. Smith), the distinguished chairman of the 
Judiciary Committee.
  The Acting CHAIR. The gentleman is recognized for 1 minute.
  Mr. SMITH of Texas. Mr. Chairman, I want to thank the gentleman from 
Washington, a former sheriff himself, for yielding me time; and I 
appreciate his offering this amendment, which requests a study by the 
Government Accountability Office on the ability of State and local law 
enforcement agencies to verify the validity of nonresident concealed-
carry permits.
  The study requested by the gentleman's amendment will provide 
additional assurance that nonresident permit information can be 
verified by law enforcement officers across the country.
  I urge my colleagues to support his amendment.
  The Acting CHAIR. The question is on the amendment offered by the 
gentleman from Washington (Mr. Reichert).
  The amendment was agreed to.


                    Announcement by the Acting Chair

  The Acting CHAIR. Pursuant to clause 6 of rule XVIII, proceedings 
will now resume on those amendments printed in House Report 112-283 on 
which further proceedings were postponed, in the following order:
  Amendment No. 1 by Mr. Woodall of Georgia.
  Amendment No. 2 by Mrs. McCarthy of New York.
  Amendment No. 3 by Mr. Hastings of Florida.
  Amendment No. 4 by Ms. Jackson Lee of Texas.
  Amendment No. 6 by Mr. Johnson of Georgia.
  Amendment No. 7 by Mr. Cohen of Tennessee.
  Amendment No. 8 by Ms. Jackson Lee of Texas.
  Amendment No. 9 by Mr. Cicilline of Rhode Island.
  The Chair will reduce to 2 minutes the time for any electronic vote 
after the first vote in this series.


                 Amendment No. 1 Offered by Mr. Woodall

  The Acting CHAIR. The unfinished business is the demand for a 
recorded vote on the amendment offered by the gentleman from Georgia 
(Mr. Woodall) on which further proceedings were postponed and on which 
the ayes prevailed by voice vote.
  The Clerk will redesignate the amendment.
  The Clerk redesignated the amendment.


                             Recorded Vote

  The Acting CHAIR. A recorded vote has been demanded.
  A recorded vote was ordered.
  The vote was taken by electronic device, and there were--ayes 140, 
noes 283, not voting 10, as follows:

                             [Roll No. 843]

                               AYES--140

     Ackerman
     Akin
     Amash
     Andrews
     Baca
     Baldwin
     Becerra
     Berman
     Bishop (NY)
     Blumenauer
     Brady (PA)
     Braley (IA)
     Broun (GA)
     Butterfield
     Capuano
     Carnahan
     Carney
     Carson (IN)
     Castor (FL)
     Chu
     Cicilline
     Clarke (MI)
     Clarke (NY)
     Clay
     Cleaver
     Clyburn
     Cohen
     Connolly (VA)
     Conyers
     Crowley
     Cummings
     Davis (CA)
     Deutch
     Dicks
     Doggett
     Dold
     Doyle
     Edwards
     Ellison
     Engel
     Eshoo
     Farr
     Fattah
     Filner
     Frank (MA)
     Fudge
     Garamendi
     Gerlach
     Gohmert
     Gonzalez
     Green, Al
     Grijalva
     Hahn
     Hanabusa
     Harris
     Hastings (FL)
     Hinchey
     Hinojosa
     Hirono
     Holt
     Hoyer
     Inslee
     Israel
     Jackson (IL)
     Jackson Lee (TX)
     Johnson (GA)
     Johnson, E. B.
     Keating
     Kildee
     King (IA)
     King (NY)
     Kucinich
     Langevin
     Levin
     Lewis (GA)
     Lipinski
     Loebsack
     Lofgren, Zoe
     Lowey
     Lungren, Daniel E.
     Lynch
     Maloney
     Markey
     McCarthy (NY)
     McCollum
     McDermott
     McGovern
     McNerney

[[Page 17596]]


     Meehan
     Miller (NC)
     Miller, George
     Moore
     Moran
     Nadler
     Neal
     Olver
     Pallone
     Pascrell
     Pastor (AZ)
     Payne
     Pelosi
     Perlmutter
     Pingree (ME)
     Polis
     Price (NC)
     Quigley
     Rangel
     Reyes
     Richardson
     Rothman (NJ)
     Ruppersberger
     Sanchez, Linda T.
     Sanchez, Loretta
     Schakowsky
     Schiff
     Scott (VA)
     Scott, David
     Serrano
     Sewell
     Sherman
     Sires
     Smith (WA)
     Stutzman
     Thompson (CA)
     Thompson (MS)
     Tierney
     Tonko
     Towns
     Tsongas
     Van Hollen
     Velazquez
     Visclosky
     Walsh (IL)
     Wasserman Schultz
     Watt
     Waxman
     Welch
     Wilson (FL)
     Woodall
     Yarmuth

                               NOES--283

     Adams
     Aderholt
     Alexander
     Altmire
     Amodei
     Austria
     Bachus
     Barletta
     Barrow
     Bartlett
     Barton (TX)
     Bass (CA)
     Bass (NH)
     Benishek
     Berg
     Berkley
     Biggert
     Bilbray
     Bilirakis
     Bishop (GA)
     Black
     Blackburn
     Bonner
     Bono Mack
     Boren
     Boswell
     Boustany
     Brady (TX)
     Brooks
     Brown (FL)
     Buchanan
     Bucshon
     Buerkle
     Burton (IN)
     Calvert
     Camp
     Campbell
     Canseco
     Cantor
     Capito
     Capps
     Cardoza
     Carter
     Cassidy
     Chabot
     Chaffetz
     Chandler
     Coble
     Coffman (CO)
     Cole
     Conaway
     Cooper
     Costa
     Costello
     Courtney
     Cravaack
     Crawford
     Crenshaw
     Critz
     Cuellar
     Culberson
     Davis (IL)
     Davis (KY)
     DeFazio
     DeGette
     DeLauro
     Denham
     Dent
     DesJarlais
     Diaz-Balart
     Dingell
     Donnelly (IN)
     Dreier
     Duffy
     Duncan (SC)
     Duncan (TN)
     Ellmers
     Emerson
     Farenthold
     Fincher
     Fitzpatrick
     Flake
     Fleischmann
     Fleming
     Flores
     Forbes
     Fortenberry
     Foxx
     Franks (AZ)
     Frelinghuysen
     Gallegly
     Garrett
     Gibbs
     Gibson
     Gingrey (GA)
     Goodlatte
     Gosar
     Gowdy
     Granger
     Graves (GA)
     Graves (MO)
     Green, Gene
     Griffin (AR)
     Griffith (VA)
     Grimm
     Guinta
     Guthrie
     Gutierrez
     Hall
     Hanna
     Harper
     Hartzler
     Hastings (WA)
     Hayworth
     Heck
     Heinrich
     Hensarling
     Herger
     Herrera Beutler
     Higgins
     Himes
     Hochul
     Holden
     Honda
     Huelskamp
     Huizenga (MI)
     Hultgren
     Hunter
     Hurt
     Issa
     Jenkins
     Johnson (IL)
     Johnson (OH)
     Johnson, Sam
     Jones
     Jordan
     Kelly
     Kind
     Kingston
     Kinzinger (IL)
     Kissell
     Kline
     Labrador
     Lamborn
     Lance
     Landry
     Lankford
     Larsen (WA)
     Larson (CT)
     Latham
     LaTourette
     Latta
     Lee (CA)
     Lewis (CA)
     LoBiondo
     Long
     Lucas
     Luetkemeyer
     Lujan
     Lummis
     Mack
     Manzullo
     Marchant
     Marino
     Matheson
     Matsui
     McCarthy (CA)
     McCaul
     McClintock
     McCotter
     McHenry
     McIntyre
     McKeon
     McKinley
     McMorris Rodgers
     Mica
     Michaud
     Miller (FL)
     Miller (MI)
     Miller, Gary
     Mulvaney
     Murphy (CT)
     Murphy (PA)
     Myrick
     Napolitano
     Neugebauer
     Noem
     Nugent
     Nunes
     Nunnelee
     Olson
     Owens
     Palazzo
     Paulsen
     Pearce
     Pence
     Peters
     Peterson
     Petri
     Pitts
     Platts
     Poe (TX)
     Pompeo
     Posey
     Price (GA)
     Quayle
     Rahall
     Reed
     Rehberg
     Reichert
     Renacci
     Ribble
     Richmond
     Rigell
     Rivera
     Roby
     Roe (TN)
     Rogers (AL)
     Rogers (KY)
     Rogers (MI)
     Rohrabacher
     Rokita
     Rooney
     Ros-Lehtinen
     Roskam
     Ross (AR)
     Ross (FL)
     Roybal-Allard
     Royce
     Runyan
     Rush
     Ryan (OH)
     Ryan (WI)
     Sarbanes
     Scalise
     Schilling
     Schock
     Schrader
     Schwartz
     Schweikert
     Scott (SC)
     Scott, Austin
     Sensenbrenner
     Sessions
     Shuler
     Shuster
     Simpson
     Slaughter
     Smith (NE)
     Smith (NJ)
     Smith (TX)
     Southerland
     Speier
     Stark
     Stearns
     Stivers
     Sullivan
     Sutton
     Terry
     Thompson (PA)
     Thornberry
     Tiberi
     Tipton
     Turner (NY)
     Turner (OH)
     Upton
     Walberg
     Walden
     Walz (MN)
     Waters
     Webster
     West
     Westmoreland
     Whitfield
     Wilson (SC)
     Wittman
     Wolf
     Womack
     Woolsey
     Yoder
     Young (AK)
     Young (FL)
     Young (IN)

                             NOT VOTING--10

     Bachmann
     Bishop (UT)
     Burgess
     Gardner
     Giffords
     Kaptur
     Meeks
     Paul
     Schmidt
     Shimkus

                              {time}  1644

  Mr. ROSKAM, Ms. MATSUI, Ms. LEE of California, Ms. BROWN of Florida, 
Messrs. CANTOR, HONDA, and WESTMORELAND changed their vote from ``aye'' 
to ``no.''
  Messrs. JACKSON of Illinois, CLYBURN, BRADY of Pennsylvania, CARNEY, 
Ms. WASSERMAN SCHULTZ, Messrs. TIERNEY, VAN HOLLEN, OLVER, KING of New 
York, SHERMAN, BLUMENAUER, FARR, DAVID SCOTT of Georgia, GEORGE MILLER 
of California, WAXMAN, PERLMUTTER, KEATING, ISRAEL, Ms. LORETTA SANCHEZ 
of California, Ms. LINDA T. SANCHEZ of California, and Ms. TSONGAS 
changed their vote from ``no'' to ``aye.''
  So the amendment was rejected.
  The result of the vote was announced as above recorded.


          Amendment No. 2 Offered by Mrs. McCarthy of New York

  The Acting CHAIR (Mrs. Capito). The unfinished business is the demand 
for a recorded vote on the amendment offered by the gentlewoman from 
New York (Mrs. McCarthy) on which further proceedings were postponed 
and on which the noes prevailed by voice vote.
  The Clerk will redesignate the amendment.
  The Clerk redesignated the amendment.


                             Recorded Vote

  The Acting CHAIR. A recorded vote has been demanded.
  A recorded vote was ordered.
  The Acting CHAIR. This is a 2-minute vote.
  The vote was taken by electronic device, and there were--ayes 147, 
noes 274, not voting 12, as follows:

                             [Roll No. 844]

                               AYES--147

     Ackerman
     Amash
     Andrews
     Baldwin
     Bass (CA)
     Becerra
     Berman
     Bishop (NY)
     Blumenauer
     Brady (PA)
     Braley (IA)
     Brown (FL)
     Butterfield
     Capps
     Capuano
     Carnahan
     Carney
     Carson (IN)
     Castor (FL)
     Chu
     Cicilline
     Clarke (MI)
     Clarke (NY)
     Clay
     Cleaver
     Clyburn
     Cohen
     Connolly (VA)
     Conyers
     Crowley
     Cummings
     Davis (CA)
     Davis (IL)
     DeGette
     DeLauro
     Deutch
     Dicks
     Doggett
     Dold
     Doyle
     Edwards
     Engel
     Eshoo
     Farr
     Fattah
     Filner
     Frank (MA)
     Fudge
     Garamendi
     Gonzalez
     Green, Al
     Grijalva
     Gutierrez
     Hahn
     Hanabusa
     Hastings (FL)
     Himes
     Hinojosa
     Hirono
     Holt
     Honda
     Hoyer
     Inslee
     Israel
     Jackson (IL)
     Jackson Lee (TX)
     Johnson (GA)
     Johnson, E. B.
     Keating
     Kildee
     King (NY)
     Kucinich
     Langevin
     Larson (CT)
     Lee (CA)
     Levin
     Lewis (GA)
     Loebsack
     Lofgren, Zoe
     Lowey
     Maloney
     Markey
     Matsui
     McCarthy (NY)
     McDermott
     McGovern
     McNerney
     Meeks
     Miller (NC)
     Miller, George
     Moore
     Moran
     Murphy (CT)
     Nadler
     Napolitano
     Neal
     Olver
     Pallone
     Pascrell
     Pastor (AZ)
     Payne
     Pelosi
     Perlmutter
     Peters
     Pingree (ME)
     Polis
     Price (NC)
     Quigley
     Rangel
     Richardson
     Richmond
     Rothman (NJ)
     Roybal-Allard
     Ruppersberger
     Sanchez, Linda T.
     Sanchez, Loretta
     Sarbanes
     Schakowsky
     Schiff
     Schwartz
     Scott (VA)
     Scott, David
     Serrano
     Sherman
     Sires
     Slaughter
     Speier
     Stark
     Sutton
     Thompson (CA)
     Thompson (MS)
     Tierney
     Tonko
     Towns
     Tsongas
     Van Hollen
     Velazquez
     Visclosky
     Wasserman Schultz
     Waters
     Watt
     Waxman
     Welch
     Wilson (FL)
     Woodall
     Woolsey
     Yarmuth

                               NOES--274

     Adams
     Aderholt
     Akin
     Alexander
     Altmire
     Amodei
     Austria
     Baca
     Bachus
     Barletta
     Barrow
     Bartlett
     Barton (TX)
     Bass (NH)
     Benishek
     Berg
     Berkley
     Biggert
     Bilbray
     Bilirakis
     Bishop (GA)
     Black
     Blackburn
     Bonner
     Bono Mack
     Boren
     Boswell
     Boustany
     Brady (TX)
     Brooks
     Broun (GA)
     Buchanan
     Bucshon
     Buerkle
     Burgess
     Burton (IN)
     Calvert
     Camp
     Campbell
     Canseco
     Cantor
     Capito
     Cardoza
     Carter
     Cassidy
     Chabot
     Chaffetz
     Chandler
     Coble
     Coffman (CO)
     Cole
     Conaway
     Cooper
     Costa
     Costello
     Courtney
     Cravaack
     Crawford
     Crenshaw
     Critz
     Cuellar
     Culberson
     Davis (KY)
     DeFazio
     Denham
     Dent
     DesJarlais
     Diaz-Balart
     Dingell
     Donnelly (IN)
     Dreier
     Duffy
     Duncan (SC)
     Duncan (TN)
     Ellmers
     Emerson
     Farenthold
     Fincher
     Fitzpatrick
     Flake
     Fleischmann
     Fleming
     Flores
     Forbes
     Fortenberry
     Foxx
     Franks (AZ)
     Frelinghuysen
     Gallegly
     Garrett
     Gerlach
     Gibbs
     Gibson
     Gingrey (GA)
     Gohmert
     Goodlatte
     Gosar
     Gowdy
     Granger
     Graves (GA)
     Graves (MO)
     Green, Gene
     Griffin (AR)
     Griffith (VA)
     Grimm
     Guinta
     Guthrie
     Hall
     Hanna
     Harper
     Harris
     Hartzler
     Hastings (WA)
     Hayworth
     Heck
     Heinrich
     Hensarling
     Herger
     Herrera Beutler
     Higgins
     Hinchey
     Hochul
     Holden
     Huelskamp
     Huizenga (MI)
     Hultgren
     Hunter
     Hurt
     Issa
     Jenkins
     Johnson (IL)
     Johnson (OH)
     Johnson, Sam
     Jones
     Jordan
     Kelly
     King (IA)
     Kingston
     Kinzinger (IL)
     Kissell
     Kline
     Labrador
     Lamborn
     Lance
     Landry
     Lankford
     Larsen (WA)
     Latham
     LaTourette
     Latta

[[Page 17597]]


     Lewis (CA)
     Lipinski
     LoBiondo
     Long
     Lucas
     Luetkemeyer
     Lujan
     Lummis
     Lungren, Daniel E.
     Mack
     Manzullo
     Marchant
     Marino
     Matheson
     McCarthy (CA)
     McCaul
     McClintock
     McCotter
     McHenry
     McIntyre
     McKeon
     McKinley
     McMorris Rodgers
     Meehan
     Mica
     Michaud
     Miller (FL)
     Miller (MI)
     Miller, Gary
     Mulvaney
     Murphy (PA)
     Myrick
     Neugebauer
     Noem
     Nugent
     Nunes
     Nunnelee
     Olson
     Owens
     Palazzo
     Paulsen
     Pearce
     Pence
     Peterson
     Petri
     Pitts
     Platts
     Poe (TX)
     Pompeo
     Posey
     Price (GA)
     Quayle
     Rahall
     Reed
     Rehberg
     Reichert
     Renacci
     Reyes
     Ribble
     Rigell
     Rivera
     Roby
     Roe (TN)
     Rogers (AL)
     Rogers (KY)
     Rogers (MI)
     Rohrabacher
     Rokita
     Rooney
     Ros-Lehtinen
     Roskam
     Ross (AR)
     Ross (FL)
     Royce
     Runyan
     Rush
     Ryan (OH)
     Ryan (WI)
     Scalise
     Schilling
     Schock
     Schrader
     Schweikert
     Scott (SC)
     Scott, Austin
     Sensenbrenner
     Sessions
     Sewell
     Shuler
     Shuster
     Simpson
     Smith (NE)
     Smith (NJ)
     Smith (TX)
     Smith (WA)
     Southerland
     Stearns
     Stivers
     Stutzman
     Sullivan
     Terry
     Thompson (PA)
     Thornberry
     Tiberi
     Tipton
     Turner (NY)
     Turner (OH)
     Upton
     Walberg
     Walden
     Walsh (IL)
     Walz (MN)
     Webster
     West
     Westmoreland
     Whitfield
     Wilson (SC)
     Wittman
     Wolf
     Womack
     Yoder
     Young (AK)
     Young (FL)
     Young (IN)

                             NOT VOTING--12

     Bachmann
     Bishop (UT)
     Ellison
     Gardner
     Giffords
     Kaptur
     Kind
     Lynch
     McCollum
     Paul
     Schmidt
     Shimkus


                    Announcement by the Acting Chair

  The Acting CHAIR (during the vote). There is 1 minute remaining.

                              {time}  1648

  So the amendment was rejected.
  The result of the vote was announced as above recorded.


           Amendment No. 3 Offered by Mr. Hastings of Florida

  The Acting CHAIR. The unfinished business is the demand for a 
recorded vote on the amendment offered by the gentleman from Florida 
(Mr. Hastings) on which further proceedings were postponed and on which 
the ayes prevailed by voice vote.
  The Clerk will redesignate the amendment.
  The Clerk redesignated the amendment.


                             Recorded Vote

  The Acting CHAIR. A recorded vote has been demanded.
  A recorded vote was ordered.
  The Acting CHAIR. This is a 2-minute vote.
  The vote was taken by electronic device, and there were--ayes 148, 
noes 277, not voting 8, as follows:

                             [Roll No. 845]

                               AYES--148

     Ackerman
     Andrews
     Baldwin
     Bass (CA)
     Becerra
     Berman
     Bishop (NY)
     Blumenauer
     Brady (PA)
     Braley (IA)
     Brown (FL)
     Butterfield
     Capps
     Capuano
     Carnahan
     Carney
     Carson (IN)
     Castor (FL)
     Chu
     Cicilline
     Clarke (MI)
     Clarke (NY)
     Clay
     Cleaver
     Clyburn
     Cohen
     Connolly (VA)
     Conyers
     Crowley
     Cummings
     Davis (CA)
     Davis (IL)
     DeFazio
     DeGette
     DeLauro
     Deutch
     Dicks
     Doggett
     Dold
     Doyle
     Edwards
     Ellison
     Engel
     Eshoo
     Farr
     Fattah
     Filner
     Frank (MA)
     Fudge
     Garamendi
     Gonzalez
     Green, Al
     Grijalva
     Gutierrez
     Hahn
     Hanabusa
     Hastings (FL)
     Himes
     Hinojosa
     Hirono
     Holt
     Honda
     Hoyer
     Inslee
     Israel
     Jackson (IL)
     Jackson Lee (TX)
     Johnson (GA)
     Johnson, E. B.
     Keating
     Kildee
     Kucinich
     Langevin
     Larson (CT)
     Lee (CA)
     Levin
     Lewis (GA)
     Loebsack
     Lofgren, Zoe
     Lowey
     Lynch
     Maloney
     Markey
     Matsui
     McCarthy (NY)
     McCollum
     McDermott
     McGovern
     McNerney
     Meeks
     Miller (NC)
     Miller, George
     Moore
     Moran
     Murphy (CT)
     Nadler
     Napolitano
     Neal
     Olver
     Pallone
     Pascrell
     Pastor (AZ)
     Payne
     Pelosi
     Perlmutter
     Peters
     Pingree (ME)
     Polis
     Price (NC)
     Quigley
     Rangel
     Reyes
     Richmond
     Rothman (NJ)
     Roybal-Allard
     Ruppersberger
     Sanchez, Linda T.
     Sanchez, Loretta
     Sarbanes
     Schakowsky
     Schiff
     Schwartz
     Scott (VA)
     Scott, David
     Serrano
     Sherman
     Sires
     Slaughter
     Smith (WA)
     Speier
     Stark
     Sutton
     Thompson (CA)
     Thompson (MS)
     Tierney
     Tonko
     Towns
     Tsongas
     Van Hollen
     Velazquez
     Visclosky
     Wasserman Schultz
     Waters
     Watt
     Waxman
     Wilson (FL)
     Woolsey
     Yarmuth

                               NOES--277

     Adams
     Aderholt
     Akin
     Alexander
     Altmire
     Amash
     Amodei
     Austria
     Baca
     Bachus
     Barletta
     Barrow
     Bartlett
     Barton (TX)
     Bass (NH)
     Benishek
     Berg
     Berkley
     Biggert
     Bilbray
     Bilirakis
     Bishop (GA)
     Bishop (UT)
     Black
     Blackburn
     Bonner
     Bono Mack
     Boren
     Boswell
     Boustany
     Brady (TX)
     Brooks
     Broun (GA)
     Buchanan
     Bucshon
     Buerkle
     Burgess
     Burton (IN)
     Calvert
     Camp
     Campbell
     Canseco
     Cantor
     Capito
     Cardoza
     Carter
     Cassidy
     Chabot
     Chaffetz
     Chandler
     Coble
     Coffman (CO)
     Cole
     Conaway
     Cooper
     Costa
     Costello
     Courtney
     Cravaack
     Crawford
     Crenshaw
     Critz
     Cuellar
     Culberson
     Davis (KY)
     Denham
     Dent
     DesJarlais
     Diaz-Balart
     Dingell
     Donnelly (IN)
     Dreier
     Duffy
     Duncan (SC)
     Duncan (TN)
     Ellmers
     Emerson
     Farenthold
     Fincher
     Fitzpatrick
     Flake
     Fleischmann
     Fleming
     Flores
     Forbes
     Fortenberry
     Foxx
     Franks (AZ)
     Frelinghuysen
     Gallegly
     Garrett
     Gerlach
     Gibbs
     Gibson
     Gingrey (GA)
     Gohmert
     Goodlatte
     Gosar
     Gowdy
     Granger
     Graves (GA)
     Graves (MO)
     Green, Gene
     Griffin (AR)
     Griffith (VA)
     Grimm
     Guinta
     Guthrie
     Hall
     Hanna
     Harper
     Harris
     Hartzler
     Hastings (WA)
     Hayworth
     Heck
     Heinrich
     Hensarling
     Herger
     Herrera Beutler
     Higgins
     Hinchey
     Hochul
     Holden
     Huelskamp
     Huizenga (MI)
     Hultgren
     Hunter
     Hurt
     Issa
     Jenkins
     Johnson (IL)
     Johnson (OH)
     Johnson, Sam
     Jones
     Jordan
     Kelly
     Kind
     King (IA)
     King (NY)
     Kingston
     Kinzinger (IL)
     Kissell
     Kline
     Labrador
     Lamborn
     Lance
     Landry
     Lankford
     Larsen (WA)
     Latham
     LaTourette
     Latta
     Lewis (CA)
     Lipinski
     LoBiondo
     Long
     Lucas
     Luetkemeyer
     Lujan
     Lummis
     Lungren, Daniel E.
     Mack
     Manzullo
     Marchant
     Marino
     Matheson
     McCarthy (CA)
     McCaul
     McClintock
     McCotter
     McHenry
     McIntyre
     McKeon
     McKinley
     McMorris Rodgers
     Meehan
     Mica
     Michaud
     Miller (FL)
     Miller (MI)
     Miller, Gary
     Mulvaney
     Murphy (PA)
     Myrick
     Neugebauer
     Noem
     Nugent
     Nunes
     Nunnelee
     Olson
     Owens
     Palazzo
     Paulsen
     Pearce
     Pence
     Peterson
     Petri
     Pitts
     Platts
     Pompeo
     Posey
     Price (GA)
     Quayle
     Rahall
     Reed
     Rehberg
     Reichert
     Renacci
     Ribble
     Richardson
     Rigell
     Rivera
     Roby
     Roe (TN)
     Rogers (AL)
     Rogers (KY)
     Rogers (MI)
     Rohrabacher
     Rokita
     Rooney
     Ros-Lehtinen
     Roskam
     Ross (AR)
     Ross (FL)
     Royce
     Runyan
     Rush
     Ryan (OH)
     Ryan (WI)
     Scalise
     Schilling
     Schock
     Schrader
     Schweikert
     Scott (SC)
     Scott, Austin
     Sensenbrenner
     Sessions
     Sewell
     Shuler
     Shuster
     Simpson
     Smith (NE)
     Smith (NJ)
     Smith (TX)
     Southerland
     Stearns
     Stivers
     Stutzman
     Sullivan
     Terry
     Thompson (PA)
     Thornberry
     Tiberi
     Tipton
     Turner (NY)
     Turner (OH)
     Upton
     Walberg
     Walden
     Walsh (IL)
     Walz (MN)
     Webster
     Welch
     West
     Westmoreland
     Whitfield
     Wilson (SC)
     Wittman
     Wolf
     Womack
     Woodall
     Yoder
     Young (AK)
     Young (FL)
     Young (IN)

                             NOT VOTING--8

     Bachmann
     Gardner
     Giffords
     Kaptur
     Paul
     Poe (TX)
     Schmidt
     Shimkus


                    Announcement by the Acting Chair

  The Acting CHAIR (during the vote). There is 1 minute remaining.

                              {time}  1654

  So the amendment was rejected.
  The result of the vote was announced as above recorded.


          Amendment No. 4 Offered by Ms. Jackson Lee of Texas

  The Acting CHAIR. The unfinished business is the demand for a 
recorded vote on the amendment offered by the gentlewoman from Texas 
(Ms. Jackson Lee) on which further proceedings were postponed and on 
which the ayes prevailed by voice vote.
  The Clerk will redesignate the amendment.
  The Clerk redesignated the amendment.


                             Recorded Vote

  The Acting CHAIR. A recorded vote has been demanded.
  A recorded vote was ordered.
  The Acting CHAIR. This is a 2-minute vote.
  The vote was taken by electronic device, and there were--ayes 139, 
noes 284, not voting 10, as follows:

                             [Roll No. 846]

                               AYES--139

     Ackerman
     Andrews
     Baldwin
     Bass (CA)
     Becerra
     Berman

[[Page 17598]]


     Bishop (NY)
     Blumenauer
     Brady (PA)
     Braley (IA)
     Brown (FL)
     Butterfield
     Capps
     Capuano
     Carnahan
     Castor (FL)
     Chu
     Cicilline
     Clarke (MI)
     Clarke (NY)
     Clay
     Cleaver
     Clyburn
     Cohen
     Connolly (VA)
     Conyers
     Crowley
     Cummings
     Davis (CA)
     Davis (IL)
     DeGette
     DeLauro
     Deutch
     Dicks
     Doggett
     Dold
     Doyle
     Edwards
     Ellison
     Engel
     Eshoo
     Farr
     Fattah
     Filner
     Frank (MA)
     Fudge
     Garamendi
     Green, Al
     Grijalva
     Gutierrez
     Hahn
     Hanabusa
     Hastings (FL)
     Himes
     Hinojosa
     Hirono
     Holt
     Honda
     Hoyer
     Inslee
     Israel
     Jackson (IL)
     Jackson Lee (TX)
     Johnson (GA)
     Keating
     Kildee
     Kucinich
     Langevin
     Larson (CT)
     Lee (CA)
     Levin
     Lewis (GA)
     Lipinski
     Lofgren, Zoe
     Lowey
     Lynch
     Maloney
     Markey
     Matsui
     McCarthy (NY)
     McCollum
     McDermott
     McGovern
     Meeks
     Miller (NC)
     Miller, George
     Moore
     Moran
     Murphy (CT)
     Nadler
     Napolitano
     Neal
     Olver
     Pallone
     Pascrell
     Pastor (AZ)
     Payne
     Pelosi
     Perlmutter
     Peters
     Pingree (ME)
     Price (NC)
     Quigley
     Rangel
     Richardson
     Richmond
     Rothman (NJ)
     Roybal-Allard
     Rush
     Sanchez, Linda T.
     Sanchez, Loretta
     Sarbanes
     Schakowsky
     Schiff
     Schwartz
     Scott (VA)
     Scott, David
     Serrano
     Sewell
     Sherman
     Sires
     Slaughter
     Speier
     Stark
     Sutton
     Thompson (MS)
     Tierney
     Tonko
     Towns
     Tsongas
     Van Hollen
     Velazquez
     Visclosky
     Wasserman Schultz
     Watt
     Waxman
     Wilson (FL)
     Woolsey
     Yarmuth

                               NOES--284

     Adams
     Aderholt
     Akin
     Alexander
     Altmire
     Amash
     Amodei
     Austria
     Baca
     Bachus
     Barletta
     Barrow
     Bartlett
     Barton (TX)
     Bass (NH)
     Benishek
     Berg
     Berkley
     Biggert
     Bilirakis
     Bishop (GA)
     Bishop (UT)
     Black
     Blackburn
     Bonner
     Bono Mack
     Boren
     Boswell
     Boustany
     Brady (TX)
     Brooks
     Broun (GA)
     Buchanan
     Bucshon
     Buerkle
     Burgess
     Burton (IN)
     Calvert
     Camp
     Campbell
     Canseco
     Cantor
     Capito
     Cardoza
     Carney
     Carson (IN)
     Carter
     Cassidy
     Chabot
     Chaffetz
     Chandler
     Coble
     Coffman (CO)
     Cole
     Conaway
     Cooper
     Costa
     Costello
     Courtney
     Cravaack
     Crawford
     Crenshaw
     Critz
     Cuellar
     Culberson
     Davis (KY)
     DeFazio
     Denham
     Dent
     DesJarlais
     Diaz-Balart
     Dingell
     Donnelly (IN)
     Dreier
     Duffy
     Duncan (SC)
     Duncan (TN)
     Ellmers
     Emerson
     Farenthold
     Fincher
     Fitzpatrick
     Flake
     Fleischmann
     Fleming
     Flores
     Forbes
     Fortenberry
     Foxx
     Franks (AZ)
     Frelinghuysen
     Gallegly
     Garrett
     Gerlach
     Gibbs
     Gibson
     Gingrey (GA)
     Gohmert
     Gonzalez
     Goodlatte
     Gosar
     Gowdy
     Granger
     Graves (GA)
     Graves (MO)
     Green, Gene
     Griffin (AR)
     Griffith (VA)
     Grimm
     Guinta
     Guthrie
     Hall
     Hanna
     Harper
     Harris
     Hartzler
     Hastings (WA)
     Hayworth
     Heck
     Heinrich
     Hensarling
     Herger
     Herrera Beutler
     Higgins
     Hinchey
     Hochul
     Holden
     Huelskamp
     Huizenga (MI)
     Hultgren
     Hunter
     Hurt
     Issa
     Jenkins
     Johnson (IL)
     Johnson (OH)
     Johnson, E. B.
     Johnson, Sam
     Jones
     Jordan
     Kelly
     Kind
     King (IA)
     King (NY)
     Kingston
     Kinzinger (IL)
     Kissell
     Kline
     Labrador
     Lamborn
     Lance
     Landry
     Lankford
     Larsen (WA)
     Latham
     LaTourette
     Latta
     Lewis (CA)
     LoBiondo
     Loebsack
     Long
     Lucas
     Luetkemeyer
     Lujan
     Lummis
     Lungren, Daniel E.
     Mack
     Manzullo
     Marchant
     Marino
     Matheson
     McCarthy (CA)
     McCaul
     McClintock
     McCotter
     McHenry
     McIntyre
     McKeon
     McKinley
     McMorris Rodgers
     McNerney
     Meehan
     Mica
     Michaud
     Miller (FL)
     Miller (MI)
     Miller, Gary
     Mulvaney
     Murphy (PA)
     Myrick
     Neugebauer
     Noem
     Nugent
     Nunes
     Nunnelee
     Olson
     Owens
     Palazzo
     Paulsen
     Pearce
     Pence
     Peterson
     Petri
     Pitts
     Platts
     Poe (TX)
     Polis
     Pompeo
     Posey
     Price (GA)
     Quayle
     Rahall
     Reed
     Rehberg
     Reichert
     Renacci
     Reyes
     Ribble
     Rigell
     Rivera
     Roby
     Roe (TN)
     Rogers (AL)
     Rogers (KY)
     Rogers (MI)
     Rohrabacher
     Rokita
     Rooney
     Ros-Lehtinen
     Roskam
     Ross (AR)
     Ross (FL)
     Royce
     Runyan
     Ruppersberger
     Ryan (OH)
     Ryan (WI)
     Scalise
     Schilling
     Schock
     Schrader
     Schweikert
     Scott (SC)
     Scott, Austin
     Sensenbrenner
     Sessions
     Shuler
     Shuster
     Simpson
     Smith (NE)
     Smith (NJ)
     Smith (TX)
     Smith (WA)
     Southerland
     Stearns
     Stivers
     Stutzman
     Sullivan
     Terry
     Thompson (CA)
     Thompson (PA)
     Thornberry
     Tiberi
     Tipton
     Turner (NY)
     Turner (OH)
     Upton
     Walberg
     Walden
     Walsh (IL)
     Walz (MN)
     Webster
     Welch
     West
     Westmoreland
     Whitfield
     Wilson (SC)
     Wittman
     Wolf
     Womack
     Yoder
     Young (AK)
     Young (FL)
     Young (IN)

                             NOT VOTING--10

     Bachmann
     Bilbray
     Gardner
     Giffords
     Kaptur
     Paul
     Schmidt
     Shimkus
     Waters
     Woodall


                    Announcement by the Acting Chair

  The Acting CHAIR (during the vote). There is 1 minute remaining.

                              {time}  1657

  So the amendment was rejected.
  The result of the vote was announced as above recorded.


           Amendment No. 6 Offered by Mr. Johnson of Georgia

  The Acting CHAIR. The unfinished business is the demand for a 
recorded vote on the amendment offered by the gentleman from Georgia 
(Mr. Johnson) on which further proceedings were postponed and on which 
the ayes prevailed by voice vote.
  The Clerk will redesignate the amendment.
  The Clerk redesignated the amendment.


                             Recorded Vote

  The Acting CHAIR. A recorded vote has been demanded.
  A recorded vote was ordered.
  The Acting CHAIR. This is a 2-minute vote.
  The vote was taken by electronic device, and there were--ayes 144, 
noes 281, not voting 8, as follows:

                             [Roll No. 847]

                               AYES--144

     Ackerman
     Andrews
     Baldwin
     Bass (CA)
     Becerra
     Berman
     Bishop (NY)
     Blumenauer
     Brady (PA)
     Braley (IA)
     Brown (FL)
     Butterfield
     Capps
     Capuano
     Carnahan
     Carney
     Carson (IN)
     Castor (FL)
     Chu
     Cicilline
     Clarke (MI)
     Clarke (NY)
     Clay
     Cleaver
     Clyburn
     Cohen
     Connolly (VA)
     Conyers
     Crowley
     Cummings
     Davis (CA)
     Davis (IL)
     DeGette
     DeLauro
     Deutch
     Dicks
     Doggett
     Doyle
     Edwards
     Ellison
     Engel
     Eshoo
     Farr
     Fattah
     Filner
     Frank (MA)
     Fudge
     Garamendi
     Gonzalez
     Green, Al
     Grijalva
     Gutierrez
     Hahn
     Hanabusa
     Hastings (FL)
     Himes
     Hinchey
     Hinojosa
     Hirono
     Holt
     Honda
     Hoyer
     Inslee
     Israel
     Jackson (IL)
     Jackson Lee (TX)
     Johnson (GA)
     Johnson, E. B.
     Keating
     Kildee
     Kucinich
     Langevin
     Larson (CT)
     Lee (CA)
     Levin
     Lewis (GA)
     Lofgren, Zoe
     Lowey
     Lynch
     Maloney
     Markey
     Matsui
     McCarthy (NY)
     McCollum
     McDermott
     McGovern
     Meeks
     Miller (NC)
     Miller, George
     Moore
     Moran
     Murphy (CT)
     Nadler
     Napolitano
     Neal
     Olver
     Pallone
     Pascrell
     Pastor (AZ)
     Payne
     Pelosi
     Peters
     Pingree (ME)
     Price (NC)
     Quigley
     Rangel
     Reyes
     Richardson
     Richmond
     Rothman (NJ)
     Roybal-Allard
     Rush
     Sanchez, Linda T.
     Sanchez, Loretta
     Sarbanes
     Schakowsky
     Schiff
     Schwartz
     Scott (VA)
     Scott, David
     Serrano
     Sherman
     Sires
     Slaughter
     Smith (WA)
     Speier
     Stark
     Sutton
     Thompson (MS)
     Tierney
     Tonko
     Towns
     Tsongas
     Van Hollen
     Velazquez
     Visclosky
     Wasserman Schultz
     Waters
     Watt
     Waxman
     Welch
     Wilson (FL)
     Woolsey
     Yarmuth

                               NOES--281

     Adams
     Aderholt
     Akin
     Alexander
     Altmire
     Amash
     Amodei
     Austria
     Baca
     Bachus
     Barletta
     Barrow
     Bartlett
     Barton (TX)
     Bass (NH)
     Benishek
     Berg
     Berkley
     Biggert
     Bilbray
     Bilirakis
     Bishop (GA)
     Bishop (UT)
     Black
     Blackburn
     Bonner
     Bono Mack
     Boren
     Boswell
     Boustany
     Brady (TX)
     Brooks
     Broun (GA)
     Buchanan
     Bucshon
     Buerkle
     Burgess
     Burton (IN)
     Calvert
     Camp
     Campbell
     Canseco
     Cantor
     Capito
     Cardoza
     Carter
     Cassidy
     Chabot
     Chaffetz
     Chandler
     Coble
     Coffman (CO)
     Cole
     Conaway
     Cooper
     Costa
     Costello
     Courtney
     Cravaack
     Crawford
     Crenshaw
     Critz
     Cuellar
     Culberson
     Davis (KY)
     DeFazio
     Denham
     Dent
     DesJarlais
     Diaz-Balart
     Dingell
     Dold
     Donnelly (IN)
     Dreier
     Duffy
     Duncan (SC)
     Duncan (TN)
     Ellmers
     Emerson
     Farenthold
     Fincher
     Fitzpatrick
     Flake
     Fleischmann
     Fleming
     Flores
     Forbes
     Fortenberry
     Foxx
     Franks (AZ)
     Frelinghuysen
     Gallegly
     Garrett
     Gerlach
     Gibbs
     Gibson
     Gingrey (GA)
     Goodlatte
     Gosar
     Gowdy
     Granger
     Graves (GA)
     Graves (MO)
     Green, Gene
     Griffin (AR)
     Griffith (VA)
     Grimm
     Guinta
     Guthrie
     Hall
     Hanna
     Harper
     Harris
     Hartzler
     Hastings (WA)
     Hayworth
     Heck
     Heinrich
     Hensarling
     Herger
     Herrera Beutler
     Higgins
     Hochul

[[Page 17599]]


     Holden
     Huelskamp
     Huizenga (MI)
     Hultgren
     Hunter
     Hurt
     Issa
     Jenkins
     Johnson (IL)
     Johnson (OH)
     Johnson, Sam
     Jones
     Jordan
     Kelly
     Kind
     King (IA)
     King (NY)
     Kingston
     Kinzinger (IL)
     Kissell
     Kline
     Labrador
     Lamborn
     Lance
     Landry
     Lankford
     Larsen (WA)
     Latham
     LaTourette
     Latta
     Lewis (CA)
     Lipinski
     LoBiondo
     Loebsack
     Long
     Lucas
     Luetkemeyer
     Lujan
     Lummis
     Lungren, Daniel E.
     Mack
     Manzullo
     Marchant
     Marino
     Matheson
     McCarthy (CA)
     McCaul
     McClintock
     McCotter
     McHenry
     McIntyre
     McKeon
     McKinley
     McMorris Rodgers
     McNerney
     Meehan
     Mica
     Michaud
     Miller (FL)
     Miller (MI)
     Miller, Gary
     Mulvaney
     Murphy (PA)
     Myrick
     Neugebauer
     Noem
     Nugent
     Nunes
     Nunnelee
     Olson
     Owens
     Palazzo
     Paulsen
     Pearce
     Pence
     Perlmutter
     Peterson
     Petri
     Pitts
     Platts
     Poe (TX)
     Polis
     Pompeo
     Posey
     Price (GA)
     Quayle
     Rahall
     Reed
     Rehberg
     Reichert
     Renacci
     Ribble
     Rigell
     Rivera
     Roby
     Roe (TN)
     Rogers (AL)
     Rogers (KY)
     Rogers (MI)
     Rohrabacher
     Rokita
     Rooney
     Ros-Lehtinen
     Roskam
     Ross (AR)
     Ross (FL)
     Royce
     Runyan
     Ruppersberger
     Ryan (OH)
     Ryan (WI)
     Scalise
     Schilling
     Schock
     Schrader
     Schweikert
     Scott (SC)
     Scott, Austin
     Sensenbrenner
     Sessions
     Sewell
     Shuler
     Shuster
     Simpson
     Smith (NE)
     Smith (NJ)
     Smith (TX)
     Southerland
     Stearns
     Stivers
     Stutzman
     Sullivan
     Terry
     Thompson (CA)
     Thompson (PA)
     Thornberry
     Tiberi
     Tipton
     Turner (NY)
     Turner (OH)
     Upton
     Walberg
     Walden
     Walsh (IL)
     Walz (MN)
     Webster
     West
     Westmoreland
     Whitfield
     Wilson (SC)
     Wittman
     Wolf
     Womack
     Woodall
     Yoder
     Young (AK)
     Young (FL)
     Young (IN)

                             NOT VOTING--8

     Bachmann
     Gardner
     Giffords
     Gohmert
     Kaptur
     Paul
     Schmidt
     Shimkus


                    Announcement by the Acting Chair

  The Acting CHAIR (during the vote). There is 1 minute remaining.

                              {time}  1701

  So the amendment was rejected.
  The result of the vote was announced as above recorded.


                  Amendment No. 7 Offered by Mr. Cohen

  The Acting CHAIR. The unfinished business is the demand for a 
recorded vote on the amendment offered by the gentleman from Tennessee 
(Mr. Cohen) on which further proceedings were postponed and on which 
the noes prevailed by voice vote.
  The Clerk will redesignate the amendment.
  The Clerk redesignated the amendment.


                             Recorded Vote

  The Acting CHAIR. A recorded vote has been demanded.
  A recorded vote was ordered.
  The Acting CHAIR. This is a 2-minute vote.
  The vote was taken by electronic device, and there were--ayes 150, 
noes 276, not voting 7, as follows:

                             [Roll No. 848]

                               AYES--150

     Ackerman
     Andrews
     Baldwin
     Bass (CA)
     Becerra
     Berkley
     Berman
     Bishop (NY)
     Blumenauer
     Brady (PA)
     Braley (IA)
     Brown (FL)
     Butterfield
     Capps
     Capuano
     Carnahan
     Carney
     Carson (IN)
     Castor (FL)
     Chu
     Cicilline
     Clarke (MI)
     Clarke (NY)
     Clay
     Cleaver
     Clyburn
     Cohen
     Connolly (VA)
     Conyers
     Crowley
     Cummings
     Davis (CA)
     Davis (IL)
     DeFazio
     DeGette
     DeLauro
     Deutch
     Dicks
     Doggett
     Dold
     Doyle
     Edwards
     Ellison
     Engel
     Eshoo
     Farr
     Fattah
     Filner
     Frank (MA)
     Fudge
     Garamendi
     Gonzalez
     Green, Al
     Grijalva
     Gutierrez
     Hahn
     Hanabusa
     Hastings (FL)
     Himes
     Hinchey
     Hinojosa
     Hirono
     Holt
     Honda
     Hoyer
     Inslee
     Israel
     Jackson (IL)
     Jackson Lee (TX)
     Johnson (GA)
     Johnson, E. B.
     Keating
     Kildee
     Kucinich
     Langevin
     Larson (CT)
     Lee (CA)
     Levin
     Lewis (GA)
     Lipinski
     Loebsack
     Lofgren, Zoe
     Lowey
     Lynch
     Maloney
     Markey
     Matsui
     McCarthy (NY)
     McCollum
     McDermott
     McGovern
     McNerney
     Meeks
     Miller (NC)
     Miller, George
     Moore
     Moran
     Murphy (CT)
     Nadler
     Napolitano
     Neal
     Olver
     Pallone
     Pascrell
     Pastor (AZ)
     Payne
     Pelosi
     Perlmutter
     Peters
     Pingree (ME)
     Price (NC)
     Quigley
     Rangel
     Richardson
     Richmond
     Rothman (NJ)
     Roybal-Allard
     Ruppersberger
     Rush
     Sanchez, Linda T.
     Sanchez, Loretta
     Sarbanes
     Schakowsky
     Schiff
     Schwartz
     Scott (VA)
     Scott, David
     Serrano
     Sherman
     Sires
     Slaughter
     Speier
     Stark
     Sutton
     Thompson (CA)
     Thompson (MS)
     Tierney
     Tonko
     Towns
     Tsongas
     Van Hollen
     Velazquez
     Visclosky
     Wasserman Schultz
     Waters
     Watt
     Waxman
     Wilson (FL)
     Woolsey
     Yarmuth

                               NOES--276

     Adams
     Aderholt
     Akin
     Alexander
     Altmire
     Amash
     Amodei
     Austria
     Baca
     Bachus
     Barletta
     Barrow
     Bartlett
     Barton (TX)
     Bass (NH)
     Benishek
     Berg
     Biggert
     Bilbray
     Bilirakis
     Bishop (GA)
     Bishop (UT)
     Black
     Blackburn
     Bonner
     Bono Mack
     Boren
     Boswell
     Boustany
     Brady (TX)
     Brooks
     Broun (GA)
     Buchanan
     Bucshon
     Buerkle
     Burgess
     Burton (IN)
     Calvert
     Camp
     Campbell
     Canseco
     Cantor
     Capito
     Cardoza
     Carter
     Cassidy
     Chabot
     Chaffetz
     Chandler
     Coble
     Coffman (CO)
     Cole
     Conaway
     Cooper
     Costa
     Costello
     Courtney
     Cravaack
     Crawford
     Crenshaw
     Critz
     Cuellar
     Culberson
     Davis (KY)
     Denham
     Dent
     DesJarlais
     Diaz-Balart
     Dingell
     Donnelly (IN)
     Dreier
     Duffy
     Duncan (SC)
     Duncan (TN)
     Ellmers
     Emerson
     Farenthold
     Fincher
     Fitzpatrick
     Flake
     Fleischmann
     Fleming
     Flores
     Forbes
     Fortenberry
     Foxx
     Franks (AZ)
     Frelinghuysen
     Gallegly
     Garrett
     Gerlach
     Gibbs
     Gibson
     Gingrey (GA)
     Gohmert
     Goodlatte
     Gosar
     Gowdy
     Granger
     Graves (GA)
     Graves (MO)
     Green, Gene
     Griffin (AR)
     Griffith (VA)
     Grimm
     Guinta
     Guthrie
     Hall
     Hanna
     Harper
     Harris
     Hartzler
     Hastings (WA)
     Hayworth
     Heck
     Heinrich
     Hensarling
     Herger
     Herrera Beutler
     Higgins
     Hochul
     Holden
     Huelskamp
     Huizenga (MI)
     Hultgren
     Hunter
     Hurt
     Issa
     Jenkins
     Johnson (IL)
     Johnson (OH)
     Johnson, Sam
     Jones
     Jordan
     Kelly
     Kind
     King (IA)
     King (NY)
     Kingston
     Kinzinger (IL)
     Kissell
     Kline
     Labrador
     Lamborn
     Lance
     Landry
     Lankford
     Larsen (WA)
     Latham
     LaTourette
     Latta
     Lewis (CA)
     LoBiondo
     Long
     Lucas
     Luetkemeyer
     Lujan
     Lummis
     Lungren, Daniel E.
     Mack
     Manzullo
     Marchant
     Marino
     Matheson
     McCarthy (CA)
     McCaul
     McClintock
     McCotter
     McHenry
     McIntyre
     McKeon
     McKinley
     McMorris Rodgers
     Meehan
     Mica
     Michaud
     Miller (FL)
     Miller (MI)
     Miller, Gary
     Mulvaney
     Murphy (PA)
     Myrick
     Neugebauer
     Noem
     Nugent
     Nunes
     Nunnelee
     Olson
     Owens
     Palazzo
     Paulsen
     Pearce
     Pence
     Peterson
     Petri
     Pitts
     Platts
     Poe (TX)
     Polis
     Pompeo
     Posey
     Price (GA)
     Quayle
     Rahall
     Reed
     Rehberg
     Reichert
     Renacci
     Reyes
     Ribble
     Rigell
     Rivera
     Roby
     Roe (TN)
     Rogers (AL)
     Rogers (KY)
     Rogers (MI)
     Rohrabacher
     Rokita
     Rooney
     Ros-Lehtinen
     Roskam
     Ross (AR)
     Ross (FL)
     Royce
     Runyan
     Ryan (OH)
     Ryan (WI)
     Scalise
     Schilling
     Schock
     Schrader
     Schweikert
     Scott (SC)
     Scott, Austin
     Sensenbrenner
     Sessions
     Sewell
     Shuler
     Shuster
     Simpson
     Smith (NE)
     Smith (NJ)
     Smith (TX)
     Smith (WA)
     Southerland
     Stearns
     Stivers
     Stutzman
     Sullivan
     Terry
     Thompson (PA)
     Thornberry
     Tiberi
     Tipton
     Turner (NY)
     Turner (OH)
     Upton
     Walberg
     Walden
     Walsh (IL)
     Walz (MN)
     Webster
     Welch
     West
     Westmoreland
     Whitfield
     Wilson (SC)
     Wittman
     Wolf
     Womack
     Woodall
     Yoder
     Young (AK)
     Young (FL)
     Young (IN)

                             NOT VOTING--7

     Bachmann
     Gardner
     Giffords
     Kaptur
     Paul
     Schmidt
     Shimkus


                    Announcement by the Acting Chair

  The Acting CHAIR (during the vote). There are 30 seconds remaining.

                              {time}  1705

  So the amendment was rejected.
  The result of the vote was announced as above recorded.


          Amendment No. 8 Offered by Ms. Jackson Lee of Texas

  The Acting CHAIR. The unfinished business is the demand for a 
recorded vote on the amendment offered by the gentlewoman from Texas 
(Ms. Jackson Lee) on which further proceedings were postponed and on 
which the noes prevailed by voice vote.
  The Clerk will redesignate the amendment.
  The Clerk redesignated the amendment.


                             Recorded Vote

  The Acting CHAIR. A recorded vote has been demanded.
  A recorded vote was ordered.
  The Acting CHAIR. This is a 2-minute vote.

[[Page 17600]]

  The vote was taken by electronic device, and there were--ayes 123, 
noes 299, not voting 11, as follows:

                             [Roll No. 849]

                               AYES--123

     Ackerman
     Bass (CA)
     Becerra
     Berman
     Bishop (NY)
     Blumenauer
     Brady (PA)
     Brown (FL)
     Capps
     Capuano
     Carnahan
     Castor (FL)
     Chu
     Cicilline
     Clarke (MI)
     Clarke (NY)
     Clay
     Cleaver
     Clyburn
     Cohen
     Connolly (VA)
     Conyers
     Crowley
     Cummings
     Davis (CA)
     Davis (IL)
     DeGette
     DeLauro
     Deutch
     Dicks
     Doggett
     Doyle
     Edwards
     Ellison
     Engel
     Eshoo
     Farr
     Fattah
     Filner
     Frank (MA)
     Fudge
     Garamendi
     Green, Al
     Grijalva
     Hahn
     Hanabusa
     Hastings (FL)
     Hinojosa
     Hirono
     Holt
     Honda
     Hoyer
     Israel
     Jackson (IL)
     Jackson Lee (TX)
     Johnson (GA)
     Keating
     Kildee
     Kucinich
     Langevin
     Larson (CT)
     Lee (CA)
     Levin
     Lewis (GA)
     Lofgren, Zoe
     Lowey
     Lynch
     Maloney
     Markey
     Matsui
     McCarthy (NY)
     McCollum
     McDermott
     McGovern
     Meeks
     Miller (NC)
     Miller, George
     Moran
     Nadler
     Napolitano
     Neal
     Olver
     Pallone
     Pascrell
     Pastor (AZ)
     Payne
     Pelosi
     Peters
     Pingree (ME)
     Price (NC)
     Quigley
     Rangel
     Richardson
     Richmond
     Rothman (NJ)
     Roybal-Allard
     Rush
     Sanchez, Linda T.
     Sanchez, Loretta
     Sarbanes
     Schakowsky
     Schiff
     Scott (VA)
     Serrano
     Sherman
     Sires
     Slaughter
     Speier
     Stark
     Sutton
     Thompson (MS)
     Tierney
     Tonko
     Towns
     Tsongas
     Van Hollen
     Velazquez
     Wasserman Schultz
     Waters
     Waxman
     Wilson (FL)
     Woolsey
     Yarmuth

                               NOES--299

     Adams
     Aderholt
     Akin
     Alexander
     Altmire
     Amash
     Amodei
     Austria
     Baca
     Bachus
     Baldwin
     Barletta
     Barrow
     Bartlett
     Bass (NH)
     Benishek
     Berg
     Berkley
     Biggert
     Bilbray
     Bilirakis
     Bishop (GA)
     Bishop (UT)
     Black
     Blackburn
     Bonner
     Bono Mack
     Boren
     Boswell
     Boustany
     Brady (TX)
     Braley (IA)
     Brooks
     Broun (GA)
     Buchanan
     Bucshon
     Buerkle
     Burgess
     Burton (IN)
     Butterfield
     Calvert
     Camp
     Campbell
     Canseco
     Cantor
     Capito
     Cardoza
     Carney
     Carson (IN)
     Carter
     Cassidy
     Chabot
     Chaffetz
     Chandler
     Coble
     Coffman (CO)
     Cole
     Conaway
     Cooper
     Costa
     Costello
     Courtney
     Cravaack
     Crawford
     Crenshaw
     Critz
     Cuellar
     Culberson
     Davis (KY)
     DeFazio
     Denham
     Dent
     DesJarlais
     Diaz-Balart
     Dingell
     Dold
     Donnelly (IN)
     Dreier
     Duffy
     Duncan (SC)
     Duncan (TN)
     Ellmers
     Emerson
     Farenthold
     Fincher
     Fitzpatrick
     Flake
     Fleischmann
     Fleming
     Flores
     Forbes
     Fortenberry
     Foxx
     Franks (AZ)
     Frelinghuysen
     Gallegly
     Garrett
     Gerlach
     Gibbs
     Gibson
     Gingrey (GA)
     Gohmert
     Gonzalez
     Goodlatte
     Gosar
     Gowdy
     Granger
     Graves (GA)
     Graves (MO)
     Green, Gene
     Griffin (AR)
     Griffith (VA)
     Grimm
     Guinta
     Guthrie
     Hall
     Hanna
     Harper
     Harris
     Hartzler
     Hastings (WA)
     Hayworth
     Heck
     Heinrich
     Hensarling
     Herger
     Herrera Beutler
     Higgins
     Himes
     Hinchey
     Hochul
     Holden
     Huelskamp
     Huizenga (MI)
     Hultgren
     Hunter
     Hurt
     Inslee
     Issa
     Jenkins
     Johnson (IL)
     Johnson (OH)
     Johnson, E. B.
     Johnson, Sam
     Jones
     Jordan
     Kelly
     Kind
     King (IA)
     King (NY)
     Kingston
     Kinzinger (IL)
     Kissell
     Kline
     Labrador
     Lamborn
     Lance
     Landry
     Lankford
     Larsen (WA)
     Latham
     LaTourette
     Latta
     Lewis (CA)
     Lipinski
     LoBiondo
     Loebsack
     Long
     Lucas
     Luetkemeyer
     Lujan
     Lummis
     Lungren, Daniel E.
     Mack
     Manzullo
     Marchant
     Marino
     Matheson
     McCarthy (CA)
     McCaul
     McClintock
     McCotter
     McHenry
     McIntyre
     McKeon
     McKinley
     McNerney
     Meehan
     Mica
     Michaud
     Miller (FL)
     Miller (MI)
     Miller, Gary
     Moore
     Mulvaney
     Murphy (CT)
     Murphy (PA)
     Myrick
     Neugebauer
     Noem
     Nugent
     Nunes
     Nunnelee
     Olson
     Owens
     Palazzo
     Paulsen
     Pearce
     Pence
     Perlmutter
     Peterson
     Petri
     Pitts
     Platts
     Poe (TX)
     Polis
     Pompeo
     Posey
     Price (GA)
     Quayle
     Rahall
     Reed
     Rehberg
     Reichert
     Renacci
     Reyes
     Ribble
     Rigell
     Rivera
     Roby
     Roe (TN)
     Rogers (AL)
     Rogers (KY)
     Rogers (MI)
     Rohrabacher
     Rokita
     Rooney
     Ros-Lehtinen
     Roskam
     Ross (AR)
     Ross (FL)
     Royce
     Runyan
     Ruppersberger
     Ryan (OH)
     Ryan (WI)
     Scalise
     Schilling
     Schock
     Schrader
     Schwartz
     Schweikert
     Scott (SC)
     Scott, Austin
     Scott, David
     Sensenbrenner
     Sessions
     Sewell
     Shuler
     Shuster
     Simpson
     Smith (NE)
     Smith (NJ)
     Smith (TX)
     Smith (WA)
     Southerland
     Stearns
     Stivers
     Stutzman
     Sullivan
     Terry
     Thompson (CA)
     Thompson (PA)
     Thornberry
     Tiberi
     Tipton
     Turner (NY)
     Turner (OH)
     Upton
     Visclosky
     Walberg
     Walden
     Walsh (IL)
     Walz (MN)
     Watt
     Webster
     Welch
     West
     Westmoreland
     Whitfield
     Wilson (SC)
     Wittman
     Wolf
     Womack
     Woodall
     Yoder
     Young (AK)
     Young (FL)
     Young (IN)

                             NOT VOTING--11

     Andrews
     Bachmann
     Barton (TX)
     Gardner
     Giffords
     Gutierrez
     Kaptur
     McMorris Rodgers
     Paul
     Schmidt
     Shimkus


                    Announcement by the Acting Chair

  The Acting CHAIR (during the vote). There is 1 minute remaining.

                              {time}  1708

  So the amendment was rejected.
  The result of the vote was announced as above recorded.


                Amendment No. 9 Offered by Mr. Cicilline

  The Acting CHAIR. The unfinished business is the demand for a 
recorded vote on the amendment offered by the gentleman from Rhode 
Island (Mr. Cicilline) on which further proceedings were postponed and 
on which the ayes prevailed by voice vote.
  The Clerk will redesignate the amendment.
  The Clerk redesignated the amendment.


                             Recorded Vote

  The Acting CHAIR. A recorded vote has been demanded.
  A recorded vote was ordered.
  The Acting CHAIR. This is a 2-minute vote.
  The vote was taken by electronic device, and there were--ayes 146, 
noes 277, not voting 10, as follows:

                              Roll No. 850

                               AYES--146

     Ackerman
     Andrews
     Baldwin
     Bass (CA)
     Becerra
     Berman
     Bishop (NY)
     Blumenauer
     Brady (PA)
     Braley (IA)
     Brown (FL)
     Butterfield
     Capps
     Capuano
     Carnahan
     Carney
     Carson (IN)
     Castor (FL)
     Chu
     Cicilline
     Clarke (MI)
     Clarke (NY)
     Clay
     Cleaver
     Clyburn
     Cohen
     Connolly (VA)
     Conyers
     Crowley
     Cummings
     Davis (CA)
     Davis (IL)
     DeGette
     DeLauro
     Deutch
     Dicks
     Doggett
     Dold
     Doyle
     Edwards
     Ellison
     Engel
     Eshoo
     Farr
     Fattah
     Filner
     Frank (MA)
     Fudge
     Garamendi
     Gonzalez
     Green, Al
     Grijalva
     Gutierrez
     Hahn
     Hanabusa
     Hastings (FL)
     Himes
     Hirono
     Holt
     Honda
     Hoyer
     Inslee
     Israel
     Jackson (IL)
     Jackson Lee (TX)
     Johnson (GA)
     Johnson, E. B.
     Keating
     Kildee
     Kucinich
     Langevin
     Larson (CT)
     Lee (CA)
     Levin
     Lewis (GA)
     Lipinski
     Loebsack
     Lofgren, Zoe
     Lowey
     Lynch
     Maloney
     Markey
     Matsui
     McCarthy (NY)
     McCollum
     McDermott
     McGovern
     McNerney
     Meeks
     Miller (NC)
     Miller, George
     Moore
     Moran
     Nadler
     Napolitano
     Neal
     Olver
     Pallone
     Pascrell
     Pastor (AZ)
     Payne
     Pelosi
     Peters
     Pingree (ME)
     Price (NC)
     Quigley
     Rangel
     Reyes
     Richardson
     Richmond
     Rothman (NJ)
     Roybal-Allard
     Ruppersberger
     Rush
     Sanchez, Linda T.
     Sanchez, Loretta
     Sarbanes
     Schakowsky
     Schiff
     Schwartz
     Scott (VA)
     Scott, David
     Serrano
     Sherman
     Sires
     Slaughter
     Speier
     Stark
     Sutton
     Thompson (CA)
     Thompson (MS)
     Tierney
     Tonko
     Towns
     Tsongas
     Van Hollen
     Velazquez
     Visclosky
     Wasserman Schultz
     Waters
     Watt
     Waxman
     Welch
     Wilson (FL)
     Woolsey
     Yarmuth

                               NOES--277

     Adams
     Aderholt
     Akin
     Alexander
     Altmire
     Amash
     Amodei
     Austria
     Baca
     Bachus
     Barletta
     Barrow
     Bartlett
     Barton (TX)
     Bass (NH)
     Benishek
     Berg
     Berkley
     Biggert
     Bilbray
     Bilirakis
     Bishop (GA)
     Bishop (UT)
     Black
     Blackburn
     Bonner
     Bono Mack
     Boren
     Boswell
     Boustany
     Brady (TX)
     Brooks
     Broun (GA)
     Buchanan
     Bucshon
     Buerkle
     Burgess
     Burton (IN)
     Calvert
     Camp
     Campbell
     Canseco
     Cantor
     Capito
     Cardoza
     Carter
     Cassidy
     Chabot
     Chaffetz
     Chandler
     Coble
     Coffman (CO)
     Cole
     Conaway
     Cooper
     Costa
     Costello
     Courtney
     Cravaack
     Crawford
     Crenshaw
     Critz
     Cuellar
     Culberson
     Davis (KY)
     DeFazio
     Denham
     Dent
     DesJarlais
     Diaz-Balart
     Dingell
     Donnelly (IN)
     Dreier
     Duffy
     Duncan (SC)
     Duncan (TN)
     Ellmers
     Emerson
     Farenthold
     Fincher
     Fitzpatrick
     Flake
     Fleischmann
     Fleming
     Flores
     Forbes
     Fortenberry
     Foxx
     Franks (AZ)
     Frelinghuysen
     Gallegly
     Garrett
     Gerlach
     Gibbs
     Gibson
     Gingrey (GA)
     Gohmert
     Goodlatte
     Gosar
     Gowdy
     Granger
     Graves (GA)
     Graves (MO)
     Green, Gene
     Griffin (AR)
     Griffith (VA)
     Grimm
     Guinta

[[Page 17601]]


     Guthrie
     Hall
     Hanna
     Harper
     Harris
     Hartzler
     Hastings (WA)
     Hayworth
     Heck
     Heinrich
     Hensarling
     Herger
     Herrera Beutler
     Higgins
     Hinchey
     Hochul
     Holden
     Huelskamp
     Huizenga (MI)
     Hultgren
     Hunter
     Hurt
     Issa
     Jenkins
     Johnson (IL)
     Johnson (OH)
     Johnson, Sam
     Jones
     Jordan
     Kelly
     Kind
     King (IA)
     King (NY)
     Kingston
     Kinzinger (IL)
     Kissell
     Kline
     Labrador
     Lamborn
     Lance
     Landry
     Lankford
     Larsen (WA)
     Latham
     LaTourette
     Latta
     Lewis (CA)
     LoBiondo
     Long
     Lucas
     Luetkemeyer
     Lujan
     Lummis
     Lungren, Daniel E.
     Mack
     Manzullo
     Marchant
     Marino
     Matheson
     McCarthy (CA)
     McCaul
     McClintock
     McCotter
     McHenry
     McIntyre
     McKeon
     McKinley
     McMorris Rodgers
     Meehan
     Mica
     Michaud
     Miller (FL)
     Miller (MI)
     Miller, Gary
     Mulvaney
     Murphy (CT)
     Murphy (PA)
     Myrick
     Neugebauer
     Noem
     Nugent
     Nunes
     Nunnelee
     Olson
     Owens
     Palazzo
     Paulsen
     Pearce
     Pence
     Perlmutter
     Peterson
     Petri
     Pitts
     Platts
     Poe (TX)
     Polis
     Pompeo
     Posey
     Price (GA)
     Quayle
     Rahall
     Reed
     Rehberg
     Reichert
     Renacci
     Ribble
     Rigell
     Rivera
     Roby
     Roe (TN)
     Rogers (AL)
     Rogers (KY)
     Rogers (MI)
     Rohrabacher
     Rokita
     Rooney
     Ros-Lehtinen
     Roskam
     Ross (AR)
     Ross (FL)
     Royce
     Runyan
     Ryan (OH)
     Ryan (WI)
     Scalise
     Schilling
     Schock
     Schrader
     Schweikert
     Scott (SC)
     Scott, Austin
     Sensenbrenner
     Sessions
     Sewell
     Shuler
     Shuster
     Simpson
     Smith (NE)
     Smith (NJ)
     Smith (TX)
     Southerland
     Stearns
     Stivers
     Stutzman
     Sullivan
     Terry
     Thompson (PA)
     Thornberry
     Tiberi
     Tipton
     Turner (NY)
     Turner (OH)
     Upton
     Walberg
     Walden
     Walsh (IL)
     Walz (MN)
     Webster
     West
     Westmoreland
     Whitfield
     Wittman
     Wolf
     Womack
     Woodall
     Yoder
     Young (AK)
     Young (FL)
     Young (IN)

                             NOT VOTING--10

     Bachmann
     Gardner
     Giffords
     Hinojosa
     Kaptur
     Paul
     Schmidt
     Shimkus
     Smith (WA)
     Wilson (SC)


                    Announcement by the Acting Chair

  The Acting CHAIR (Mr. Westmoreland) (during the vote). There is 1 
minute remaining.

                              {time}  1712

  So the amendment was rejected.
  The result of the vote was announced as above recorded.
  The Acting CHAIR. The question is on the committee amendment in the 
nature of a substitute, as amended.
  The amendment was agreed to.
  The Acting CHAIR. Under the rule, the Committee rises.
  Accordingly, the Committee rose; and the Speaker pro tempore (Mrs. 
Capito) having assumed the chair, Mr. Westmoreland, Acting Chair of the 
Committee of the Whole House on the state of the Union, reported that 
that Committee, having had under consideration the bill (H.R. 822) to 
amend title 18, United States Code, to provide a national standard in 
accordance with which nonresidents of a State may carry concealed 
firearms in the State, and, pursuant to House Resolution 463, reported 
the bill back to the House with an amendment adopted in the Committee 
of the Whole.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. Under the rule, the previous question is 
ordered.
  Is a separate vote demanded on the amendment to the amendment 
reported from the Committee of the Whole?
  If not, the question is on the committee amendment in the nature of a 
substitute, as amended.
  The amendment was agreed to.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. The question is on the engrossment and third 
reading of the bill.
  The bill was ordered to be engrossed and read a third time, and was 
read the third time.


                           Motion to Recommit

  Mr. CICILLINE. Madam Speaker, I have a motion to recommit at the 
desk.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. Is the gentleman opposed to the bill?
  Mr. CICILLINE. I am opposed.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. The Clerk will report the motion to 
recommit.
  The Clerk read as follows:

       Mr. Cicilline moves to recommit the bill H.R. 822 to the 
     Committee on the Judiciary with instructions to report the 
     same back to the House forthwith with the following 
     amendment:
       Page 5, after line 3, insert the following:

     SEC. __. LIMITATIONS ON RECIPROCITY FOR CHILD SEX OFFENDERS, 
                   DOMESTIC VIOLENCE OFFENDERS, AND KNOWN OR 
                   SUSPECTED TERRORISTS.

       (a) In General.--Section 2 of this Act shall not apply to a 
     person--
       (1) who has been convicted in any court of a sex offense 
     against a minor;
       (2) who has been subject within the past 10 years to a 
     court order which restrained the person from harassing, 
     stalking, or threatening a spouse, family member, an intimate 
     partner, or a child of an intimate partner; or
       (3) whom the Attorney General determines is known or 
     reasonably suspected to be or have been engaged in conduct 
     constituting, in preparation for, in aid of, or related to 
     terrorism.
       (b) Definitions.--In subsection (a):
       (1) Intimate partner.--The term ``intimate partner'' has 
     the meaning given that term in section 921(a)(32) of title 
     18, United States Code.
       (2) Terrorism.--The term ``terrorism'' means international 
     terrorism (as defined in section 2331(1) of title 18, United 
     States Code) and domestic terrorism (as defined in section 
     2331(5) of such title).

  Mr. GOWDY (during the reading). Madam Speaker, I ask unanimous 
consent to dispense with the reading.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. Is there objection to the request of the 
gentleman from South Carolina?
  There was no objection.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. The gentleman from Rhode Island is 
recognized for 5 minutes.
  Mr. CICILLINE. Madam Speaker, with nearly 14 million unemployed 
Americans and our Nation's economy continuing to struggle, it is 
disheartening that we stand here today divided, engaging in heated 
debate about expanding the ability of people to carry concealed weapons 
and ignoring the most important issue confronting our country, the jobs 
crisis. We're debating an effort to undermine the ability of States to 
protect residents from the scourge of gun violence, and we have before 
us a bill that will effectively preclude States from limiting who can 
carry a concealed weapon within its borders and for what purpose.
  While many of my colleagues and I are seriously opposed to the 
passage of the underlying bill, there still remains an opportunity for 
us to find common ground. There's a chance for us to unite around a 
reasonable and commonsense amendment which would prevent the privileges 
in this bill from being extended to some of the most dangerous 
individuals into in our society, individuals who have or intend to 
inflict great harm upon our communities and our Nation.
  Let me be clear, this is the final amendment, and passage of this 
amendment will not kill the bill. It will be incorporated into the 
final language and be immediately voted upon.
  While many of us may disagree with the underlying intent of this 
bill, it's hard to imagine anyone would disagree that there are certain 
individuals that should not be afforded the right to carry concealed, 
loaded weapons across State lines. It's hard to imagine that anyone 
would advocate for preserving a path for terrorists, child sex 
offenders, stalkers, and domestic abusers to transport a loaded gun 
into another State. Yet these glaring loopholes are present in the 
underlying bill. And if my amendment is not passed by this body, this 
dangerous and appalling pathway for violence will remain.
  For far too long, terrorism has inspired fear in our country and 
threatened the happiness and safety of our citizens. While we continue 
to live in a world that requires constant vigilance and full awareness 
of the danger of future terrorist attacks, there is not a single 
provision in H.R. 822 that would prevent suspected or known terrorists 
who acquire concealed-carry permits in one State with lax regulations 
from carrying that same concealed loaded weapon into another State with 
more stringent regulations.
  In addition, many current States' concealed-carry laws do not 
sufficiently protect victims of domestic violence. A 2007 investigation 
found that Florida's licensing system had granted concealed-carry 
permits to more than 1,400 people who had pleaded guilty or no contest 
to a felony, 128 people with active domestic violence injunctions, and 
six registered sex offenders.
  In fact, in 2010 Gerardo Regalado, a man who had a record of violent 
behavior against women, was able to obtain

[[Page 17602]]

a concealed-handgun permit in Florida. He then went on to commit the 
worst mass killing in Hialeah, Florida's history when he killed his 
estranged wife and three other women at a local restaurant. H.R. 822 
will force other States to recognize Florida's concealed-carry permits, 
the same permit held by Gerardo Regalado.
  Finally, there are no protections in H.R. 822 to prevent individuals 
convicted of a sex offense against a minor from carrying a concealed 
loaded gun into a State whose requirements might have otherwise 
prevented that individual from acquiring a concealed-carry permit. 
Child sex offenders, individuals who create unimaginable lasting harm 
in our communities, should not be allowed to continue to perpetuate 
fear in the hearts of our children and families. H.R. 822 will force 
other States to recognize permits issued to these individuals who pose 
danger to our children. All too often, guns legally end up back in the 
hands of criminals, and nothing in this underlying bill would impede 
child sex offenders or domestic violence offenders from carrying their 
loaded concealed guns across State lines.
  In the simplest of terms, my amendment would preclude child sex 
offenders, domestic violence offenders, and known or suspected 
terrorists from enjoying the privilege of concealed-carry reciprocity 
authorized in the underlying bill. We owe this commonsense amendment to 
our brave law enforcement officials and first responders, who bear the 
greatest responsibility in protecting us from terrorist attacks.

                              {time}  1720

  We owe this to our Nation's children, whose innocence is threatened 
by dangerous individuals who prey on them. We owe this to the victims 
of abuse, who deserve some consolation that the law will not send their 
abusers legally armed into another State to continue stalking, 
threatening, and perpetuating abuse.
  Now is the time for our Chamber to unite. Let's demonstrate to the 
American people that we can use common sense and come together to do 
what is right. While there is no question that the Second Amendment 
embodies the right to bear arms, our citizens also enjoy the right to 
be free from the terror of gun violence.
  I urge all Members to support this motion.
  Mr. GOWDY. Madam Speaker, I rise in opposition to the motion to 
recommit.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. The gentleman from South Carolina is 
recognized for 5 minutes.
  Mr. GOWDY. Thank you, Madam Speaker.
  A well-regulated militia, being necessary to the security of a free 
State, the right of the people to keep and bear arms, shall not be 
infringed.


                Announcement by the Speaker Pro Tempore

  The SPEAKER pro tempore. The gentleman will suspend.
  Members are reminded to not traffic the well while another Member is 
under recognition.
  Mr. GOWDY. Madam Speaker, the Second Amendment to our Constitution 
was drafted, debated, and ratified in precisely the same manner as the 
First Amendment, the Fourth Amendment, the Fifth, the Sixth, and other 
amendments our colleagues on the other side of the aisle hold 
sacrosanct.
  And consistent with this belief that liberty and the right to arm 
one's self are inextricably linked, it is settled law that our 
Constitution protects the right to travel. It protects the right to 
self-defense. It protects the right to defend the lives of others. Not 
once, Madam Speaker, but twice the Supreme Court has held the right to 
keep and bear arms is a fundamental individual right. And those rights 
do not know any geographic boundary. Our right to defend ourselves does 
not ebb and flow with the vicissitudes of our travel or because we 
transverse a State line.
  Despite the fact that these rights are protected in the Constitution, 
there are still those who seek to treat the Second Amendment as a 
constitutional second-class citizen. Sometimes those efforts to 
denigrate the constitutional status of the Second Amendment are overt 
and sometimes they are obscure. And as much as we appreciate the 
renewed--and I'm sure short-lived--infatuation with States' rights 
embraced by some of our colleagues on the other side, let me ask you 
simply this:
  What limits are you willing to accept with regard to the First 
Amendment? Does your State want reporters to have to pass a test so 
they can exercise their First Amendment? Do you want 50 different 
versions of freedom of religion?
  What about the Fourth Amendment? Is one State free to dispose of the 
exclusionary rule because it doesn't agree with it? Do we have 50 
different versions of what is a reasonable search and seizure?
  What about the Fifth Amendment? Do we have 50 different versions of 
Miranda?
  What about the Eighth Amendment? Are there 50 different versions of 
cruel and unusual punishment?
  We are delighted, Madam Speaker, to have our colleagues rediscover 
the beauty of the 10th Amendment and the concept of State rights. 
Eventually, we hope the same for the Second Amendment.
  This motion to recommit is offered to jettison the underlying bill 
and further relegate the Second Amendment to a constitutional scrap 
heap. All of these amendments were dealt with in committee, and the 
matters of State law classifications are just that, State law. The fact 
that certain State legislatures refuse to protect their citizens does 
not mean this body will refuse or abdicate its responsibility to defend 
the Second Amendment.
  This bill, H.R. 822, has 245 cosponsors, more than half the Members 
of this body, and it enjoys that wide and diverse support because it is 
emblematic of our forefathers' genius. They gave us the fundamental 
right to travel. They gave us the fundamental right to protect 
ourselves. They gave us the fundamental right to protect others. And 
they gave us the fundamental obligation to defend liberty.
  I urge my colleagues to oppose this motion, and I yield back the 
balance of my time.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. Without objection, the previous question is 
ordered on the motion to recommit.
  There was no objection.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. The question is on the motion to recommit.
  The question was taken; and the Speaker pro tempore announced that 
the noes appeared to have it.


                             Recorded Vote

  Mr. CICILLINE. Madam Speaker, I demand a recorded vote.
  A recorded vote was ordered.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. Pursuant to clause 8 and clause 9 of rule 
XX, this 15-minute vote on the motion to recommit will be followed by 
5-minute votes on passage, if ordered, and the motion to suspend the 
rules on H.R. 674.
  The vote was taken by electronic device, and there were--ayes 161, 
noes 263, not voting 9, as follows:

                             [Roll No. 851]

                               AYES--161

     Ackerman
     Andrews
     Baldwin
     Bass (CA)
     Becerra
     Berkley
     Berman
     Bishop (NY)
     Blumenauer
     Brady (PA)
     Braley (IA)
     Brown (FL)
     Butterfield
     Capps
     Capuano
     Cardoza
     Carnahan
     Carney
     Carson (IN)
     Castor (FL)
     Chu
     Cicilline
     Clarke (MI)
     Clarke (NY)
     Clay
     Cleaver
     Clyburn
     Cohen
     Connolly (VA)
     Conyers
     Costa
     Courtney
     Crowley
     Cuellar
     Cummings
     Davis (CA)
     Davis (IL)
     DeFazio
     DeGette
     DeLauro
     Deutch
     Dicks
     Doggett
     Doyle
     Edwards
     Ellison
     Engel
     Eshoo
     Farr
     Fattah
     Filner
     Frank (MA)
     Fudge
     Garamendi
     Gonzalez
     Green, Al
     Grijalva
     Gutierrez
     Hahn
     Hanabusa
     Hastings (FL)
     Higgins
     Himes
     Hinchey
     Hinojosa
     Hirono
     Holt
     Honda
     Hoyer
     Inslee
     Israel
     Jackson (IL)
     Jackson Lee (TX)
     Johnson (GA)
     Johnson, E. B.
     Keating
     Kildee
     Kucinich
     Langevin
     Larsen (WA)
     Larson (CT)
     Lee (CA)
     Levin
     Lewis (GA)
     Lipinski
     Loebsack
     Lofgren, Zoe
     Lowey
     Lujan
     Lynch
     Maloney
     Markey
     Matsui
     McCarthy (NY)
     McCollum
     McDermott
     McGovern
     McNerney
     Meeks
     Miller (NC)
     Miller, George
     Moore
     Moran
     Murphy (CT)
     Nadler
     Napolitano
     Neal
     Olver
     Pallone
     Pascrell
     Pastor (AZ)
     Payne
     Pelosi
     Perlmutter
     Peters
     Pingree (ME)

[[Page 17603]]


     Polis
     Price (NC)
     Quigley
     Rangel
     Reyes
     Richardson
     Richmond
     Rothman (NJ)
     Roybal-Allard
     Ruppersberger
     Rush
     Sanchez, Linda T.
     Sanchez, Loretta
     Sarbanes
     Schakowsky
     Schiff
     Schwartz
     Scott (VA)
     Scott, David
     Serrano
     Sherman
     Shuler
     Sires
     Slaughter
     Smith (WA)
     Speier
     Stark
     Sutton
     Thompson (CA)
     Thompson (MS)
     Tierney
     Tonko
     Towns
     Tsongas
     Van Hollen
     Velazquez
     Visclosky
     Wasserman Schultz
     Waters
     Watt
     Waxman
     Welch
     Wilson (FL)
     Woolsey
     Yarmuth

                               NOES--263

     Adams
     Aderholt
     Akin
     Alexander
     Altmire
     Amash
     Amodei
     Austria
     Baca
     Bachus
     Barletta
     Barrow
     Bartlett
     Barton (TX)
     Bass (NH)
     Benishek
     Berg
     Biggert
     Bilbray
     Bilirakis
     Bishop (GA)
     Bishop (UT)
     Black
     Blackburn
     Bonner
     Bono Mack
     Boren
     Boswell
     Boustany
     Brady (TX)
     Brooks
     Broun (GA)
     Buchanan
     Bucshon
     Buerkle
     Burgess
     Burton (IN)
     Calvert
     Camp
     Campbell
     Canseco
     Cantor
     Capito
     Carter
     Cassidy
     Chabot
     Chaffetz
     Chandler
     Coble
     Coffman (CO)
     Cole
     Conaway
     Cooper
     Costello
     Cravaack
     Crawford
     Crenshaw
     Critz
     Culberson
     Davis (KY)
     Denham
     Dent
     DesJarlais
     Diaz-Balart
     Dingell
     Dold
     Donnelly (IN)
     Duffy
     Duncan (SC)
     Duncan (TN)
     Ellmers
     Emerson
     Farenthold
     Fincher
     Fitzpatrick
     Flake
     Fleischmann
     Fleming
     Flores
     Forbes
     Fortenberry
     Foxx
     Franks (AZ)
     Frelinghuysen
     Gallegly
     Garrett
     Gerlach
     Gibbs
     Gibson
     Gingrey (GA)
     Gohmert
     Goodlatte
     Gosar
     Gowdy
     Granger
     Graves (GA)
     Graves (MO)
     Green, Gene
     Griffin (AR)
     Griffith (VA)
     Grimm
     Guinta
     Guthrie
     Hall
     Hanna
     Harper
     Harris
     Hartzler
     Hastings (WA)
     Hayworth
     Heck
     Heinrich
     Hensarling
     Herger
     Herrera Beutler
     Hochul
     Holden
     Huelskamp
     Huizenga (MI)
     Hultgren
     Hunter
     Hurt
     Issa
     Jenkins
     Johnson (IL)
     Johnson (OH)
     Johnson, Sam
     Jones
     Jordan
     Kelly
     Kind
     King (IA)
     King (NY)
     Kingston
     Kinzinger (IL)
     Kissell
     Kline
     Labrador
     Lamborn
     Lance
     Landry
     Lankford
     Latham
     LaTourette
     Latta
     Lewis (CA)
     LoBiondo
     Long
     Lucas
     Luetkemeyer
     Lummis
     Lungren, Daniel E.
     Mack
     Manzullo
     Marchant
     Marino
     Matheson
     McCarthy (CA)
     McCaul
     McClintock
     McCotter
     McHenry
     McIntyre
     McKeon
     McKinley
     McMorris Rodgers
     Meehan
     Mica
     Michaud
     Miller (FL)
     Miller (MI)
     Miller, Gary
     Mulvaney
     Murphy (PA)
     Myrick
     Neugebauer
     Noem
     Nugent
     Nunes
     Nunnelee
     Olson
     Owens
     Palazzo
     Paulsen
     Pearce
     Pence
     Peterson
     Petri
     Pitts
     Platts
     Poe (TX)
     Pompeo
     Posey
     Price (GA)
     Quayle
     Rahall
     Reed
     Rehberg
     Reichert
     Renacci
     Ribble
     Rigell
     Rivera
     Roby
     Roe (TN)
     Rogers (AL)
     Rogers (KY)
     Rogers (MI)
     Rohrabacher
     Rokita
     Rooney
     Ros-Lehtinen
     Roskam
     Ross (AR)
     Ross (FL)
     Royce
     Runyan
     Ryan (OH)
     Ryan (WI)
     Scalise
     Schilling
     Schock
     Schrader
     Schweikert
     Scott (SC)
     Scott, Austin
     Sensenbrenner
     Sessions
     Sewell
     Simpson
     Smith (NE)
     Smith (NJ)
     Smith (TX)
     Southerland
     Stearns
     Stivers
     Stutzman
     Sullivan
     Terry
     Thompson (PA)
     Thornberry
     Tiberi
     Tipton
     Turner (NY)
     Turner (OH)
     Upton
     Walberg
     Walden
     Walsh (IL)
     Walz (MN)
     Webster
     West
     Westmoreland
     Whitfield
     Wilson (SC)
     Wittman
     Wolf
     Womack
     Woodall
     Yoder
     Young (AK)
     Young (FL)
     Young (IN)

                             NOT VOTING--9

     Bachmann
     Dreier
     Gardner
     Giffords
     Kaptur
     Paul
     Schmidt
     Shimkus
     Shuster


                Announcement by the Speaker Pro Tempore

  The SPEAKER pro tempore (during the vote). There is 1 minute 
remaining.

                              {time}  1743

  Ms. HOCHUL changed her vote from ``aye'' to ``no.''
  So the motion to recommit was rejected.
  The result of the vote was announced as above recorded.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. The question is on the passage of the bill.
  The question was taken; and the Speaker pro tempore announced that 
the noes appeared to have it.


                             Recorded Vote

  Mr. SMITH of Texas. Madam Speaker, I demand a recorded vote.
  A recorded vote was ordered.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. This is a 5-minute vote.
  The vote was taken by electronic device, and there were--ayes 272, 
noes 154, not voting 7, as follows:

                             [Roll No. 852]

                               AYES--272

     Adams
     Aderholt
     Akin
     Alexander
     Altmire
     Amodei
     Austria
     Baca
     Bachus
     Barletta
     Barrow
     Bartlett
     Barton (TX)
     Bass (NH)
     Benishek
     Berg
     Berkley
     Biggert
     Bilbray
     Bilirakis
     Bishop (GA)
     Bishop (UT)
     Black
     Blackburn
     Bonner
     Bono Mack
     Boren
     Boswell
     Boustany
     Brady (TX)
     Brooks
     Broun (GA)
     Buchanan
     Bucshon
     Buerkle
     Burgess
     Burton (IN)
     Calvert
     Camp
     Campbell
     Canseco
     Cantor
     Capito
     Cardoza
     Carson (IN)
     Carter
     Cassidy
     Chabot
     Chaffetz
     Chandler
     Coble
     Coffman (CO)
     Cole
     Conaway
     Cooper
     Costello
     Courtney
     Cravaack
     Crawford
     Crenshaw
     Critz
     Cuellar
     Culberson
     Davis (KY)
     DeFazio
     Denham
     Dent
     DesJarlais
     Diaz-Balart
     Dingell
     Donnelly (IN)
     Dreier
     Duffy
     Duncan (SC)
     Duncan (TN)
     Ellmers
     Emerson
     Farenthold
     Fincher
     Fitzpatrick
     Flake
     Fleischmann
     Fleming
     Flores
     Forbes
     Fortenberry
     Foxx
     Franks (AZ)
     Frelinghuysen
     Gallegly
     Garrett
     Gerlach
     Gibbs
     Gibson
     Gingrey (GA)
     Gohmert
     Goodlatte
     Gosar
     Gowdy
     Granger
     Graves (GA)
     Graves (MO)
     Green, Gene
     Griffin (AR)
     Griffith (VA)
     Guinta
     Guthrie
     Gutierrez
     Hall
     Hanna
     Harper
     Harris
     Hartzler
     Hastings (WA)
     Hayworth
     Heck
     Heinrich
     Hensarling
     Herger
     Herrera Beutler
     Higgins
     Hinchey
     Hochul
     Holden
     Huelskamp
     Huizenga (MI)
     Hultgren
     Hunter
     Hurt
     Issa
     Jenkins
     Johnson (IL)
     Johnson (OH)
     Johnson, Sam
     Jones
     Jordan
     Kelly
     Kind
     King (IA)
     Kingston
     Kinzinger (IL)
     Kissell
     Kline
     Labrador
     Lamborn
     Lance
     Landry
     Lankford
     Larsen (WA)
     Latham
     LaTourette
     Latta
     Lewis (CA)
     LoBiondo
     Long
     Lucas
     Luetkemeyer
     Lujan
     Lummis
     Mack
     Manzullo
     Marchant
     Marino
     Matheson
     McCarthy (CA)
     McCaul
     McClintock
     McCotter
     McHenry
     McIntyre
     McKeon
     McKinley
     McMorris Rodgers
     Meehan
     Mica
     Michaud
     Miller (FL)
     Miller (MI)
     Miller, Gary
     Mulvaney
     Murphy (PA)
     Myrick
     Neugebauer
     Noem
     Nugent
     Nunes
     Nunnelee
     Olson
     Owens
     Palazzo
     Paulsen
     Pearce
     Pence
     Peterson
     Petri
     Pitts
     Platts
     Poe (TX)
     Pompeo
     Posey
     Price (GA)
     Quayle
     Rahall
     Reed
     Rehberg
     Reichert
     Renacci
     Reyes
     Ribble
     Rigell
     Rivera
     Roby
     Roe (TN)
     Rogers (AL)
     Rogers (KY)
     Rogers (MI)
     Rohrabacher
     Rokita
     Rooney
     Ros-Lehtinen
     Roskam
     Ross (AR)
     Ross (FL)
     Royce
     Runyan
     Ryan (OH)
     Ryan (WI)
     Scalise
     Schilling
     Schock
     Schrader
     Schweikert
     Scott (SC)
     Scott, Austin
     Sensenbrenner
     Sessions
     Sewell
     Shuler
     Shuster
     Simpson
     Smith (NE)
     Smith (NJ)
     Smith (TX)
     Smith (WA)
     Southerland
     Stearns
     Stivers
     Stutzman
     Sullivan
     Terry
     Thompson (PA)
     Thornberry
     Tiberi
     Tipton
     Turner (OH)
     Upton
     Walberg
     Walden
     Walsh (IL)
     Walz (MN)
     Webster
     West
     Westmoreland
     Whitfield
     Wilson (SC)
     Wittman
     Wolf
     Womack
     Yoder
     Young (AK)
     Young (FL)
     Young (IN)

                               NOES--154

     Ackerman
     Amash
     Andrews
     Baldwin
     Bass (CA)
     Becerra
     Berman
     Bishop (NY)
     Blumenauer
     Brady (PA)
     Braley (IA)
     Brown (FL)
     Butterfield
     Capps
     Capuano
     Carnahan
     Carney
     Castor (FL)
     Chu
     Cicilline
     Clarke (MI)
     Clarke (NY)
     Clay
     Cleaver
     Clyburn
     Cohen
     Connolly (VA)
     Conyers
     Costa
     Crowley
     Cummings
     Davis (CA)
     Davis (IL)
     DeGette
     DeLauro
     Deutch
     Dicks
     Doggett
     Dold
     Doyle
     Edwards
     Ellison
     Engel
     Eshoo
     Farr
     Fattah
     Filner
     Frank (MA)
     Fudge
     Garamendi
     Gonzalez
     Green, Al
     Grijalva
     Grimm
     Hahn
     Hanabusa
     Hastings (FL)
     Himes
     Hinojosa
     Hirono
     Holt
     Honda
     Hoyer
     Inslee
     Israel
     Jackson (IL)
     Jackson Lee (TX)
     Johnson (GA)
     Johnson, E. B.
     Keating
     Kildee
     King (NY)
     Kucinich
     Langevin
     Larson (CT)
     Lee (CA)
     Levin
     Lewis (GA)
     Lipinski
     Loebsack
     Lofgren, Zoe
     Lowey
     Lungren, Daniel E.
     Lynch
     Maloney
     Markey
     Matsui
     McCarthy (NY)
     McCollum
     McDermott
     McGovern
     McNerney
     Meeks
     Miller (NC)
     Miller, George
     Moore
     Moran
     Murphy (CT)
     Nadler
     Napolitano
     Neal
     Olver
     Pallone
     Pascrell
     Pastor (AZ)
     Payne
     Pelosi
     Perlmutter
     Peters
     Pingree (ME)
     Polis
     Price (NC)
     Quigley
     Rangel
     Richardson
     Richmond
     Rothman (NJ)
     Roybal-Allard
     Ruppersberger
     Rush
     Sanchez, Linda T.
     Sanchez, Loretta
     Sarbanes
     Schakowsky
     Schiff
     Schwartz
     Scott (VA)
     Scott, David
     Serrano

[[Page 17604]]


     Sherman
     Sires
     Slaughter
     Speier
     Stark
     Sutton
     Thompson (CA)
     Thompson (MS)
     Tierney
     Tonko
     Towns
     Tsongas
     Turner (NY)
     Van Hollen
     Velazquez
     Visclosky
     Wasserman Schultz
     Waters
     Watt
     Waxman
     Welch
     Wilson (FL)
     Woodall
     Woolsey
     Yarmuth

                             NOT VOTING--7

     Bachmann
     Gardner
     Giffords
     Kaptur
     Paul
     Schmidt
     Shimkus

                              {time}  1751

  Mrs. McCARTHY of New York and Mr. CUMMINGS changed their vote from 
``aye'' to ``no.''
  So the bill was passed.
  The result of the vote was announced as above recorded.
  A motion to reconsider was laid on the table.

                          ____________________