[Congressional Record (Bound Edition), Volume 156 (2010), Part 8]
[House]
[Pages 11725-11742]
[From the U.S. Government Publishing Office, www.gpo.gov]




                              {time}  1730
     CONFERENCE REPORT ON H.R. 2194, COMPREHENSIVE IRAN SANCTIONS, 
               ACCOUNTABILITY, AND DIVESTMENT ACT OF 2010

  Mr. BERMAN. Mr. Speaker, I move to suspend the rules and agree to the 
conference report on the bill (H.R. 2194) to amend the Iran Sanctions 
Act of 1996 to enhance United States diplomatic efforts with respect to 
Iran by expanding economic sanctions against Iran.
  The Clerk read the title of the bill.
  (For conference report and statement, see proceedings of the House of 
June 23, 2010, at page 11431.)
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. Pursuant to the rule, the gentleman from 
California (Mr. Berman) and the gentlewoman from Florida (Ms. Ros-
Lehtinen) each will control 20 minutes.
  The Chair recognizes the gentleman from California.


                             General Leave

  Mr. BERMAN. Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members may 
have 5 legislative days to revise and extend their remarks and include 
extraneous material on the bill under consideration.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. Is there objection to the request of the 
gentleman from California?
  There was no objection.
  Mr. BERMAN. Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent to extend the period 
of debate on this conference report by 10 minutes, 5 minutes on each 
side, equally divided between the ranking member and myself.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. Is there objection to the request of the 
gentleman from California?
  There was no objection.
  Mr. BERMAN. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself 4 minutes.
  The conference agreement for H.R. 2194 is by far the most 
comprehensive Iran sanctions legislation Congress has ever passed. This 
legislation greatly strengthens our Nation's overall sanctions regime 
regarding Iran, enhances the prospect that we will be able to dissuade 
Tehran from pursuing its nuclear ambitions in blatant defiance of the 
international community as reaffirmed once again this month in U.N. 
Security Council Resolution 1929.
  Like the House bill passed in December, the conference agreement 
imposes sanctions on foreign entities that sell refined petroleum to 
Iran or assist Iran with its domestic refining capacity. It also plugs 
a critical gap in our sanctions regime by imposing sanctions on foreign 
entities that sell Iran goods or services that help it develop its 
energy sector.
  Some believe that Iran has prepared itself for tougher energy 
sanctions by reducing its dependence on the import of refined 
petroleum. To ensure that our sanctions are as effective as possible, 
we added a potent new financial measure in conference that, if applied 
effectively by the administration, has the potential to be a game-
changer. That provision sanctions foreign banks that deal with Iran's 
Revolutionary Guard Corps or other blacklisted Iranian institutions, 
including Iranian banks involved with WMD or terrorism. Foreign banks 
involved in facilitating such activities would be shut out of the U.S. 
financial system, and U.S. banks would not be allowed to deal with 
them.
  The conference report also requires the executive branch to pursue 
all credible evidence of sanctionable activity. We have been profoundly 
unhappy over the years that successive administrations failed to 
implement the 1996 Iran Sanctions Act. Our bill will also put an end to 
the absurd practice of the U.S. Government awarding contracts to 
companies engaged in sanctionable activity. In addition, the 
legislation imposes penalties on Iran's human rights abusers and 
sanctions foreign entities that provide Iran with the means to stifle 
freedom of expression. This portion of the bill will absolutely not 
terminate until Iran unconditionally releases all political prisoners, 
ends unlawful detention, torture, and abuse of citizens engaged in 
peaceful activity, and punishes the abusers.
  Finally, the conference agreement will help empower Iran's democratic 
opposition by exempting from our embargo the transfer of technologies 
that can help them overcome the regime's apparatus of oppression.
  I don't know if sanctions will work in bringing Iran's leadership to 
its senses. But I do know this: doing nothing certainly won't work. In 
light of Iran's rapid progress toward achieving a nuclear weapons 
capability, Tehran's repeated rejection of President Obama's diplomatic 
overtures, the measures in this conference agreement, if implemented 
effectively by the administration, are our best and, I believe, only 
hope for a positive and peaceful resolution of the nuclear issue.
  The two alternatives to strong sanctions are both horrible and 
horrifying--either employing the military option or, even worse, 
accepting the inevitability of Iran as a nuclear power.
  The U.S. Congress needs to do everything it can to ensure we avoid 
both of these miserable results. We have taken some steps in the past, 
but we can do far more today by voting to pass the enhanced sanctions 
in H.R. 2194.
  I reserve the balance of my time.
  Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may 
consume.
  Throughout history, there have been many examples of states that were 
openly targeted by rising enemies but which failed to take effective 
action to prevent a potential threat from becoming a mortal one. This 
is at the crux of today's debate. The Congress will be sending to the 
President a long list of sanctions for him to implement. If all are 
implemented vigorously, this legislation could constitute decisive 
action to compel the Iranian regime to end its nuclear weapons pursuit, 
to end its chemical and biological weapons and missile programs, to end 
its state sponsorship of global jihadists; and in doing so, cease being 
a significant threat to our Nation, to our interests, and to our 
important critical allies, such as the democratic Jewish State of 
Israel.
  If, as successive U.S. administrations have done, the sanctions are 
ignored, then we will have failed the American people. The Iranian 
regime has been constructing the means to make nuclear weapons, along 
with the missiles with which to strike other countries, for decades. 
Fifteen years ago, the U.S. took the lead to stop Iran. The U.S. 
demonstrated its commitment by withdrawing from commercial activities 
involving this rogue state. Congress then enacted the Iran Sanctions 
Act, hoping to use it as leverage for cooperation from our allies in 
preventing the Iranian threat from escalating.
  The 1996 law sought consultations first, but called for the 
imposition of sanctions unless allied governments had ``taken specific 
and effective actions, including, as appropriate, the imposition of 
penalties to terminate the involvement'' of their nationals in the 
sanctionable activity.
  But as the Iranian threat has grown, our allies have taken very 
limited steps regarding Iran. The international community has merely 
supported tepid U.N. Security Council resolutions that impose modest 
sanctions on the regime while restating the willingness to engage in 
negotiations and offer concessions to Tehran. Some countries have 
actively opposed placing any punitive measures on the Iranian regime 
despite the fact that its violations of its international obligations 
have been repeatedly demonstrated by the International

[[Page 11726]]

Atomic Energy Agency. Russia and China, in particular, have acted as 
surrogates for Iran and have watered down every proposed Security 
Council resolution. The regime in Tehran has reason to be grateful for 
their efforts and their tireless work on their behalf. How sad.
  Now the U.S. has chosen to reward the likes of Russia by removing 
sanctions on entities assisting the Iranian nuclear and missile 
programs and offering the Russian Federation a nuclear cooperation 
agreement on the same day that the Russian president offered the same 
nuclear deal to the Syrian regime.
  We are at a defining moment, Mr. Speaker. The opportunity we have 
before us in the form of this conference report may well prove to be 
one of our last best hopes to force Iran to end its nuclear weapons 
program and its policies that threaten our security.
  When appointed as a conferee for this bill, my goal was for the final 
product to have a comprehensive crippling sanction policy targeting the 
Iranian regime. In principle, this conference report is a step forward. 
It expands the types of sanctions and the range of actors and 
activities to be sanctioned in an effort to strike at the Iranian 
regime's key vulnerabilities, especially its dependence on refined 
petroleum. The most important are a set of financial measures that, if 
implemented, would force foreign financial institutions to choose 
between doing business with Iran or with us in the United States. It 
also increases penalties on violators.
  Unfortunately, this act also contains a key element that could 
significantly undercut its effectiveness, multiple exceptions and 
waivers for the President and executive branch officials.

                              {time}  1740

  That means by a stroke of a pen, substantive provisions can be 
transformed into mere recommendations or options. We must not allow 
this to happen.
  Mr. Speaker, I yield 30 seconds to the gentleman from Illinois (Mr. 
Kirk).
  Mr. KIRK. I thank the ranking member for yielding.
  I also want to thank my colleague, Rob Andrews, because we wrote the 
first version of this legislation in 2005. It has been 5 years of work. 
I want to commend the chairman for bringing it to the floor. I have a 
prepared statement I will insert in the Record with one simple 
statement: Mr. President, sign this bill and then seal off Iran's gas. 
That is the best way to empower diplomacy. The gasoline sanction is the 
only sanction which has a chance of working. This legislation has 
overwhelming bipartisan consensus, already supported by 512 Members of 
Congress to back this. And I want to really thank my original partner 
on this, the gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Andrews).
  Mr. Speaker, as the Iranians accelerate their nuclear program, what 
are our options?
  We know Iran's greatest weakness: its dependence on foreign gasoline. 
Despite being a leading OPEC oil exporter, Iran has grossly mishandled 
its economy since 1979 and is now forced to import the bulk of its 
domestic supply.
  Realizing this crucial vulnerability, I wrote the first gasoline 
sanctions resolution with my colleague Congressman Rob Andrews in 2005. 
Over time, my colleagues and I built a bipartisan, bicameral 
congressional coalition with Congressman Sherman, Senator Kyl and 
Senator Lieberman behind a policy of ending Iranian gasoline sales.
  After 5 years, Congress finally considers our gasoline restriction 
legislation today. It comes not a moment too soon. According to 
experts, Iran has managed to reduce its dependence on foreign gasoline 
over the last 4 years. As the Washington Post reports today, Iran spent 
more than $10 billion since 2008 to boost its strategic reserves.
  In going down the failed path of diplomacy without crippling 
sanction, we are losing critical leverage to halt Iranian progress 
toward a nuclear bomb.
  For the bill before us to be effective, it must be vigorously 
enforced. No administration has ever enforced the Iran Sanctions Act, 
passed more than a decade ago. According to the Congressional Research 
Service, at least 20 companies are currently violating the 1996 law.
  I thank Chairman Berman and Ranking Member Ros-Lehtinen for their 
leadership on this issue. Now it's time for all of us to join together 
in a clear bipartisan call: Mr. President, sign it and seal it. Sign 
this bill and seal off Iran's gasoline.
  Mr. BERMAN. Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to yield 2 minutes to the 
gentleman from Missouri (Mr. Skelton), the chairman of the Armed 
Services Committee.
  Mr. SKELTON. I thank the gentleman from California for yielding to 
me.
  I rise in strong support of this bill. This bill is a good bill, and 
I urge my colleagues to support it. In my capacity as chairman of the 
House Armed Services Committee, I am very familiar with the potential 
threat posed by the Iranian nuclear weapons program to the United 
States and to our allies.
  An Iran armed with nuclear weapons and the missiles to deliver them, 
governed by fanatics, would pose a grave threat to the United States, 
our troops in the region, and our allies, particularly Israel. That is 
why it is so important we pass this bill.
  This administration has taken significant steps to dissuade Iran from 
heading down the path of developing nuclear weapons. President Obama 
pushed sanctions through the United Nations Security Council and 
developed a new missile defense program in Europe to show the Iranian 
government that their weapon programs cannot harm us, only themselves.
  The administration has made significant strides, but Congress can 
help those efforts, and this bill would sanction those companies that 
sell technology, services, or know-how to help Iran develop its energy 
sector. It would lock out of the United States market any bank that 
deals with the Iranian Revolutionary Guard Corps, the nuclear program, 
or terrorism. And it imposes penalties on those foreign entities which 
provide Iran with the ability to stifle freedom of speech.
  Mr. Speaker, these are real sanctions, targeted in the right way to 
hopefully head off a real threat. Sanctions are our best hope of 
dissuading Iran from developing nuclear weapons. We have reached out to 
them and tried to deal with them diplomatically, but they refused to 
deal openly and honestly. Sanctions are the right step to take at this 
time. I encourage my colleagues to vote in favor of this bill.
  Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN. Mr. Speaker, I proudly yield 3 minutes to the 
gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Cantor), the esteemed minority whip.
  Mr. CANTOR. I thank the gentlelady from Florida, and I commend her 
leadership as well as the gentleman from California in accomplishing 
this momentous feat of bringing this conference report to the floor, 
Mr. Speaker. I rise in favor of this conference report.
  Mr. Speaker, Winston Churchill famously said ``the price of greatness 
is responsibility.'' With each passing day, the ruling regime in Iran 
defiantly moves one step closer to acquiring nuclear weapons, a 
prospect that everyone knows would have fatal and irreparable 
consequences across the globe.
  As the free world's unparalleled moral, economic, and military power, 
we have a responsibility to provide strong leadership to head off the 
Iranian threat. It is time to see the Iranian regime not for what we 
wish it was, but for how it really is.
  Seventeen months of engagement has yielded us just one U.N. 
resolution, defanged by countries such as Russia and China. But it has 
yielded Tehran 18 critical months to ramp up uranium enrichment.
  Today this House will vote on the most sweeping and biting set of 
sanctions that Iran has yet to face. By penalizing international 
companies and banks that enrich the Iranian regime and thus enable its 
nuclear program, this legislation represents our strongest hope yet to 
bring peaceful resolution to this crisis.
  Mr. Speaker, Congress and the administration must resolve to do all 
we can to cut off Iran's economic lifeline.
  Once this legislation moves past Congress, the ball is in the White 
House's court. The ability to hold international companies accountable 
rests with the President. I urge him to sign the bill and immediately 
implement these tough sanctions.
  I urge my colleagues to vote ``yes'' on this conference report.

[[Page 11727]]


  Mr. BERMAN. Mr. Speaker, I am very pleased to yield 2 minutes to the 
chairman of the Middle East and South Asia Subcommittee, who has been a 
wonderful partner on this legislation, the gentleman from New York (Mr. 
Ackerman).
  Mr. ACKERMAN. I thank the chairman for his leadership.
  Mr. Speaker, this bill has teeth, real teeth, great big, nasty sharp 
teeth that are finally going to force businesses and banks around the 
world to choose between the American economy and financial system, or 
business as usual with Iran's theocratic dictatorship.
  This bill has real sanctions. Not maybe sanctions, not sort of 
sanctions, but real sanctions. This bill has real sanctions-
investigation requirements, not maybe we will look at it. And not, we 
will try to get to it when we can, but clear and legal requirements to 
investigate potential violations.
  In short, this is a bill that forces the question, will the world 
watch passively as Iran crosses the nuclear arms threshold, or will we 
join together to compel Iran to pull back from the nuclear brink?
  We cannot guarantee the success of these measures. Ultimately, the 
choices lie with the regime in Tehran. But it should be clear that we 
are doing all that we can to impose on Iran the highest possible costs 
for its defiance, that we are demonstrating by our actions and by our 
efforts the depths of our commitment to peacefully ending Iran's 
illegal nuclear activities.
  We are trying diplomacy. We are trying unilateral sanctions. We are 
trying multilateral sanctions. We are trying our utmost to avoid making 
conflict inevitable. But there should be no question about the absolute 
determination of the United States to prevent Iran from acquiring the 
capability to produce nuclear weapons. Iran's illicit nuclear 
activities and programs must stop. Above all other considerations, 
above all other costs, without any doubt or uncertainty, Iran's nuclear 
program must be stopped. It must be stopped, and we begin that today.
  Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN. Mr. Speaker, I am so pleased to yield 3 minutes to 
the gentleman from Indiana (Mr. Pence), the chairman of the House 
Republican Conference, a member of the Committee on Foreign Affairs and 
a House conferee on this measure.
  Mr. PENCE. Mr. Speaker, I thank the distinguished gentlelady for 
yielding and for her leadership on this important legislation.
  I also want to commend Chairman Berman, who worked in good faith on 
this legislation as well. It was an honor to serve on the conference 
committee, and I rise in support of the Iran Sanctions, Accountability, 
and Divestment Act.
  I believe this legislation is urgent, and it represents measurable 
and meaningful progress in the United States effort to economically and 
diplomatically isolate Iran in the midst of its headlong rush to obtain 
a usable nuclear weapon. It is important not only that we adopt the 
Iran sanctions bill today; it is important that this administration 
forcefully implement this legislation. We know the nature of the 
threat. Iran has made no secret of its intent to use nuclear weapons to 
threaten the United States and our allies.
  President Ahmadinejad said in 2005, humankind ``shall soon experience 
a world without the United States and without Zionism.'' Led by this 
anti-American, anti-Israel president, Iran has long associated with 
terrorist organizations, and this is the central point. Not only would 
this rogue regime come into possession of usable nuclear weapons should 
sanctions fail, but it would only be a matter of time before terrorist 
organizations around the world would have access to this technology. 
And that is unacceptable.

                              {time}  1750

  But as we adopt these important sanctions, a word of caution. As has 
been noted, these sanctions include a number of waivers demanded by the 
Obama administration. It is essential that the Obama administration 
carry out the clear congressional intent of passing crippling sanctions 
on the energy and financial sectors in Iran. As the joint explanatory 
statement provides, ``The effectiveness of this act will depend on its 
forceful implementation.''
  Iran could be merely months away from acquiring nuclear weapons. They 
continue to test vehicles that could deliver it. Now is the moment for 
decisive action by the Congress and decisive implementation. If we act 
and this administration forcefully implements these sanctions, we may 
yet see a future of security and peace in the Middle East. But if we 
fail to act, or if these sanctions are not forcefully implemented, 
history may well judge this Congress and this government in the harsh 
aftermath of a flash of light, a rush of wind, and a second historic 
tragedy. Let that not be the case. Let us act in concert today. Let us 
adopt these Iran sanctions. And, Mr. President, do not waive these 
sanctions.
  Mr. BERMAN. Mr. Speaker, I am very pleased to yield 2 minutes to the 
chairman of the House Ways and Means Committee, a key member of the 
conference committee on this bill, a bill that has a number of areas 
within the jurisdiction of the Ways and Means Committee, my friend, the 
gentleman from Michigan (Mr. Levin).
  Mr. LEVIN. I want to congratulate Mr. Berman and the ranking member 
that this indeed is a critical achievement not only because it sends a 
clear and unambiguous message that Iran must end its pursuit of nuclear 
weapons, but because it provides the President with powerful tools to 
achieve this crucial objective.
  It will reinforce and enhance the administration's efforts regarding 
Iran. It provides the administration with a renewed mandate and 
substantial leverage to employ against the regime of Iran toward the 
goal of stopping its development of weapons of mass destruction and 
support of terrorism. What could be more important?
  It is also not only fundamentally in the national interest but in the 
interests of the international community. A nuclearized Iran that 
supports terrorism is simply unacceptable. And it's encouraging that 
the U.S. is not acting alone. The international community has spoken. 
Thanks to the administration's leadership, supported by this Congress 
and the support of key allies, the U.N. Security Council adopted 
expansive and severe sanctions on Iran. And this legislation builds off 
of the Security Council sanctions.
  Diplomacy and strong multilateral sanctions have been a critical part 
of this process. The more countries that participate in this mission, 
the more effective it will be. And this bill, thanks to the leadership 
here, has built on this essential premise.
  I look forward to the passage of this legislation, and I thank the 
administration for its leadership on this issue, and you, Mr. Chairman, 
for your tremendous work on moving this legislation forward.
  Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN. Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman 
from Indiana (Mr. Burton), the ranking member of the Foreign Affairs 
Subcommittee on the Middle East and South Asia, as well as a House 
conferee on this important measure.
  Mr. BURTON of Indiana. Mr. Speaker, if I were talking to the 
President right now, I would remind him that Lord Chamberlain flew to 
Munich in the late thirties and signed an agreement with Herr Hitler 
that led to 60 million people being killed in World War II. Sixty 
million. We were not in the nuclear age at that time, but we still lost 
60 million people in this world. We are now in the nuclear age, and 
that's why this legislation is so important.
  There are waivers in this bill, and that really troubles me. I didn't 
want there to be any waivers in this conference report, but they are 
there. The President can waive these sanctions. And I would just like 
to say, if I were talking to the President, Look at history, Mr. 
President. Look at what happened because of a weak-kneed approach back 
in the late thirties that led to 60 million people dying in World War 
II, and don't let that happen now. We need to let Ahmadinejad and the 
leaders in Iran know that we mean business. And that means don't waive

[[Page 11728]]

any of the sanctions we are passing here today. You have the authority, 
but don't do it. They are building a nuclear weapon. Everybody in the 
world knows it. And if a nuclear weapon is set off, millions will die, 
and it could lead to a conflagration that would be worldwide in scope.
  So I would just like to say there are problems with this bill. I 
would like to thank the chairman and the ranking member for the hard 
work they put into it. I wish those waivers weren't there, but they 
are. And so we are talking now, if I were talking to the President, 
that's what I would say to him. And I would also like to say, Don't let 
the Russians get away with continuing to give nuclear technology and 
other technology to the Iranians.
  Mr. BERMAN. Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to yield 4 minutes to my friend 
from Oregon (Mr. Blumenauer).
  Mr. BLUMENAUER. I thank the gentleman for yielding.
  I rise in reluctant opposition, but I want to acknowledge the hard 
work of my friend and colleague, Chairman Berman, in piloting this 
legislation through difficult times. He made some important 
improvements, and I appreciate his willingness to delay final action 
while the administration negotiated far-reaching multinational 
sanctions against the Iranian regime.
  I'm also reluctant because I understand what animates this 
legislation. We are all appalled at the repressive behavior of the 
regime towards its own people, the destabilizing effort it has in the 
international arena, and we all recoil at the prospect of nuclear 
weapons falling in the hands of this regime.
  The problem is the legislation is not likely to accomplish these ends 
and poses problems for this--indeed, any--administration to be able to 
conduct the foreign policy of the United States. I would also oppose 
restrictions of this nature on the Clinton administration or the Bush 
administration.
  The irony is that Congress seeks to impose its will at exactly the 
time the Obama administration has secured significant diplomatic 
success. I am concerned that enacting the legislation undercuts our 
credibility going forward.
  As long as the global economy runs on oil, Iran's massive reserves 
continue to make them a player. The world will buy their oil and the 
world will sell them refined oil products. Even with additional 
sanctions, the question is not ``will it work?'' but ``who is profiting 
and how?'' It stands likely that the Revolutionary Guard and countries 
like China will benefit, and not one member of the Iranian elite will 
lack for gasoline, while ordinary Iranians will go without. This is 
particularly counterproductive when one notes, by all accounts, that 
everyday Iranians still like Americans. Yet this legislation allows the 
regime to rally support by blaming the United States for hardships.
  They will use this as an opportunity to end their current 
unsustainable subsidies for petroleum products, which they would have 
been forced to do anyway, only now they get to blame America. This 
approach has been a failure in the past, notably with Cuba, where our 
unyielding aggressive sanctions policy, if anything, has propped up a 
regime that would have fallen into the dustbin of history years ago. 
They didn't stop North Korea from nuclear weapons. The sanctions policy 
against Iraq produced suffering for the people but made no difference 
to Saddam Hussein. Most recently, years of harsh sanctions in Gaza, 
much easier to enforce than against Iran, did not topple Hamas but 
strengthened it, while it created a very difficult humanitarian 
situation.
  This legislation will undoubtedly pass. While it makes some people 
feel better to seem like they are doing something, I strongly suspect 
it will have little constructive result on Iranian behavior--perhaps 
undercut support of the Iranian people for the United States and our 
principles--and is setting a precedent for Congress seeking to direct 
the conduct of American foreign policy. This goes beyond Republicans 
and Democrats, beyond the Obama administration. It's a path that I 
think we should all be reluctant to take, and it's why I am voting 
``no.''
  Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN. Mr. Speaker, I yield 2\1/2\ minutes to the 
gentleman from California, Mr. Ed Royce, the ranking member on the 
Foreign Affairs Subcommittee on Terrorism, Nonproliferation and Trade, 
and a House conferee on this measure.
  Mr. ROYCE. I thank the gentlelady for yielding.
  And in response to the previous speaker, I will remind my colleagues 
that sanctions did work in South Africa, and that South Africa gave up 
its atomic weapons program.
  The threat, my friends, in Iran is crystal clear, and its regime 
closes in on a nuclear weapon. So a crystal clear response by us is 
urgent.
  While I support this bill, much of this legislation, unfortunately, 
is a muddle. Good sanctions, good sanctions in this bill are weakened 
by delays and by the possibility of waiver after waiver.

                              {time}  1800

  For this, the Obama administration gets the main blame. From the 
beginning, it has insisted on excessive leeway to implement new 
sanctions. It doesn't want to be forced into dramatic action. So, yes, 
we do provide the tools with this bill. They're in there. But there is 
little guarantee that those tools will be used.
  For example, the House-passed bill aimed to target Iran's energy 
sector. Yet with this conference report, a foreign oil company 
assisting Iran's petroleum sector could avoid even the investigation 
required to sanction it for at least 1 year. And the many companies 
from China and elsewhere rapidly building Iran's energy facilities 
today will be surely exempted from these sanctions.
  This report's aggressive financial sanctions rightly aim at Iran's 
Revolutionary Guard Corps. While important, they too can be waived. The 
so-called ``mandatory financial sanctions'' aren't even mandatory. This 
report does require a barrage of reports, certifications and other 
executive branch paper. Meanwhile, in the real world, Iran marches on.
  I would be less critical if the Obama administration, or if previous 
administrations, had applied a single sanction using existing Iran 
sanctions legislation. Instead, the Obama administration has naively 
given Iran time with its ``engagement policy.''
  I'll be supporting this bill because it does give the administration 
the tools should it wish to use those tools. More likely, it will have 
to be pressured into action.
  Mr. Speaker, even robust sanctions might not deter Iran from nuclear 
weapons. We need to give the intelligence community what it needs, 
strengthen our missile defense, target Iran's human rights abusers, and 
bolster its opposition movement. The clock is ticking.
  Mr. BERMAN. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself 30 seconds.
  My friend from California raises, as others have, the issue of 
waivers. I just want to remind the body this legislation has increased 
the standard for waivers, tightened the situations when waivers can be 
given. And, remember, we're talking about a process I hope will be 
rarely used, and I think we have to push that notion. We're not talking 
about Ahmadinejad giving the waivers, the Supreme Leader giving the 
waivers, the violating company giving the waivers. We're talking about 
a President of the United States, hopefully quite rarely, utilizing the 
enhanced standard waiver authority, a President who has spent more time 
diplomatically and in every other way trying to estop Iran from 
achieving this goal than any other President in the history of this 
country has ever done.
  I'll stand with this legislation, with this authority, with this 
President as the toughest, most comprehensive sanctions ever on the 
Iran nuclear weapons program.
  I would now like to yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from New York, a 
key supporter of this legislation, the chairman of the Western 
Hemisphere Subcommittee, Eliot Engel.
  Mr. ENGEL. I thank my friend, Chairman Berman, for letting me speak; 
and I strongly support the Comprehensive Iran Sanctions, Accountability 
and Divestment Act. I am a

[[Page 11729]]

proud cosponsor of the bill. This is a bipartisan bill, as you can 
hear, and should be passed.
  Last fall, the world learned of the secret Iranian nuclear enrichment 
facility near the city of Qom. If there was ever any doubt that Iran 
was trying to build nuclear weapons, this revelation dispelled any 
shred of that doubt. We need strong sanctions on Iran to halt their 
development of nuclear weapons. Iran must not be allowed to have a 
nuclear bomb.
  I commend President Obama and Secretary Clinton for achieving a 
strong fourth round of U.N. sanctions against Iran and for bringing 
Russia and China on board.
  As chairman of the Western Hemisphere Subcommittee, I would like to 
call attention to the fact that Venezuelan President Hugo Chavez at one 
time agreed to provide 20,000 barrels per day of refined gasoline to 
Iran and to invest in the Iranian natural gas sector. Iran is an 
importer of refined gas, and this bill will hit them where it hurts in 
their energy and financial sectors.
  I would like to also express my support for section 110 of the bill 
which requires a report on other energy imports into Iran. The U.S. and 
Brazil are the world's largest ethanol producers, and I am glad to hear 
from Brazil's private ethanol producers that they have no plans to 
supply ethanol to Iran for blending into gasoline as they prefer to 
build a global export market, anchored by the large U.S. and European 
markets. That's why this bill is so important. We must continue to 
monitor this area as ethanol imports could undermine energy sanctions 
on Iran.
  The U.S., our allies, and the U.N. have recognized that a nuclear-
armed Iran would be a danger not only to our ally, Israel, but also to 
the entire Middle East and the nuclear nonproliferation regime and is 
unacceptable. When Ahmadinejad says he wants to wipe Israel off the 
face of the Earth, he means it. When he calls the U.S. the great Satan, 
he means it. We need this bill to hit them where it hurts, and I urge 
my colleagues to vote for this bill today.
  Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN. Mr. Speaker, I am proud to yield 2 minutes to the 
gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Garrett), the ranking member on the 
Financial Services Subcommittee on Capital Markets, Insurance, and 
Government Sponsored Enterprises, as well as a House conferee on this 
measure.
  Mr. GARRETT of New Jersey. I thank the gentlelady for yielding.
  For the past year, I have met with Iranian dissidents who continue to 
protest the presidential elections that occurred a little more than a 
year ago. Many of them have urged me to ensure that Congress enacts 
strong sanctions. We are all too well aware of the existential threat 
that a nuclear-powered Iran would be.
  Today we are about to pass a conference report that was supposed to 
protect Americans and our allies. Yet if that was our goal, I believe 
we only have partial success.
  As a conferee representing the Financial Services Committee, I do 
admit that the sanctions themselves have been improved. I was pleased 
to see that the legislation includes financial sanctions that would cut 
off the connections between the U.S. financial sector and foreign 
financial institutions that do business with Iran.
  Yes, the conference report does add additional types of sanctions, 
and it extends the range of current sanctions. But I remind my 
colleagues that these punishments are hardly crippling, they're hardly 
tough, they're hardly sweeping or even expanded if they are never 
enforced.
  Now, my colleagues on the other side of the aisle claim that this 
time they'll work. But let me remind them of a little bit of history. 
In 1996, Congress passed the original Iran sanctions legislation; but 
in the last 14 years, no President has imposed sanctions, even though 
he has had the authority from Congress to do so. In fact, only one 
investigation was ever initiated. I say that this conference report is 
really only a half measure, a half bill, because 50 percent of it 
depends on who? On President Obama's willingness to implement the 
sanctions and to do it quickly.
  This legislation does in fact have seven separate waivers which the 
President may invoke. In addition, there are three different waiver 
thresholds. The end result is that the President has the option of 
enforcing most of the punitive measures outlined in the report.
  Now, of course multiple Democrats have attempted to reassure me. They 
say that they will now pressure the President to implement the 
sanctions outlined in this legislation. But we've been hearing that for 
16 months. We've been told that the President's attempts to engage the 
U.N. about Iran would produce diplomatic gains. Yet the recently passed 
U.N. security resolution was hardly that significant of a success. 
Furthermore, President Obama himself recognized 2 weeks ago that, A, 
Iran concealed a nuclear enrichment facility; B, Iran further violated 
its own obligations; C, Iran is enriching uranium up to 20 percent.
  Mr. Speaker, for the past year, I have read about and met with 
Iranian dissidents who continue to protest the presidential elections 
that occurred a little more than a year ago. Many of them have urged me 
to work to ensure that Congress enacts strong sanctions. They say that 
they long to be free from the current regime, especially since they too 
are afraid of what would happen if Iran obtained a nuclear weapon.
  Today, we are about to pass a conference report that was supposed to 
protect Americans, our allies, and the Iranians who suffer under 
tyrannical leaders. Yet if this was our goal, I believe we can proclaim 
only partial success.
  As a conferee representing the Financial Services Committee, I do 
admit that the sanctions themselves have been improved. I was pleased 
to see that this legislation includes financial sanctions that would 
cut off the connection between the U.S. financial sector and foreign 
financial institutions that do business with iran's Islamic Guard Corps 
or Iranian banks under sanctions.
  In addition, it establishes a legal framework for U.S. states and 
local governments to divest from foreign businesses that have economic 
ties to the Iranian energy sector. I am also thankful for the provision 
that sanctions those who commit egregious human rights violations 
against the Iranian people.
  Yes, the conference report does add additional types of sanctions, 
and extends the range of current sanctions. But I remind my colleagues 
that these punishments are hardly ``crippling'' or ``tough'' or 
``sweeping'' or even ``expanded'' if they are never enforced.
  My colleagues on the opposite side of the aisle claim that this time 
sanctions will work. but I would like to remind them of a few 
historical facts:
  1. In 1996, Congress passed the original Iran Sanctions legislation.
  2. Yet for the past 14 years, no U.S. President has imposed 
sanctions--even though he has this authority and mandate from Congress.
  3. In fact, only one investigation was ever initiated.
  I say that this conference report is really a half measure. It's 
``half a bill'' because 50% of it depends entirely on President Obama's 
willingness to implement sanctions, and to do so quickly.
  This legislation has at least seven separate waivers which the 
President may invoke. In addition, there are three different waiver 
thresholds. The end result is that the President has the option of 
enforcing most of the punitive measures outlined in the conference 
report.
  Of course, multiple Democrats have attempted to reassure me. They say 
that they will now pressure the President to implement the sanctions 
outlined in this legislation.
  But I've been hearing the same claim for the past 16 months!
  1. We have been told that the President's attempts to engage the U.N. 
about Iran would produce great diplomatic gains.
  2. Yet the recently-passed U.N. security resolution was hardly a 
significant success.
  3. Furthermore, President Obama himself recognized two weeks ago 
that:
  a. ``Iran concealed a nuclear enrichment facility.''
  b. ``Iran further violated its own obligations under U.N. Security 
Council resolutions to suspend uranium enrichment.''
  c. Iran is ``enriching [uranium] up to 20 percent.''
  d. Iran ``has failed to comply fully with IAEA's requirements.''
  e. Iran is the only [Non-Proliferation Treaty] signatory in the 
world--the only one--that cannot convince the IAEA that its nuclear 
program is intended for peaceful purposes.''

[[Page 11730]]

  How can you justify the 18-month lapse you've already given to 
President Obama?
  If the majority hasn't been pressuring President Obama for the last 
year and half, why haven't they? After all, the original Iran Sanctions 
legislation has been in effect since before President Obama took 
office.
  If they have been pressuring the President--without results--why do 
they think that he will listen to them now? What articulation can they 
invoke that they failed to give before? Why would the President be more 
likely to listen to them now?
  President Obama seems concerned only about pressuring Iran through 
diplomatic means; he has begged Congress to delay passage of 
sanctions--as if the threat of sanctions would be a distraction or 
roadblock to his  negotiating success. And why would he seek broad 
latitude and carve-outs for nations like Russia if he were serious 
about imposing sanctions on Iran?
  Given the pressure that the State Department put on the conferees, I 
do wonder if sanctions investigations will ever result in the actual 
application of sanctions.
  And even if they did, the bill doesn't require prompt action. Some of 
the waivers allow the president to postpone sanctions for up to 12 
months if a company falls into certain categories.
  For example, this means that the president could choose not to 
enforce sanctions against BP, since BP is based in a ``cooperating 
country''--one which voted for the U.N. Iran Sanctions resolution. In 
other cases, the president is given flexibility in issuing a waiver if 
he determines that a company has achieved a 20-30% reduction in 
sanctionable activities.
  In other words, the president could claim that he is complying the 
day after he signs the conference report. But a year or even a year and 
a half could go by with no activity or tangible outcome. Even so, the 
president would technically be in compliance with this legislation.
  Just think about this: we could have a new president (in 2012) before 
this bill would require the president to actually enforce a single 
sanction. He could simply continue doing what he is doing now: cite one 
of the seven waivers.
  So . . . how did we come to this point? Why are we now considering a 
weaker bill than the one that passed the House last December? Why are 
we faced with the potential for such an ineffective outcome?
  I'd like to be able to thank the Democrats for considering this in a 
bi-partisan and constructive manner. But the process was neither bi-
partisan nor constructive.
  In fact, one is hard pressed to describe to this conference as a 
``process'' at all. I certainly don't think that one meeting--which 
involved opening statements only--could ever be defined as a 
``process.''
  During that first (and only) meeting, Members pledged to work 
together to pass tough sanctions. But Chairmen Dodd and Berman never 
called another meeting. I heard nothing more. Then, my staff received 
an e-mail at 2:42 p.m. yesterday. The e-mail simply read: ``Attached 
please find a final text of the conference report . . . Signature sheet 
will be available from 3-4 o'clock today.''
  In the end, we wind up right where we started--with lots of promises 
from the majority that they will pressure the president to do the right 
thing.
  The numbers tell the exasperating story quite effectively:
  We were allowed zero chances to offer amendments.
  We were allowed zero up or down votes on any section of the report.
  We were given zero chances to revise the draft conference report.
  We have zero ability to offer a Motion to Recommit.
  We had one official meeting between the conferees.
  We had one hour to read the 41-page final conference report before 
the deadline for signing it had elapsed.
  These actions clearly show that the majority never intended to be 
held accountable for watering down the original legislation. They never 
wanted to give us an opportunity to oppose the demands of the White 
House. They never desired transparency and openness so that the 
American public could examine the true positions of their elected 
leaders.
  What are the Democrats afraid of? If the answer is a veto threat, I 
think we should remember our oath which includes the words: ``I will 
support and defend the Constitution of the United States against all 
enemies, foreign or domestic.'' Particularly in this case, our 
principles should have come before our politics.
  We all know that the president of Iran has called Zionists, ``the 
true manifestation of Satan.'' We also know that he has said that since 
the U.S. recognizes Israel, it will ``burn in the fire of the Islamic 
nation's fury.''
  If we truly agree that sanctions are the best non-violent deterrent 
and if we agree that Iran is as little as a year away from obtaining 
nuclear weapon capabilities, why does this legislation grant the 
president so many waivers and so much time to act? Time, unfortunately, 
is most decidedly not on our side.
  As the Joint Explanatory Statement reads, I hope that we will all now 
``urge the President to vigorously impose the sanctions provided for in 
this act.''
  Mr. BERMAN. Mr. Speaker, I am very pleased to yield 1 minute to a key 
member of the conference committee, the gentleman from New York (Mr. 
Crowley), a member of the committee.
  Mr. CROWLEY. Mr. Speaker, I was proud to be a member of the House-
Senate conference committee that negotiated the Comprehensive Iran 
Sanctions, Accountability, and Divestment Act, and I will strongly 
support the passage of this agreement.
  This tough set of sanctions makes it clear to the Government of Iran 
that the United States will not stand idly by while Iran destabilizes 
the Middle East, threatens its neighbors, and undermines international 
nonproliferation efforts.
  Under this measure, any company or country doing business with Iran 
will undergo serious scrutiny and could be subject to tough penalties. 
This sanctions measure will also ensure that we expose those that have 
committed serious human rights abuses against Iranians who are 
struggling for democracy and freedom.
  Right now, Iran is being led by Ahmadinejad. His authority is not 
only illegitimate because of how Iran's last elections were conducted, 
but because of his blatant disregard for the international community. 
He has vowed to press ahead with the uranium enrichment and boasted 
that the new sanctions are nothing but, and I quote, ``worthless 
paper.'' He stands in clear and stark defiance of the U.N. Security 
Council, the International Atomic Energy Agency, and indeed the entire 
world's nuclear nonproliferation efforts.
  For the sake of peace and stability, we must act now. We are going to 
show Ahmadinejad that the U.N. sanctions, and these we are about to 
pass today, are not ``worthless paper.'' He is about to be proven very, 
very wrong. The days of the United States turning a blind eye to 
companies propping up Iran's regime are now officially over.
  As long as Ahmadinejad and his cronies remain bent on obtaining 
nuclear weapons and crushing the Iranian people, this Congress and this 
Administration are going to take every possible step to thwart his 
efforts. I am proud to have served on the Conference Committee for this 
legislation and strongly support its final passage.
  Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN. Mr. Speaker, I am proud to yield 1 minute to the 
gentleman from Nebraska (Mr. Fortenberry), a member of the Committee on 
Foreign Affairs.
  Mr. FORTENBERRY. I thank the gentlelady for the time and her 
leadership on this important issue, as well as Chairman Berman.
  Mr. Speaker, the time to stop Iran's nuclear drive is running very 
short. Unless the community of responsible nations takes decisive 
actions, the world will soon awake to the headline, Iran has a nuclear 
bomb. A nuclear-armed Iran will pose a very real threat to civilization 
itself, increasing the dangers of a destabilizing nuclear arms race in 
the world's most volatile region.
  Iran clearly doubts the collective resolve of world powers. It is not 
difficult to see why. While some European leaders vacillate, European 
corporations continue to do business with Iran. And Russia and China as 
well continue to exploit international hesitancy for their own 
geopolitical and financial gain.
  The community of responsible nations must prevail upon Iran to 
abandon its dangerous nuclear ambitions and forge a new path to 
security and stability for itself. We all look forward to the day when 
Iran is governed by leaders who fully respect the rights of their own 
people and faithfully observe the obligations of international law. 
Today's Iran sanctions legislation represents an intermediate yet 
important

[[Page 11731]]

step in that sustained effort. We need to do even more.
  Mr. BERMAN. Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to yield 1 minute to the 
gentleman from New York (Mr. McMahon).
  Mr. McMAHON. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
  I am proud that with this conference report, our country will be at 
the forefront of protecting Israel and the entire international 
community against the growing threat of nuclear terrorism and an arms 
race in the Middle East.
  This sanctions package takes a firm stand against an active state 
sponsor of terror, Iran, by broadening the categories of the Islamic 
Republic's sanctionable activities well beyond the realm of refined 
petroleum.
  Furthermore, without increased global cooperation on the sanctions 
effort and measures to isolate Ahmadinejad's thugs from raping, 
murdering and censoring their own people, these sanctions would not be 
complete.
  For this reason, I applaud the inclusion of both the McMahon 
reporting requirement on global energy sector trade with Iran and my 
bill, H.R. 4647, the Iran Human Rights Sanctions Act, into this bill.
  I know that Americans will rest much more comfortably knowing that 
the criminals of Ahmadinejad's regime now cannot set foot on U.S. soil. 
This bill is necessary to the security of our ally Israel, to our 
Nation, and to the world.
  I therefore urge all of my colleagues to vote for it.
  Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN. Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to yield 1 minute to the 
gentleman from Illinois (Mr. Roskam), an esteemed member of the Ways 
and Means Committee.
  Mr. ROSKAM. I thank the gentlelady for yielding.
  History is incredibly instructive and helpful for us at a time like 
this. August 13, 1961, Nikita Khrushchev gave an order and that was to 
move forward and put up the Berlin Wall. At first, it was just barbed 
wire that morning. And then over a period of time, as we know, it moved 
from barbed wire to concrete and ultimately to the wall and really the 
edifice that was the symbol of an impressive regime. I think we are 
wise to be measured and sobered by those instructions of history.
  This legislation is a step toward dealing with the incrementalist 
vision that Ahmadinejad and the mullahs in Iran have. Now, it has been 
said that there are some weaknesses in the bill and the weaknesses are 
putting a lot of trust, frankly, in an administration that has sort of 
underperformed in this area. But my hope is and my expectation is that 
the administration will use this tool, recognize the serious threat, 
and recognize the type of tool that they're able to use to go after 
this regime. This is an important piece of legislation, and I am 
pleased to support it.
  Mr. BERMAN. Mr. Speaker, can I ask how much time there is remaining 
on each side.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. The gentleman from California has 7\1/2\ 
minutes, and the gentlewoman from Florida has 6\1/2\ minutes.
  Mr. BERMAN. Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to yield 1 minute to the 
Speaker of the House of Representatives, the gentlewoman from 
California.

                              {time}  1815

  Ms. PELOSI. I thank the gentleman for yielding, and I thank him for 
his great leadership in bringing this very important legislation to the 
floor.
  And I want to commend Leader Hoyer and Whip Cantor for the bipartisan 
spirit with which this bill was brought to the floor. The leadership of 
the committee, Mr. Berman, Ranking Member Ros-Lehtinen, thank you to 
both of you for your leadership in bringing us together around this 
very important issue.
  I am proud to rise in strong support of the Comprehensive Iran 
Sanctions, Accountability, and Divestment Act, which will provide the 
President with more tools to address the looming nuclear threat from 
Iran.
  All Members of Congress, regardless of party, agree: A nuclear Iran 
is simply unacceptable. It is a threat to the region, to the United 
States, and to our allies across the globe.
  The Iranian regime has demonstrated time and again its refusal to 
work in good faith to eliminate the threat of nuclear weapons in the 
Middle East and around the world. In the last year, Iran has concealed 
major nuclear facilities, repeatedly blocked U.N. nuclear inspectors 
from doing their job, and openly threatened to, as the Iranian 
President said, ``wipe Israel off the face of the map.'' These actions 
reflect a clear record of defiance. Now Iran must take steps to 
demonstrate its willingness to live as a peaceful partner in the 
international community, and we must use all of the tools at our 
disposal to stop Iran's march toward nuclear capability.
  This month, under President Obama's leadership, the U.N. Security 
Council passed its most far-reaching set of sanctions yet, targeting 
Iran's nuclear program and financial system. Today, with the passage of 
this legislation and when it goes to the President's desk to be signed, 
we will give the President new tools to impose sanctions against 
companies that sell Iran technology, services, know-how, and materials 
for its energy and petroleum sector. And we offer foreign banks a 
choice, they can deal with institutions that support weapons of mass 
destruction and terrorist activities or they can do business with the 
United States. This is the strongest Iran sanctions legislation ever 
passed by the Congress.
  My colleagues, no discussion of Iran at this time is possible without 
condemning the actions of the Iranian regime of 1 year ago when they 
responded to public protests with deadly force.
  The American people stand for peace and security for the people of 
Iran. We look forward to a relationship with them. We look forward to a 
day when Iran is a productive partner for us, for its neighbors, and 
the world. Until that day, we must ensure that Iran is prevented from 
obtaining the nuclear weapons that would threaten global and regional 
security.
  Again, I thank our distinguished chairman, Mr. Berman, Ranking Member 
Ileana Ros-Lehtinen, Mr. Hoyer, and Mr. Cantor for giving us this 
opportunity, in a strong bipartisan way, to support the Comprehensive 
Iran Sanctions, Accountability, and Divestment Act, and hope that we 
can have a unanimous vote today.
  Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN. Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to yield 1 minute to the 
gentleman from Arizona (Mr. Franks), the chairman of the National 
Security Working Group of the Republican Study Committee.
  Mr. FRANKS of Arizona. I thank the gentlelady for yielding.
  I rise in strong support as a co-sponsor of this bill.
  Mr. Speaker, we live in a moment in history when the terrorist State 
of Iran is on the brink of developing nuclear weapons. If that occurs, 
all other issues will be wiped from the table and whatever challenges 
we have in dealing with Iran today will pale in comparison to dealing 
with an Iran that has nuclear weapons.
  Over the last 16 months, the Obama administration has dithered and 
pretended to pursue effective U.N. and U.S. sanctions against Iran, yet 
Mr. Obama has not enforced even one of the sanctions that already exist 
in the law against even one company doing business with Iran. The 
question now is: Will the President enforce the new sanctions we are 
about to pass or will he waive them like he has all of the others?
  Mr. Speaker, the last window we will have ever to stop Iran from 
gaining nuclear weapons is rapidly closing. I pray the Obama 
administration will wake up in time to prevent Iran from becoming a 
nuclear-armed nation and from bringing nuclear terrorism to this and 
future generations.
  Mr. BERMAN. Mr. Speaker, I am very pleased to yield 1 minute to a 
very distinguished member of the conference committee, the vice chair 
of the Foreign Affairs Subcommittee on Nuclear Nonproliferation, 
Terrorism and International Trade, my friend from Georgia (Mr. Scott).
  Mr. SCOTT of Georgia. Thank you very much, Chairman Berman. I want

[[Page 11732]]

to commend you for the excellent leadership you have provided on this 
extraordinarily critical issue.
  Ladies and gentlemen of the Congress, on the bleached bones of many 
great past civilizations are written those pathetic words, ``Too 
late.'' They moved too late. Let us hope and let us pray that we are 
not moving too late here on this measure.
  This is a critical piece of legislation. The Iranian regime, without 
any question, is after securing a nuclear weapon. The Iranian regime 
has already declared that they want to wipe Israel off the face of the 
Earth. This, quite honestly, is our last best chance to avoid the only 
other way we will be able to prevent Iran from acquiring a nuclear 
weapon, and that is through the use of military action.
  The only necessity for the triumph of evil is for good people to do 
nothing. Well, we are here today as good people, and we are doing 
something very important by passing this strong sanctions bill.
  Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from 
Kansas (Mr. Moran), a member of the Agriculture, Veterans' Affairs, and 
Transportation Committees.
  Mr. MORAN of Kansas. Mr. Speaker, today we have before us the 
toughest, most comprehensive Iran sanctions ever considered by 
Congress, and I pray that we're not too late.
  Iran is the world's leading state sponsor of terrorism, funding and 
arming terrorist groups like Hezbollah and Hamas. It has already 
produced enough low enriched uranium to produce two nuclear weapons. 
And since February, Iran has been converting its low enriched uranium 
to a level of 20 percent, which represents 85 percent of the work 
necessary to produce weapons-grade fuel.
  This legislation imposes critical energy and financial sanctions 
that, if implemented, will make Iran think twice--at least we hope and 
pray will they will think twice--about continuing their illegal nuclear 
program.
  There is a key to all of this: These sanctions must be implemented. 
For too long, our efforts to stop Iran have been half-hearted. Our 
determination to stop Iran from acquiring nuclear weapons capability 
must exceed Iran's determination to get a bomb. President Obama must 
immediately enforce these sanctions. We cannot and must not allow Iran 
to have nuclear weapons capability.
  Mr. BERMAN. Mr. Speaker, I am very pleased to yield 1 minute to my 
friend from Fresno, California (Mr. Costa), a member of the committee 
and the conference committee and very helpful in our efforts here.
  Mr. COSTA. Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman and the ranking member, 
for your good work on this legislation.
  I, too, stand in strong support of the conference report, H.R. 2194, 
the Iran Sanctions, Accountability and Divestment Act of 2010.
  As a conference committee member, I know this piece of legislation 
represents a monumental step forward in our fight against Iran's 
nuclear arms quest. These sanctions are a dramatic improvement. These 
tough new petroleum and financial sanctions will put further 
restrictions on the ability of the Iranian regime to continue their 
nuclear aspirations and their oppression of the Iranian people that has 
been well documented before and since the elections 1 year ago. These 
sanctions will send a strong signal that our Nation will not stand for 
the development of this regime's nuclear arms program, especially with 
such violent threats against our ally, Israel, and others in the 
region.
  This legislation is an important part of the solution, as we keep all 
our options on the table, to our longstanding concern about the 
prospect of a nuclear Iran. I encourage my colleagues to support this 
important piece of legislation.
  Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN. Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to yield 1 minute to the 
gentleman from Texas, Judge Poe, a member of our Committee on Foreign 
Affairs.
  Mr. POE of Texas. I thank the gentlelady for yielding.
  Our quarrel, Mr. Speaker, is not with the people of Iran; our quarrel 
is with the Government of Iran and its consistent philosophy to 
annihilate the State of Israel, and also to the violations of human 
rights that it commits against its own people.
  The people of Iran have spoken out against their illegitimate 
government, and because of that they have been brutalized, they have 
been jailed, they have been shot, and they have been imprisoned for a 
long time all because of freedom of speech.
  The sanctions in this resolution go against those in the Government 
of Iran who deny human rights to their own people. That is one aspect 
of this resolution that is very important to make sure that the people 
of Iran, the good folks in Iran who want to replace their government 
have human rights, and especially that ability of freedom to speak out 
against their illegitimate government that seeks to destroy not only 
the State of Israel, but the entire West.
  Mr. BERMAN. Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that the time for 
debate be extended by 10 minutes, divided equally between the chair and 
ranking member.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. Is there objection to the request of the 
gentleman from California?
  Mr. STARK. I object.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. Objection is heard.
  Mr. BERMAN. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the majority leader of 
the House, a tough taskmaster on this issue because of his passion for 
this legislation, the gentleman from Maryland (Mr. Hoyer).
  Mr. HOYER. I want to thank the chairman for yielding.
  I want to thank Ms. Ros-Lehtinen, my good friend, for the leadership 
she continues to show on a repeated basis on this issue and so many 
other issues. I want to thank Mr. Berman. I very much wanted to get 
this to the floor to move this week. He has done that. I want to thank 
Senator Dodd as well for his work. And I want to thank all the members 
of the subcommittee. I also want to thank Rob Andrews of New Jersey, 
who was so vital to the central idea of how we could put appropriate 
pressure on this.
  I want to say to my Republican friends who have been talking about 
the Obama administration, frankly, the Bush administration and the 
Obama administration have both been working towards trying to resolve 
this issue with Iran. Frankly, the Obama administration has, for the 
first time, gotten a strong resolution through the Security Council. We 
had the opportunity of just meeting with the President of Russia, 
Ranking Member Ros-Lehtinen, the Speaker and I, and others, and Mr. 
Berman. He said it was a tough thing to do, but he worked very closely 
with President Obama and they were able to get it done. So this is not 
a time for pointing fingers. We're united on this. This is not a 
difference, but this is a unity, a unity of purpose and commitment.
  Every one of us understands the deep danger of a nuclear Iran. That 
danger includes a new nuclear arms race as Iran's regional rivals 
scramble to build competing arsenals, plunging the world into a new era 
of proliferation. No one wants that. The danger includes as well a 
nuclear umbrella for terrorist groups like Hamas and Hezbollah to stage 
more brazen and deadly attacks, especially on our ally Israel, but not 
exclusively. There are 250,000 Americans in harm's way from Iran as we 
speak.
  And the danger includes, on a more basic level, a new era of fear for 
all of those in range of Iran's missiles. All of those consequences 
will be felt even if Iran's missiles remain on the launch pad or if its 
nuclear weapons remain buried. Could we imagine those weapons being 
used? We would be foolish not to, as long as those weapons are in the 
hands of a regime whose President denies the Holocaust, stokes hatred, 
and openly threatens Iran's neighbors.

                              {time}  1830

  Even so, our administration has pursued a dual-track strategy with 
respect to Iran.
  On the one side is the administration's policy of engagement. I 
support

[[Page 11733]]

that policy. John Kennedy said that we should never fear to negotiate, 
but we ought never to negotiate out of fear. I think he was correct. 
Jim Baker, in the days before we went into Kuwait, was talking to 
Saddam Hussein to see if the matter could be resolved.
  On the one side, as I said, is that policy of engagement. This 
engagement reversed years of diplomatic silence during which Iran's 
nuclear program grew. It showed the world our patience; it tested 
Iran's willingness to negotiate in good faith, and it built 
international support for sanctions.
  Sadly, the time limit for engagement has come and gone. It is time to 
pursue the second prong of the dual-track strategy--pressure. The 
International Atomic Energy Agency tells us that Iran has now enough 
low-enriched uranium for two bombs; Iran has attempted to hide nuclear 
facilities, and has refused to cooperate with the demands of the IAEA 
and the U.N. Security Council to suspend enrichment.
  Let's be clear: Iran is blatantly defying the will of the 
international community. This is unacceptable. That is not a partisan 
position. It is almost a unanimous position of the administration and 
of this Congress. That is why this is the right time to bring strong 
economic pressure to bear on the Iranian regime.
  I rise in strong support of this resolution. I urge its support.
  I, again, thank Mr. Berman and Ms. Ros-Lehtinen for their leadership 
in bringing this critical resolution to the floor.
  I join my colleagues as well in saying that enforcement of the 
resolutions that Iran has adopted, that our European colleagues have 
adopted, and this resolution will be critical, and the understanding 
that it is to be enforced needs to be understood by Iran.
  Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself the balance of my time.
  Mr. Speaker, it may surprise some to learn that the penalties in the 
Iran Sanctions Act of 1996 have never been imposed on a single 
individual or a company. Only once has a company even been found to be 
in violation of its provisions, but sanctions were immediately waived 
by the Clinton administration due to the protests by the Russian, 
French, and Malaysian Governments, which did not want their companies 
penalized for doing business with Iran. It should be noted that the 
same companies--Russia's Gazprom, France's Total, and Malaysia's 
Petronas--are still providing the Iranian regime a vital economic 
lifeline through energy-related investments.
  I and other members of the conference committee had hoped that this 
bill before us would avoid repeating past mistakes--that is, avoid 
undermining its effectiveness by giving the President an option of 
doing nothing. This was not to be.
  The result is that the President is authorized to waive not only the 
imposition of sanctions for refined petroleum transactions, investments 
in Iran's energy sector, and aid to Iran's programs on weapons of mass 
destruction, missile, and advanced conventional weapons, but even on 
basic investigations and determinations of some sanctionable 
activities.
  With respect to the inclusion of financial sanctions and a visa ban 
against those committing serious human rights abuses against the 
Iranian people, not only can the President waive the sanctions, but he 
can waive the requirement to name and shame these human rights abusers 
by listing them publicly.
  Some will argue that this bill goes further than any before in 
forcing the President to act. However, it is disingenuous to make such 
a claim given that the President could have issued an Executive order 
to implement a wide array of additional Iran sanctions, but he didn't.
  The version passed by the House prohibited the entry into force of a 
nuclear cooperation agreement with any country assisting Iranian 
proliferation. Its purpose was to prevent a country that is undermining 
U.S. efforts to stop Iran's nuclear weapons program from being rewarded 
with a lucrative nuclear cooperation agreement.
  That prohibition is not included in the conference report. The text 
before us does include the prohibition in the House-passed bill on 
transfers of U.S. nuclear technology to a country that has jurisdiction 
over entities that have assisted Iran's proliferation programs. 
However, it provides the President with what amounts to a waiver to 
approve such transfers on a case-by-case basis, and if the President 
deems it to be in vital national security interest. It also wipes the 
slate clean regarding any proliferation violations that took place 
before the date that this bill is enacted. Some of us view this to be a 
carve-out for Russia.
  Mr. Speaker, at long last, the time has come for us to act. The time 
is now. We should support the conference report and ensure that the 
sanctions are vigorously enforced.
  I yield back the balance of my time.
  Mr. BERMAN. Mr. Speaker, would you tell me the remaining time on each 
side?
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. The gentleman has 3\1/2\ minutes remaining.
  Mr. BERMAN. I am very pleased to yield for the purpose of making a 
unanimous consent request to my neighbor, the gentlewoman from 
California (Ms. Harman).
  Ms. HARMAN. Mr. Speaker, I rise in strong support of the strongest-
ever sanctions package.
  This sanctions package is not targeted at the Iranian people. Its 
passage signals that our government is united in Bipartisan opposition 
to the Iranian government's flagrant disregard of the United Nations 
and the world community as it recklessly pursues a nuclear weapons 
program.
  Iran and its proxies Hamas and Hezbollah encircle Israel and threaten 
U.S. troops--as well as Sunni populations--in the Middle East.
  Increased economic sanctions pit our strength against Iran's 
weakness. And this package, which builds on recent U.N. and E.U. 
actions, bans companies from selling refined petroleum, blocks 
correspondent banking relationships with Iranian banks, and targets 
financial activities by the Revolutionary Guard or Iranian human rights 
abusers.
  It also authorizes divestment by state and local governments from 
companies involved in Iran's energy sector.
  Kudos to Chairman Berman, who negotiated a very narrow Presidential 
waiver, and to the Treasury Department's indomitable Stuart Levey, 
whose focus and talent over many years have shown lawmakers, literally, 
how to ``follow the money'' and have brought us to this point.
  Mr. BERMAN. Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to yield for the purpose of 
making a unanimous consent request to the gentleman from Colorado, Mr. 
Jared Polis.
  Mr. POLIS. Mr. Speaker, I rise today in support of the Comprehensive 
Iran Sanctions Act to prevent Iran from developing nuclear weapons.
  Mr. Speaker, a nuclear-armed Iran would pose a threat to regional 
stability, to Israel, and to our national security, and above all, to 
the world. Passing strong sanctions against the Iranian regime is a 
critical step that we must immediately take in order to protect the 
world against this threat. Ahmadinejad is not a rational actor.
  Congress must do all in its power to deter Iran from getting nuclear 
weapons and persuade the regime to halt their nuclear program--as the 
international community has repeatedly demanded. Iran has rejected the 
Administration's attempts to engage diplomatically; if we wish to avoid 
either military action or accepting a nuclear-armed Iran, we must 
incapacitate the regime's ability to pursue these weapons through tough 
sanctions.
  The United States and our allies are at a critical juncture in our 
efforts to prevent Iran from obtaining nuclear weapons. Iran continues 
to reject international proposals that would provide their regime with 
the resources to have a safe and secure civilian nuclear power program, 
but limit the Nation's ability to build the world's most destructive 
weapons. Iran now has enough low-enriched uranium that, when further 
enriched, could be used to fuel two nuclear weapons.
  This is why Congress has acted swiftly to counter this threat and why 
the President also supports enacting new sanctions. While Congress has 
taken the lead on crafting this bill, preventing Iran from obtaining 
nuclear weapons has been one of the Obama Administration's top 
priorities.
  Under the President's leadership, the U.N. Security Council recently 
passed a new round of strong sanctions that will help to cripple Iran's 
nuclear weapon program. As proof that the administration's commitment 
to diplomacy

[[Page 11734]]

is working, the U.N. resolution included support from China and Russia, 
who before had hesitated to press Iran to stop its nuclear program. In 
addition to the U.N. sanctions, the European Union is also currently in 
the process of instituting its own sanctions.
  This powerful package of new sanctions that was developed by House 
and Senate Democrats would substantially augment these ongoing 
multilateral efforts by the U.N. Security Council, the European Union, 
and others.
  Therefore, I urge my colleagues to support this bill. This bipartisan 
legislation will provide us the necessary tools to stop the spread of 
nuclear weapons to Iran, a nation that continues to sponsor terror, 
endanger our allies, and threaten our troops in the region. The 
sanctions are tough, focused, and results-oriented. This important step 
is critical to countering the threat of a nuclear Iran.
  Mr. BERMAN. Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to yield for the purpose of 
making a unanimous consent request to a valued member of our committee, 
the gentlewoman from Texas, Ms. Sheila Jackson Lee.
  Ms. JACKSON LEE of Texas. Mr. Speaker, I rise in strong support of 
H.R. 2194, to avoid the nuclear attack that Iran represents to the 
world and to Israel. I rise to give strong support to H.R. 2194, and I 
ask my colleagues to support it.
  Mr. Speaker, this legislation provides another tool for the President 
to prevent Iran from developing nuclear weapons by allowing the 
administration to sanction foreign firms who attempt to supply refined 
gasoline to Iran or provide them with the materials to enhance their 
oil refineries. These sanctions would further restrict the government 
of Iran's ability to procure refined petroleum. Currently, the 
availability of petroleum products is stagnant in Iran. Private firms 
have decided that the government of Iran's refusal to cooperate with 
the multilateral community on nuclear proliferation generates a 
significant risk to doing business with Iran.
  I would like to thank Chairman Berman for incorporating my concerns 
about the human rights situation in Iran into the findings of this 
legislation. It is important that we acknowledge that, throughout 2009, 
the government of Iran has persistently violated the rights of its 
citizens. The government of Iran's most overt display of disregard for 
human rights happened in the presidential elections on June 12, 2009. 
As I said on June 19, 2009, ``we must condemn Iran for the absence of 
fair and free Presidential elections and urge Iran to provide its 
people with the opportunity to engage in a Democratic election 
process.'' The repression and murder, arbitrary arrests, and show 
trials of peaceful dissidents in the wake of the elections were a sad 
reminder of the government of Iran's long history of human rights 
violations. The latest violations were the most recent iteration of the 
government of Iran's wanton suppression of the freedom of expression.
  It is important that we are clear that our concerns are with the 
government of Iran and not its people. The State Department's Human 
Rights Report on Iran provides a bleak picture of life in Iran. The 
government of Iran, through its denial of the democratic process and 
repression of dissent, has prevented the people from determining their 
own future. Moreover, it is the government of Iran that persecutes its 
ethnic minorities and denies the free expression of religion. As we 
proceed with consideration of this legislation, we should all remember 
that the sole target of these sanctions is the Iranian government.
  Mr. Speaker, the government of Iran has repeatedly shown its disdain 
for the international community by disregarding international 
nonproliferation agreements. Iran's flagrant violation of 
nonproliferation agreements was evidenced most recently in the 
discovery of the secret enrichment facility at Qom. The government of 
Iran's continued threats against Israel, opposition to the Middle East 
peace process, and support of international terrorist organizations 
further demonstrates the necessity for action. Iran with nuclear 
weapons and a mindset to destroy Israel cannot be tolerated by the 
world community.
  We must stop Iran's determination to become a nuclear power. Iran's 
recent actions towards the international community reflect a very small 
measure of progress. Iran's decision to allow International Atomic 
Energy Agency, IAEA, inspectors to visit this facility was a positive 
sign, but not a sufficient indication of their willingness to comply 
with international agreements. The recent announcement that Iran will 
accept a nuclear fuel deal is also indicative of their willingness to 
engage in dialogue, though it remains to be seen what amendments they 
will seek to the deal. While these actions indicate a small degree of 
improvement in Iran's position, the legislation before us today 
demonstrates that only continued dialogue and positive actions will 
soften the international community's stance towards Iran.
  I would also like to emphasize that the legislation before us 
provides only one tool for achieving Iran's compliance with 
international nonproliferation agreements. I continue to support the 
administration's policy of engagement with Iran and use of diplomatic 
talks. I believe that diplomacy and multilateralism are the most 
valuable tools we have to create change in Iran. After those tools 
fail, I believe that the sanctions are an appropriate recourse.


                ANNOUNCEMENT BY THE SPEAKER PRO TEMPORE

  The SPEAKER pro tempore. Members are reminded to avoid embellishments 
in their unanimous consent requests.
  Mr. BERMAN. Mr. Speaker, I am very pleased to yield, unfortunately 
only 1 minute to the author of the mandatory procurement sanctions in 
this legislation, the gentleman from Florida (Mr. Klein).
  Mr. KLEIN of Florida. Mr. Speaker, I rise today to strongly support 
the Iran sanctions conference report, including robust sanctions on 
refined petroleum in Iran.
  I am proud that the final bill includes my amendment requiring 
companies that are applying for contracts with the United States 
Government to affirmatively certify that they do not conduct business 
with Iran.
  This legislation gives companies a simple choice: Do business with 
the United States or do business with Iran. We cannot allow Iran to 
continue its pursuit of nuclear weapons--not on our watch and certainly 
not on our dime.
  As a conferee, I am proud that the final bill also takes into account 
any developments that have arisen in recent months. Iran is attempting 
to circumvent global sanctions, and this bill seeks to cut off their 
strategies, such as Iranian investments with companies like BP and 
joint ventures outside of Iran.
  I would also like to thank Chairman Berman and Ranking Member Ros-
Lehtinen for their leadership.
  I urge my colleagues to support the conference agreement.
  Mr. BERMAN. Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to yield for the purpose of 
making a unanimous consent request to the gentleman from Florida (Mr. 
Deutch), the author of the country's first state of Iran disinvestment 
legislation.
  Mr. DEUTCH. I thank the gentleman for yielding.
  ``Today, this body has the opportunity to profoundly advance the 
security of our nation and our allies. Today, this body can pass 
crippling new economic sanctions on Iran and at long last deliver the 
bill to the desk of the President.
  ``The stakes could not be higher. Again and again, Ahmadinejad has 
called for the destruction of our ally Israel and he has spoken of a 
world without the United States. This behavior is intolerable and today 
Congress sends the clear message to Iran that their pursuit of nuclear 
weapons will not be allowed.
  ``The past 30 days have marked the most serious steps forward in 
preventing a nuclear Iran. Beginning with the UN Security Council 
resolution, followed by the actions of the European Union, culminating 
today with the efforts of this Congress to craft the most 
comprehensive, results-oriented legislation, Iran will finally feel the 
burden of crippling economic sanctions.
  ``This legislation is the most important step Congress can take today 
to thwart the development of an Iranian nuclear power. Now we look to 
the Administration to hold those violators accountable and ensure the 
stringent implementation of these crippling sanctions. Now is the time 
to act to stop Iran's nuclear weapons program. I urge this body to act 
decisively today by passing this important piece of legislation.''
  Mr. BERMAN. Mr. Speaker, I am very pleased to yield 1 minute to the 
gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Andrews), the first Member on our side, 
as was mentioned earlier, to come up with a concept of sanctions on 
refined petroleum, the former head of the Iran Working Group.
  Mr. ANDREWS. I would like to thank my friend from California for his 
leadership and my friend from Florida for hers. This is what bipartisan 
leadership looks like.
  Mr. Speaker, you know, the risk that we are working against today is 
not simply a missile striking innocent people halfway around the world. 
It would

[[Page 11735]]

be a nuclear IED striking people around the corner.
  Make no mistake about it. One of the risks that we confront is that a 
nuclear-weapon Iran that can make highly enriched uranium might well 
share that highly enriched uranium with a terrorist group, and the next 
SUV that is parked in Times Square might have a nuclear IED in it. Iran 
could very well be the source of such an attack. We must stop that, and 
this legislation today goes in that direction.
  To those who say that the Iranians don't fear sanctions, then why did 
they try to strike this deal with Brazil and Turkey on the eve of the 
U.N. sanctions?
  To people who say that energy sanctions won't work, then why have the 
Iranians tried to embark on a crash course to replace gasoline with 
natural gas?
  This is the right move at the right time. I thank my chairman for 
authoring it, and I urge a ``yes'' vote.
  Mr. BERMAN. Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to yield 55 seconds to a member 
of our committee who has been a great supporter of this legislation, 
the gentlewoman from Nevada (Ms. Berkley).
  Ms. BERKLEY. I wish I had time to praise the chairman. He has done 
just a remarkable job on this legislation.
  Mr. Speaker, I rise today in strong support of this legislation. 
Iran's nuclear program represents as much of a threat to the United 
States, to Europe, and to the Arab world as it does to Israel. It is 
absolutely essential that we stop this terrorist-supporting and -
financing, murderous, anti-Semitic, Holocaust-denying regime from 
reaching its ultimate goal. It seeks to destroy Israel and to dominate 
the entire Middle East--and to do that by acquiring nuclear weapons.
  What this bill does today is it says: Not on our watch. We will not 
be intimidated. We will not be fooled. We will not allow Iran to 
acquire nuclear weapons.
  If Iran acquires nuclear weapons, it will unleash a dangerous and 
unprecedented arms race throughout the Middle East the likes of which 
the world has never seen. Introducing nuclear weapons in the Middle 
East can only add to the destabilization of an already unstable part of 
the world. What a frightening thought.
  I urge support for this bill.
  Mr. BERMAN. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself the balance of my time.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. The gentleman is recognized for 35 seconds.
  Mr. BERMAN. Mr. Speaker, I want to thank all of my colleagues who 
played a pivotal role.
  Particularly, I would like to thank my conference co-chair, Senator 
Chris Dodd, and his staff Colin McGinnis and Neal Orringer; my ranking 
member, Ileana Ros-Lehtinen; both Mr. Hoyer and Mr. Cantor; all of the 
conferees; the staff director for the minority, Yleem Poblete--she 
drives a hard bargain--and the wonderful staff on our side, led by Rick 
Kessler, and particularly the efforts of Shanna Winters, Alan Makovsky, 
Daniel Silverberg, David Fite, Janice Kaguyutan, Ed Rice, and Robert 
Marcus.
  With that, I urge all of my colleagues to support the legislation.
  Mr. Speaker, I provide the following Joint Statement by myself and my 
co-chair Senator Dodd:

       The Chairs recognize the importance of the new authority 
     provided to the President to waive sanctions on certain 
     persons from countries closely cooperating with U.S. and 
     international efforts to constrain Iran's ability to develop 
     a nuclear weapon. The Chairs encourage the Administration to 
     use this new authority judiciously for those most deserving 
     of allies and other truly cooperating nations. We trust this 
     will be an important multilateral incentive in inducing 
     compliance with the recently passed Security Council 
     Resolution and with other regional and unilateral measures. 
     The closely cooperating waiver draws upon the existing 
     authority in Section 4(c) but extends the period of time 
     available for the waiver to 12 months. The chairs do not view 
     this authority to be a wholly preemptive waiver. In fact, we 
     expect a meaningful investigation, as warranted, into the 
     conduct of the alleged violator to be conducted prior to 
     exercising the waiver. While the joint explanatory statement 
     accompanying the Act indicates that a determination on 
     sanctionability must also be made prior to exercising the 
     4(c)(1)(B) waiver, there are differing and legitimate views 
     on whether such a determination is required. While divergent 
     from the views in the joint explanatory statement, we accept 
     that this may be a fair reading of the obligations under 
     Section 4(c)(1)(B). In the end, we encourage the 
     Administration to use all of the tools at its disposal in 
     this Act and under existing authorities to achieve the 
     overriding goal of constraining Iran's nuclear weapons 
     ambitions. But we will clearly need to monitor the 
     implementation of this waiver.

  Mr. VAN HOLLEN. Mr. Speaker, I stand in support of the Comprehensive 
Iran Sanctions Accountability and Divestment Act of 2010.
  As a cosponsor of the Iran Sanctions Act, I congratulate the 
conferees for building on the best features of that bill, and the 
Senate version, to produce bipartisan legislation that moves beyond our 
initial focus on restricting refined oil supplies and creates sweeping 
and strong new sanctions on banks doing business with Iran.
  If Iran continues with its illegal nuclear enrichment activities, it 
will threaten the stability of the Middle East, threaten the security 
of its neighbors, including Israel, and jeopardize the international 
counter-proliferation regime. This bill directs the President to take 
additional measures to stop those efforts.
  The measure codifies longstanding executive orders that limit the 
goods exempted under the American trade embargo against Iran and 
includes new provisions that hold U.S. and foreign banks accountable 
for their actions and for the actions of their subsidiaries.
  Some highlights of the bill include provisions that impose sanctions 
on foreign insurance, financing and shipping companies that sell energy 
related goods and services to Iran; new prohibitions on American banks 
doing business with any foreign bank that facilitates Iran's illicit 
nuclear program; three new sanctions that prohibit Iranian access to 
foreign exchange in the U.S.; new prohibitions on access to the U.S. 
banking system; and a prohibition on property transactions in the U.S. 
The bill even touches on the U.S. government procurement sector by 
requiring a certification from a company bidding on a U.S. government 
contract that it is not engaged in sanctionable conduct.
  These new sanctions compliment efforts by the European Union, the 
United Nations and the Obama Administration, to create a web of 
restrictions designed to cut Iran off from the international financial 
community if it does not abandon it illicit enrichment activities. The 
European Union passed a sanctions package that places restrictions on 
Iran's trade, banking and insurance sectors in addition to instituting 
new prohibitions on key sectors of Iran's gas and oil industry. The 
United Nations Security Council passed its fourth round of sanctions 
against military purchases, trade and financial transactions carried 
out by the Revolutionary Guard, which controls the nuclear program and 
has taken a more central role in running the country and the economy.
  The Obama Administration recently placed dozens of Iranian companies 
and senior Iranian officials on a U.S. financial industry blacklist, 
appointed as a special adviser on nonproliferation and arms control 
Robert Einhorn, a man the Chinese government calls ``the dentist'' for 
the way he extracts painful concessions during negotiations, and the 
administration is working with the Israeli government to ensure that 
Iranians who are key to Iran's nuclear program and who may want to 
leave Iran, are able to do so.
  Iran's refusal to heed repeated warnings about its illegal enrichment 
activities must be met with resolve. All options must remain on the 
table. When combined with the efforts of the Obama Administration and 
our allies, this bill helps ensure that the president has at his 
disposal a full range of tools to deal with Iran. I encourage my 
colleagues to join me in support of this bill.
  Ms. LEE of California. Mr. Speaker, I join my colleagues today in 
acknowledging the real and serious threat posed by a nuclear Iran to 
the United States, our allies in the Middle East, and the global 
nuclear nonproliferation regime that is vital to securing a safer and 
more prosperous world.
  I would also like to acknowledge the Obama Administration, which has 
rightly pursued and kept open a dual-track approach of concerted 
diplomatic engagement and pressure with Iran.
  The President's resolve proved successful in securing a coordinated 
and forceful international response, and I am pleased to see that this 
Conference agreement provides the Administration improved flexibility 
to ensure we do not undermine the very international partnerships that 
are necessary to prevent Iran from pursuing a nuclear weapons 
capability.
  As this package of unilateral U.S. sanctions moves forward for the 
President's signature, let us not lose sight of our ultimate goal--a

[[Page 11736]]

long-term diplomatic solution to bring Iran into compliance with 
international nonproliferation standards and commitments.
  Mr. Speaker, although I support this Conference agreement, I must 
reiterate my deeply held belief that sanctions should never be viewed 
as a checkmark on the path to war.
  I remain deeply concerned by counterproductive rhetoric with regard 
to Iran that echoes the drumbeat to war we heard in Iraq.
  The prospect of a military strike in Iran carries devastating and 
unacceptable consequences for United States foreign policy and security 
interests in the region that cannot be ignored.
  Further, I believe our words and resources are better served in 
support of the Iranian people, their resilient civil society and 
determination to seek the protection of basic human rights and 
meaningful democratic reform despite the intransigence of the ruling 
regime.
  We must closely scrutinize the implementation of these sanctions, 
which I believe could be better targeted, in order to avoid punishing 
the Iranian people at the expense of moderate voices and to the benefit 
of hardliner elements within Iran.
  With that in mind, I urge my colleagues to invest as much energy in 
support of a coordinated and cooperative diplomatic process in Iran as 
they have in finalizing these punitive measures aimed at bringing them 
to the table.
  It is this course of action that will be necessary to erase once and 
for all our fears of a nuclear-armed Iran and the destabilizing impact 
this might have in an already volatile region.
  Lastly, Mr. Speaker, as a passionate advocate throughout my career 
for the cause of nuclear non-proliferation, I hope we can also take 
this opportunity to recognize and act upon our own commitments as a 
nuclear power to take meaningful steps toward nuclear disarmament and 
the realization of world free from the threat of nuclear weapons.
  Mr. HOLT. Mr. Speaker, I rise today in support of the Comprehensive 
Iran Sanctions, Accountability, and Divestment Act. The United States 
does not deny Iran's lawful right to peacefully explore technologies 
for nuclear power, but the Iranian regime has provided just cause for 
skepticism about the peaceful nature of its nuclear ambitions. There is 
an international consensus that Iran should not attain nuclear weapons 
capability--a circumstance that unquestionably would accelerate a 
nuclear arms race in the Middle East, threatening both regional 
stability and the security of the United States.
  For over a year and a half, the United States and the international 
community have worked diligently to achieve a diplomatic resolution to 
the Iranian regime's reckless pursuit of nuclear weapons. Yet the 
Iranian leadership remains defiant and shows no signs of substantive 
cooperation. Their actions have left us little choice but to pursue 
additional measures to persuade the regime that it must live up to its 
obligations to the international community by suspending its uranium 
enrichment program and verifiably ending any pursuit of nuclear 
weapons.
  Recently, the United Nations imposed new sanctions on the Government 
of Iran. The United States joined the European Union and others in 
taking immediate steps to implement these measures in a way that is 
consistent with existing law. Now Congress will provide the 
Administration with new tools that will allow the United States to 
augment these multilateral efforts.
  This legislation will broaden the list of sanctionable activities and 
provide new mechanisms for the U.S. to sanction responsible entities. 
Any banks, companies, or other institutions that support Iran's refined 
petroleum sector or engage in transactions with Islamic Revolutionary 
Guard Corps (IRGC) or other blacklisted Iranian institutions will face 
stiff penalties and be prevented from doing business in the United 
States. State and local governments will have clear authorization to 
divest from entities that engage in business with Iran, and private 
asset managers will be able to undertake similar divestment without 
fear of breaching their fiduciary responsibilities. The Director of 
National Intelligence will be required to prepare a list of governments 
that allow re-export, trans-shipment, transfer, re-transfer, or 
diversion to Iran of goods or services that could be used for terrorism 
or the production of weapons of mass destruction. The U.S. will work 
with these governments to strengthen their export control systems, and 
the President will be required to impose new restrictions on those that 
fail to improve their actions.
  While I believe it is necessary for the U.S. to enact these tough new 
measures as quickly as possible, it is important to remember that by 
themselves, they will not be effective. Sanctions are blunt 
instruments. They rarely change the behavior of intransigent regimes, 
but they often harm innocent citizens. I am pleased that this 
legislation was crafted carefully to target the IRGC and the leadership 
of Iran, rather than the Iranian people.
  The United States continues to stand with those in Iran who oppose 
human rights abuses and fight for a government that is truly 
representative of the peoples' will. That is why this legislation 
explicitly exempts software and services for personal communication and 
internet access from the general prohibition against exports to Iran. 
In addition, Iranians who perpetrated or were complicit in human rights 
abuses against other Iranians on or after June 12, 2009 will be subject 
to strict new visa, property, and financial sanctions.
  It is equally important to note that this legislation makes clear 
that the United States stands ready to lift the new sanctions and 
engage Iran in a productive dialogue if the regime stops threatening 
its neighbors and verifiably abandons its pursuit of weapons of mass 
destruction. Until that day comes, the United States will continue to 
take action to convince the Iranian leadership that this is the only 
viable choice. Achieving that goal is the central purpose of this 
legislation.
  Ms. JENKINS. Mr. Speaker, there is no doubt Iran is working right now 
to acquire nuclear weapons. We must stop them.
  The underlying bill if passed and strongly enforced by our President 
would impose smart crippling sanctions on Iran's nuclear program and 
would make it drastically more difficult for Iran to continue its 
illegal nuclear dealings.
  Make no mistake Iran's development of nuclear weapons threatens not 
only our friend Israel and the Middle East it threatens the entire 
world.
  I urge my colleagues to support the underlying bill to impose 
sanctions and to stand for the safety and security of freedom loving 
nations around the world.
  Mr. BACA. Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent to address the House 
for one minute.
  I rise to support the passage of the Comprehensive Iran Sanctions, 
Accountability and Divestment Act.
  Since 1995, many U.S. regulations have been enacted to pressure Iran 
to restrict its nuclear fantasies. Previous to this Act none of those 
regulations had sufficient bite nor adherence.
  The Government of the Islamic Republic of Iran, if allowed on its 
present course, could be in the possession of a nuclear weapon in less 
than a year. Severe restrictions must be imposed on foreign financial 
institutions who enable this regime to pursue its nuclear aspirations.
  Nuclear terrorism is one of the greatest threats to American 
security. Keeping the bomb from Iran is absolutely critical to 
international peace and stability.
  Iran has repeatedly snubbed their nose at International Atomic Energy 
inspectors. The government's serial deception in declaring their 
nuclear intentions has gone unchecked for too long. We cannot allow 
Iranian leaders to gain more time.
  In addition to strengthening and expanding the trade embargo this 
comprehensive, results-oriented legislation provides for strict 
economic consequences to those who assist in Iran's human rights 
violations against its own people. It penalizes those who suppress 
freedom of religion and speech in Iran and the entities that aid them.
  This legislation would be in effect until the day our President 
certifies to Congress that Iran is no longer a designated state-sponsor 
of terrorism, has ceased gross violations of the Nuclear Non-
Proliferation Treaty, and given up its unrelenting pursuit of ballistic 
missile, biological and chemical weapon capability.
  Mr. Speaker, I urge my colleagues to join me in unwavering support of 
the Comprehensive Iran Sanctions, Accountability, and Divestment Act of 
2010.
  Ms. SCHWARTZ. Mr. Speaker, I rise in strong support of the Iran 
Sanctions Act. This legislation makes clear to the Government of Iran 
that we will not tolerate their continued illicit pursuit of nuclear 
weapons or their support for terrorism. Supported by the ongoing 
multilateral efforts of the United Nations Security Council and the 
European Union, these tough sanctions are intended to put greater 
pressure on Iran to change their behavior.
  President Obama will now have a range of new options to deal with the 
threats posed by Iran. Expanding upon previous sanctions, this 
legislation imposes a wide array of tough new economic, energy and 
financial sanctions. These sanctions target businesses involved in 
refined petroleum sales and those that support Iran's domestic refining 
efforts, as well as international banking institutions involved with 
the Iranian Revolutionary Guard, nuclear program or support terrorism.
  Preventing Iran from obtaining nuclear weapons is one of our 
paramount national security priorities. Nor can we allow their flagrant

[[Page 11737]]

support of international terrorism continue unabated. Strong sanctions 
and enforcement of those sanctions make it clear that Iran must change 
its conduct now.
  Mrs. MALONEY. Mr. Speaker, I rise to express my strong support for 
H.R. 2194, a powerful package of sanctions against Iran. These new 
measures increase pressure on Iran to do the right thing and put an end 
to its sponsorship of terrorism and its efforts to acquire nuclear 
weapons. I am pleased that the United States has worked with the United 
Nations to secure multilateral sanctions, but the United States should 
also be increasing pressure on Iran by implementing the sensible, 
targeted sanctions contained in this bill.
  This conference report contains a package of sanctions that ups the 
ante on Iran's trading partners, making it clear that doing business 
with Iran has a price. It targets Iran's energy and banking sectors, 
and imposes sanctions on foreign companies that are supplying energy 
and know-how to Iran. It allows the government to restrict access to 
America for the purposes of banking, foreign exchange and property 
investment. It requires companies seeking procurement contracts to 
certify that they are not engaging in sanctionable conduct. The 
executive branch will have to report sanctionable activity and must 
either implement sanctions or waive them. Our sanctions will no longer 
be tough on paper and weak in implementation. Iran can secure an end to 
them at any time by ending its sponsorship of terrorism and by ending 
its quest to develop or acquire nuclear, biological, and chemical 
weapons and ballistic missiles and ballistic-missile launch technology.
  Iran has shown, time and time again, that it is determined to acquire 
nuclear weapons. Earlier this week, Reuters reported that Iran has 
enriched 17 kilograms of uranium to 20 percent purity, and that this is 
a significant step toward the 90 percent enrichment required for 
weapons-grade uranium. In April, Iran unveiled a third generation of 
centrifuges and has indicated that the testing phase is nearly complete 
and that its scientists are working on a fourth generation. It is clear 
that Iran is racing toward its goal of becoming a nuclear nation.
  Iran has also been one of the chief state sponsors of terrorism, 
sending funding, weapons and know-how to terrorist organizations like 
Hamas and Hezbollah. These organizations specifically target civilian 
populations and have no compunctions against lobbing missiles at homes, 
schools, hospitals and nursing homes. There are reports that Iran has 
backed militants in Somalia, Iraq, Afghanistan and elsewhere. Iran's 
leaders have also targeted their own people, viciously putting down the 
fledgling democratic movement last year and working to restrict 
communication among its own people. I am pleased that these sanctions 
specifically ban procurement contracts to any foreign company that 
exports to Iran technology used to restrict the free flow of 
information or to disrupt, monitor, or otherwise restrict freedom of 
speech. We must do everything we can to persuade Iran to change its 
reckless course.
  A nuclear Iran will be dangerous for the entire world. Iran has been 
most outspoken in its threats against Israel, but Israel is not the 
only Middle Eastern nation with reason to fear a nuclear Iran. There is 
longstanding tension between Shi'ite Iran and its Sunni neighbors. Some 
argue--because Iran's President has threatened to wipe Israel off the 
map and Iran has provided weapons and resources to terrorist 
organizations that are actively trying to accomplish that aim--that 
America is acting solely to help Israel. And indeed, when Iran 
threatens to annihilate Israel, I think we should take it at its word, 
and should assume that it intends to use its nuclear weapons to turn 
its threat into a reality. But, these sanctions are also necessary 
because a nuclear Iran threatens all of its neighbors and it has been 
exporting terrorism to a wide range of nations around the globe.
  I urge my colleagues to join me in supporting the conference report 
for H.R. 2194, and in voting to increase pressure on Iran to turn from 
this dangerous path. These sanctions are a reasonable and necessary 
augmentation of existing restrictions and an additional means to put 
pressure on a state that seems intent on exporting terror and death 
throughout the world.
  Mr. KUCINICH. Mr. Speaker, I rise in strong opposition to the 
conference report on H.R. 2194, the Comprehensive Iran Sanctions, 
Accountability, and Divestment Act of 2010. Despite the inclusion of 
provisions in this legislation that would improve internet access and 
target violators of human rights, the bill will inflict severe economic 
hardship on the Iranian people and have no impact on the Iranian 
government. I oppose nuclear proliferation for military purposes for 
all countries and believe that sanctions have proven to be a failed 
policy.
  The stated purpose of this legislation is to persuade the Iranian 
government to halt their nuclear program. Broad sanctions can only 
serve to further isolate Iran from the international community and 
cause them to be increasingly secretive. The sanctions play directly 
into the hands of the Iranian government and directly undermine the 
efforts of the Iranian people who have courageously challenged their 
government--often at the cost of their lives.
  The United States was unable to come to a resolution with Iran over 
its nuclear program, partly due to the fact that during negotiations, 
Iran was threatened with sanctions regardless of negotiations. At the 
core of the failure of negotiations was mistrust. Turkey and Brazil 
accomplished something the United States was unable to do in their 
diplomatic negotiations with Iran over a nuclear fuel swap--broker a 
deal based on trust. Unfortunately, the Administration missed the 
opportunity to capitalize on this significant breakthrough in 
negotiations.
  It is my hope that it will not take the impending suffering of the 
Iranian people at the hands of U.S.-imposed sanctions to wake us up to 
the need to significantly change our diplomatic engagement with Iran.
  Mrs. LOWEY. Mr. Speaker, I rise in strong support of H.R. 2194, the 
Iran Sanctions, Accountability, and Divestment Act.
  Under its current leadership, Iran is a threat--to the United States, 
to its neighbors, and to global stability. Stopping the Iranian regime 
from acquiring nuclear weapons is a top priority of this Administration 
and Congress.
  Building on the momentum of the recent adoption of UN Security 
Council Resolution 1929, this bill will impose punitive sanctions to 
immediately squeeze the Iranian regime in an effort to force change in 
their reckless behavior.
  With the passage of H.R. 2194, we send a clear message backed by 
tough sanctions: investing in Iran's energy sector, conducting business 
with Iran's Revolutionary Guard Corps, or facilitating investments that 
support Iran's illicit nuclear program have severe consequences.
  Penalties and travel restrictions on Iran's human rights abusers and 
new sanctions in the banking and financial sector will further isolate 
the Iranian government, increasing the cost to Iran's leaders for their 
nuclear ambitions.
  I thank the gentleman from California for his efforts, and I urge my 
colleagues to vote in support of this bill.
  Mr. NADLER of New York. Mr. Speaker, I rise in strong support of the 
conference report on H.R. 2194, the Comprehensive Iran Sanctions, 
Accountability, and Divestment Act of 2010.
  There is perhaps no greater threat to the peace and security of the 
world today than Iran. It supports terrorism and funds terrorist 
groups. And, it is bent on increasing its power and influence in the 
strategically important region of the Middle East.
  In particular, Iran presents an existential threat to Israel, one of 
our closest allies. Its leader, President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, is a 
holocaust denier who has threatened to wipe Israel off of the map.
  As such, the consequences of Iran developing or otherwise obtaining 
nuclear weapons would be dire. It instantly would further destabilize 
the Middle East and potentially lead to a nuclear arms race there.
  Moreover, unlike with other countries where nuclear deterrence has 
worked, it may not with Iran. Its leaders have proven themselves to 
hold views that are extreme, irrational, and fundamentalist, and who 
knows for what crazy reasons they would hold the world hostage and risk 
their own annihilation. These leaders also could share nuclear 
materials or weapons with terrorists bent on killing innocent people 
here and around the world, like Al Qaeda. We cannot let Iran have that 
power.
  This threat from Iran has been building for years, but, 
unfortunately, during the previous Administration, very little was done 
about it. While the rhetoric of former President George W. Bush was 
tough on Iran, the reality was much different. For 8 years, they 
dithered while Iran built its nuclear capacity.
  President Obama recognized the danger from Iran and immediately 
adopted a sensible policy of big sticks and big carrots. We began by 
engaging with the Iranian regime, a necessary part of any sensible 
strategy. Not only are discussions a worthy first step, they are 
necessary if for no other reason than to explain to your adversary the 
severe consequences of their continuing to be a threat to peace. We 
also need to start with negotiations to show that we tried and thus lay 
the foundation for strong efforts down the road, should they be needed. 
Unfortunately, Iran rejected these diplomatic overtures and continues 
to loudly defy the international community.

[[Page 11738]]

  Therefore, we must ratchet up our economic pressure. That is exactly 
what we are doing. Thanks to the leadership of President Obama and 
Secretary of State Hillary Clinton, the United States was able to 
convince other nations to adopt new sanctions on Iran. These sanctions, 
adopted by the United Nations Security Council, will further isolate 
Iran from the world economy and, as they are multilateral, represent 
the optimum mechanism for economic pressure.
  Of course, we also can bring the economic might of the United States 
to bear, and that is what we are doing today with H.R. 2194. This 
conference report contains a vast array of provisions which will put a 
significant squeeze on Iran. For example, it imposes sanctions on 
companies that sell refined petroleum products to Iran, targeting a key 
weakness of the Iranian regime. It punishes foreign banks that support 
Iran's Revolutionary Guard Corps, cutting off its funding. It 
authorizes state and local governments to divest investments from firms 
supporting Iran's energy sector and better enables other investment 
managers from similarly divesting funds.
  Implementing these and the other sanctions in the conference report 
on H.R. 2194 is a critical next step in stopping Iran from becoming a 
nuclear power. While military options always remain on the table, we do 
not want to reach a situation where the choice is between having to 
engage militarily and allowing Iran to have nuclear weapons. Either of 
those two options is racked with problems, and so we must do all we can 
to see that it does not come to that.
  I want to thank Foreign Affairs Committee Chairman Howard Berman and 
all other Members who worked so hard on putting this legislation 
together. Like Chairman Berman and others in Congress, I have 
endeavored to make sure that the threat from Iran is recognized and 
dealt with. Those of us who care deeply about this issue know that for 
the safety of Israel, the United States, and the entire world, we must 
act and we must act now.
  I encourage all Members to support this conference report.
  Mr. ACKERMAN. Mr. Speaker, I rise in strong support for the bill and 
I offer my congratulations to the Chairman of the Foreign Affairs 
Committee, and to all my fellow conferees on what is a remarkable piece 
of legislation.
  This bill has teeth, real teeth, great big nasty sharp teeth that are 
finally going to force businesses and banks around the world to choose 
between access to the American economy and financial system, or 
business as usual with Iran's theocratic dictatorship.
  This bill has real sanctions; not maybe sanctions, not sort-a 
sanctions, real sanctions. This bill has real sanctions investigation 
requirements; not maybe we'll look into it, not we'll try to get to it 
when we can, but a clear legal requirement to investigate potential 
violations. This bill creates legal safe harbor for the potential 
divestment of billions of dollars of equity from companies that 
continue to do business in Iran, the world-capital of state-sponsored 
terrorism. This bill has real sanctions on Iran's energy sector and all 
the things that keep it alive and allow it to operate. This bill will 
force new requirements on U.S. banks to keep Iran's blood-tainted money 
from being laundered by the international financial system.
  This bill imposes sanctions on those in Iran responsible for human 
rights violations and those companies that facilitate Iranian state 
repression. America will not merely bear witness to the brave struggle 
of the people of Iran to be free; we choose to stand with the Iranian 
people against the jackboot of the ayatollah's tyranny.
  This bill will force action to close loopholes abroad that have 
allowed Iran to import, smuggle and altogether befuddle international 
efforts to keep dangerous technologies out of their malicious hands. 
With this bill there will be no more blind eyes for allies; no more 
sleeping at the export control switch.
  In short, this is a bill that forces the question: will the world 
watch passively as Iran crosses the nuclear arms threshold, or will we 
join together to squeeze, wrangle, coerce, and compel Iran to pull back 
from the nuclear brink?
  Iran's nuclear program is the greatest threat to peace and security 
in the Middle East and throughout the world. We know it. Our allies in 
Europe know it. Russia and China know it. All the Arab states know it. 
Successful nuclear proliferation by Iran would likely mean the collapse 
of the nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty, the onset of a mad rush for 
nuclear arms in the Middle East and a vastly increased possibility of 
the unimaginable horror of nuclear arms being used.
  This bill is also a triumph for the Leadership of this Congress and 
for the Obama Administration. For the entirety of their eight years, 
the previous Administration talked tough while the Iranian nuclear 
program went from crawling to walking; from walking to running; and 
from running to sprinting towards a nuclear bomb. The rhetoric was 
always very fierce, the results were always very flaccid. The previous 
Republican-controlled Congresses, though no less aware of the looming 
danger following the revelation of Iran's uranium enrichment program in 
2002, also said all the right things, but somehow--somehow--never got 
around to passing this bill or one like it.
  Look at who's in charge today. Look at who is going to get this bill 
done with broad bipartisan support. Look at who just put Iran's energy 
sector under the gun. Look at who just closed the investigations 
loophole and the diversion loophole. Look at who just imposed 
unprecedented energy, banking, and finance sector sanctions. Look at 
who just imposed human rights sanctions on Iran's regime of thugs.
  Look also at who just got Russia and China to join with the 
international community in passing the toughest ever UN Security 
Council sanctions on Iran; sanctions that authorize the inspection of 
Iranian ships; that impose major new restrictions on Iranian banking, 
finance, shipping, and arms transactions; and that designates the 
Iranian Revolutionary Guard Corps and key Iranian firms and figures 
associated with proliferation for additional penalties. Two years ago 
if someone had suggested the Security Council would have adopted these 
positions, they would have been taken away in a straitjacket. Today 
it's reality.
  The cowboy rhetoric and the contempt for diplomacy are gone. But the 
results, which are what actually matters, are compelling. Just as we in 
Congress have come together to pass this historic legislation, the 
Obama Administration has rallied the world to stand against Iran's 
nuclear ambitions. Results matter.
  We can not guarantee the success of these measures. Ultimately, the 
choice lies with the regime in Tehran to decide what price they're 
prepared to pay to sustain their illicit nuclear activities. But it 
should be clear that we are doing all that we can to impose on Iran the 
highest possible costs for its defiance and that we are demonstrating, 
by our actions and by our efforts, the depth of our commitment to 
peacefully ending Iran's illegal nuclear activities.
  We are trying diplomacy. We are trying unilateral sanctions. We are 
trying multilateral sanctions. We are trying our utmost to avoid making 
conflict inevitable. But there should be no question about the absolute 
determination of the United States to prevent Iran from acquiring the 
capability to produce nuclear weapons.
  Iran can not and must not be allowed to cross the threshold of 
nuclear arms. They can stop their program, or it can be stopped by 
others. And it would be far, far better if they stopped their nuclear 
program themselves. The United States and the other P5+1 nations have 
all made clear the benefits Iran would gain if it made this choice. The 
United Nations and the Congress today are showing Iran the rising costs 
and growing isolation it will endure if its behavior doesn't change.
  Iran's illicit nuclear activities and programs must stop. Above all 
other considerations, above all other costs, without any doubt or 
uncertainty, Iran's nuclear arms program must be stopped. It must be 
stopped.
  Mr. CAMP. Mr. Speaker, I rise in strong support of this conference 
agreement.
  I am deeply concerned that Iran continues to pursue nuclear 
capabilities in defiance of the international community. Such actions 
pose a profound threat to our national security interests.
  I have repeatedly supported efforts to give U.S. Presidents the tools 
and capabilities needed to prevent Iran from acquiring nuclear weapons 
and engaging in terrorism, and I continue to do so today through this 
conference agreement.
  In pursuing the critical goal of preventing Iran's nuclear 
proliferation, I am pleased that the conference agreement expands the 
sanctions available to the President to include refined petroleum 
resources. In addition, the severe financial restrictions imposed under 
this agreement will prevent banks from doing business with blacklisted 
Iranian entities.
  However, while domestic sanctions are critical, it is also important 
that our allies participate in an international coalition so that 
combating Iran's nuclear proliferation is a powerful multilateral 
effort. This conference agreement encourages this vital endeavor.
  The original House bill, like other Iran sanctions bills that have 
preceded it in this chamber, was referred to the Ways & Means 
Committee. I am pleased that as a conferee, I have been able to work 
with my colleagues on the Foreign Affairs Committee to address the 
issues in our jurisdiction in a way that maintains the strength of the 
bill. This has been a

[[Page 11739]]

bipartisan and productive effort resulting in a robust agreement that 
takes powerful action against Iran, gives the Administration the best 
chance at continuing to cultivate and maintain international 
multilateral pressure, and is consistent with our trade obligations.
  I thank Chairman Levin for his valuable efforts, as well as Chairman 
Berman and Ranking Member Ros-Lehtinen, in achieving this exemplary 
outcome and urge my colleagues to support this conference agreement.
  Mrs. MILLER of Michigan. Mr. Speaker, I rise today in strong support 
of this legislation because nuclear weapons in the hands of the Iranian 
regime is simply unacceptable.
  Iran is a state sponsor of terror.
  Iranian leaders have continually denied the Holocaust while 
expressing the desire to commit a second Holocaust through the 
destruction of Israel, our most important ally in the Middle East.
  To that we must say ``Never Again.''
  The chant of ``Death to America'' is seemingly the official slogan of 
this Iranian regime.
  Those who would seek to profit by helping the Iranian regime to 
develop nuclear weapons or to suppress the people of Iran will no 
longer be able to do business with the United States or have access to 
our nation's financial system.
  These sanctions are real and they have teeth.
  We must send a clear and decisive message to the Iran and the world 
community that America is serious in our effort to deny Iran nuclear 
weapons.
  To accomplish that we must pass these sanctions.
  Mr. GALLEGLY. Mr. Speaker, I support targeted sanctions against the 
government of Iran in an effort to stop the Iranian regime's pursuit of 
nuclear weapons. For this reason, I voted in favor of the Conference 
Report on the Comprehensive Iran Sanctions, Accountability, and 
Divestment Act on the floor of the House today. The effectiveness of 
this legislation will now depend on whether the sanctions are 
forcefully implemented by the Obama Administration. I urge the 
President to work closely with our allies and use all the tools 
provided by the Act to prevent Iran from acquiring a nuclear 
capability.
  Ms. SCHAKOWSKY. Mr. Speaker, I rise today in support of the 
conference report on H.R. 2194, the Comprehensive Iran Sanctions, 
Accountability, and Divestment Act.
  I would like to thank Chairman Berman for introducing this 
legislation, of which I am a cosponsor, and for his tireless work in 
support of halting Iranian aggression.
  Iran's nuclear ambitions not only pose a critical threat to the 
security of our close ally, Israel, but they also threaten the 
stability of the entire Middle East region and the world. As we saw 
clearly last summer, the Iranian regime suppresses democracy and 
violates human rights at home, and they continue to sponsor terrorist 
organizations abroad. The bottom line is this: Iran must not be allowed 
to develop nuclear weapons.
  This legislation builds on recent multilateral sanctions negotiated 
by President Obama. After strong leadership by the Obama 
Administration, the U.N. Security Council recently passed 
internationally-binding sanctions against Iran's banking, finance, 
shipping, and energy sectors, as well as against Iran's Islamic 
Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC). The bill we are considering today 
will augment and strengthen those ongoing multilateral efforts.
  This bill expands the current U.S. sanctions regime to target 
entities involved in selling refined petroleum to Iran or in aiding 
Iran's domestic refining efforts, as well financial institutions doing 
business with blacklisted Iranian entities. It provides a legal 
framework under which state and local governments can divest their 
portfolios of foreign companies involved in Iran's energy sector.
  Mr. Speaker, time is not on our side, and Iran continues to progress 
toward nuclear weapons capabilities. This legislation contains the most 
comprehensive package of Iran sanctions ever considered by Congress, 
and it will give us a full range of economic tools to immediately apply 
strong pressure on the Iranian regime to abandon the pursuit of nuclear 
weapons.
  This legislation sends a clear message to Tehran that the regime's 
nuclear program, human rights record, and support for terrorists are 
unacceptable. I strongly urge my colleagues to join me in support of 
this important legislation.
  Mrs. McMORRIS RODGERS. Mr. Speaker, I rise today in strong support 
for H.R. 2194, the Comprehensive Iran Sanctions Accountability and 
Divestment Act and the stand it takes against the world's leading 
sponsor of terrorism.
  Empowered by the past unwillingness of the international community to 
enforce existing sanctions, Iran continues to destabilize the region 
and the rest of the world in its pursuit of nuclear weapons.
  Intelligence reveals that Iran has the capability to build two 
nuclear weapons.
  As a result, our friends, our allies, and the rest of the world are 
threatened.
  The conference report that we are considering today will cripple 
Iran's pursuit--targeting the external support that has enabled it to 
grow--cutting off relationships in the global banking system that 
provide financial support and those entities that fill Iran's energy 
needs, including refined oil.
  There is no doubt that Iran has worked each and every day to 
jeopardize the international community's efforts to secure peace and 
security. However, today, we send the message that we will not tolerate 
these efforts anymore.
  I urge my colleagues to support this conference report.
  Ms. ESHOO. Mr. Speaker, I rise in support of H.R. 2194, the Iran 
Sanctions, Accountability, and Divestment Act. This bill will impose an 
array of tough new economic penalties aimed at persuading Iran to 
change its conduct. This act would levy sanctions against business 
entities involved in refined petroleum sales to Iran and Iran's 
domestic refining efforts.
  It would also impose sanctions against international banking 
institutions involved with Iran's Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps 
(IRGC), which has a destabilizing effect throughout the region. Most 
importantly, it would punish against entities involved in Iran's 
illicit nuclear program or its support for terrorism.
  This conference agreement is an improvement over the version I 
supported last December by supplementing energy sanctions with an 
additional, powerful set of banking prohibitions.
  This legislation complements sanctions imposed by the UN Security 
Council earlier this month. The UN Resolution demanded that Iran 
suspend all uranium enrichment activity, and requires Iran to fully 
cooperate with the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) and 
provide inspectors access without delay to all sites, people and 
documents that they request. It also strengthens an arms embargo and 
imposes new sanctions on banks and Revolutionary Guard activities. Just 
this week, Iran has indicated its refusal to abide by the UN sanctions 
by refusing to give access to IAEA inspectors.
  I am deeply concerned about the Iranian regime's lack of transparency 
about its nuclear program and intentions. While sources disagree about 
the length of time it might take Iran to develop a nuclear weapon, the 
destabilizing effects that action would cause are unacceptable.
  As we consider ways to hold the Iranian regime accountable, we must 
be wary that poorly-crafted sanctions can harm the often-powerless 
Iranian people. We must punish their leaders, not the people in Iran, 
many of whom want democracy. I believe that this legislation strikes 
the appropriate balance. I urge my colleagues to support the 
legislation.
  Mr. WAXMAN. Mr. Speaker. The world cannot tolerate a nuclear Iran.
  With the punishing sanctions package before us today we take a major 
step to avoid that scenario by changing the calculus of Iran's leaders 
and those whose dealings with Iran contribute to its reckless policies. 
Most importantly, we do not stand alone in our efforts. Because of the 
initiative and leadership of President Obama, these sanctions will be 
applied within a much broader framework of multilateral sanctions 
approved by the United Nations Security Council and complementary 
sanctions efforts in Europe and Russia.
  Although the goal may be straightforward, the Iran strategy at hand 
is a complex array of diplomatic, financial and political pressures. 
The fact that we have arrived at a point where nations of the world are 
uniting to exact a price for Iran's illegal nuclear activities and its 
defiance of the international community should not be taken for 
granted. It was not inevitable. Rather, it is the direct result of 
dogged and unflagging diplomacy by this Administration to convince our 
allies and partners why and how Iran must be stopped.
  The results so far are promising. Already the European Union has 
initiated plans to implement and augment the U.N. sanctions and the 
UAE--one of Iran's biggest trading partners--has announced its intent 
to strictly enforce the U.N. sanctions. In addition, Russia has said 
that it will not deliver advanced S-300 surface-air-missile systems to 
Tehran, a development that would have significantly elevated the risks 
for any military action against Iran.
  Today, we have before us the most comprehensive set of sanctions of 
all.

[[Page 11740]]

  Among its key features, H.R. 2194 will impose severe restrictions on 
financial institutions doing business with Iranian banks controlled by 
Iran's Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC). Although U.S. banks 
have long been walled off from the Iranian banking system, banks in 
Europe and elsewhere in the world that continue business as usual with 
Iran will now be swiftly and entirely cut off from access to capital in 
the United States. It presents a stark choice that stands to have a 
significantly chilling effect even before the sanctions are fully 
implemented.
  The bill will also dramatically expand the depth and scope of 
sanctions targeting Iran's petroleum sector by placing sanctions on any 
insurance, financing and shipping companies involved in exporting 
refined petroleum to Iran or developing its domestic refining capacity.
  In addition, the bill will facilitate divestment from companies that 
do business in Iran by expressing support for state and local 
governments that choose to divest public assets and by ensuring that 
divestment efforts by private asset managers are not considered a 
breach of fiduciary duty.
  Finally, this bill prioritizes human rights in Iran by hindering the 
sale of Internet filtration and censorship technology to Iran and 
blocking companies engaging in such traffic from access to U.S. 
government procurement contracts. While I regret that the Iranian 
people, already victims of tyranny, could face economic repercussions 
as the result of these sanctions, I firmly believe that weakening the 
IRGC is essential to overcome the regime's oppression.
  I recognize that the window of opportunity could be limited. Iran now 
has partially enriched enough uranium to develop two nuclear warheads 
and its pursuit of nuclear weapons technology continues in earnest. But 
I urge my colleagues to vote yes and take serious action to pressure 
Iran to change course. And, once this bill is enacted, let us continue 
working with the President to make sure that these efforts proceed.
  It is possible for a strong and coordinated sanctions regime to 
convince Iran to take the clear path that has been offered to end its 
status as a pariah state. At the very least, it is our best hope to 
bring about a successful diplomatic resolution of this crisis and avert 
the need for military action.
  Ms. MOORE of Wisconsin. Mr. Speaker, I rise in support of the 
conference report accompanying H.R. 2194 but not without some 
reservations which I want to talk about.
  As you all know, when this bill first came before the House, I voted 
against it. I was concerned that provisions in the bill: (1) limited or 
did not provide the President the ability to waive sanctions to advance 
important national security goals through diplomacy, (2) impacted 
disproportionately the general population of Iran who had just 
courageously stood up to the regime after last year's fraudulent 
elections, (3) and imposed unilateral measures when almost everyone 
agrees that if you are to use sanctions, multilateral ones have the 
best chance of achieving their purpose.
  At that time, I said that it was my hope that as this legislation 
moved forward in the legislative process, further changes would be made 
to strengthen this bill in a way that would truly enhance, and not 
hobble, strong diplomatic efforts to diplomatically engage Iran as well 
as to enact multilateral sanctions.
  Today, we have before us a conference report that is better than the 
bill that came before the House in December. This conference report 
makes a number of changes to provide flexibility to ensure that the 
President can continue to engage in international diplomacy, adding 
elements that were missing from the version that passed the House. It 
would also include targeted sanctions--including the denial of U.S. 
visas and asset freezes--that isolate those in the Iranian government 
or who acted on behalf of that government, based on credible evidence, 
to order or direct the serious human rights abuses that occurred 
against Iranian protesters after the June 2009 elections. Such a 
provision achieves our policy goals without also broadly impacting and 
punishing the Iranian protestors who were the victims (and continue to 
be the targets) of that brutality.
  I would also state and local governments to divest their investments 
in companies doing business with Iran, if that is a course they choose 
to pursue. This authority is similar to that granted by Congress only a 
few years ago allowing a similar divestments regarding investments in 
Sudan.
  These changes are certainly improvements to the bill that passed the 
House over my opposition in December. As I have said before, the 
President's flexibility to conduct foreign relations and diplomatic 
efforts to achieve a strong international consensus against Iran is not 
a loophole that needs to be closed but a vital tool that needs to be 
supported. Diplomacy without flexibility is not diplomacy.
  Additionally, even as I vote to support improvements that I think 
will be useful to the Administration as it pursues an engagement 
strategy with Iran working in close partnership with our allies in the 
international community, I want to make clear that I am not interested 
in causing more suffering to the Iranian people. I am not foolish 
enough to think that we can impose ``crippling U.S. sanctions'' that 
``go far beyond recently-enacted UN sanctions,'' according to the 
authors of this legislation, without causing suffering to the Iranian 
people. While the conference report before us states that the people of 
the U.S. ``have feelings of friendship for the people of Iran,'' 
unfortunately even with the most expansive waiver authority, they will 
still bear the brunt--rather than the reckless Iranian regime--of these 
policies.
  If we must do sanctions, they ought to be clearly targeted at the 
Government of Iran and individuals within that government rather than 
the Iranian society as a whole, in order to avoid creating hardship and 
inflicting harm on the Iranian people. That would send an even more 
unmistakable message to the people of Iran about our intentions. While 
not perfect, there appears to have been good faith efforts made in the 
conference on this bill to do that.
  I also hope very much that no one in the international community 
takes passage of this legislation today as a sign that diplomacy is off 
the table or that our only other option going forward to address very 
serious concerns with Iran's nuclear activities is a military strike.
  I join many who have expressed concerns that although sanctions when 
appropriately targeted can be an important tool for pressuring Iran, 
they are not a full policy and certainly not an end in themselves. We 
need to invest in these diplomatic efforts vigorously now and continue 
to work with our international allies and others interested in peace 
and stability in the region. The aim of those efforts aren't new 
sanctions, they are to achieve a verifiable end to Iran nuclear 
enrichment activities, get it to comply with its NPT and IAEA 
obligations, and prevent a volatile region from becoming even more 
combustible.
  The State Department's Under Secretary for Political Affairs, William 
Burns, made this point in testimony this week before the Senate Foreign 
Relations Committee when he stated, ``Let me emphasize that sanctions 
are not an end in themselves. Our foremost objective--one that is 
shared by our international partners and our allies in the region--is a 
durable diplomatic solution to the world's concerns about the Iranian 
nuclear program and the broader issues at stake with Iran.''
  Treasury Secretary Geithner stated last week, ``to be truly effective 
in ending Iran's proliferation activities and Iran's support for 
terrorism, we need to have in place a concerted, international 
approach. This is not something the United States can do alone. We need 
other countries to move with us.''
  Sanctions--even the most effective ones--cannot and should not 
substitute nor supplant strong diplomacy. Sanctions should not signify 
an end to diplomacy or alternatively be seen as the last step before a 
military strike, which almost everyone agrees does not serve U.S. 
interests or that of the international community.
  Eight months ago, there was high degree of skepticism that the U.S. 
could push through a new U.N sanction regime particularly given known 
reluctance, if not outright opposition, from Russia and China to such a 
move. Yet two weeks ago, the United Nations Security Council adopted 
Resolution 1929 committing the international community to implement 
``the most comprehensive sanctions'' that the Iranian Government has 
ever faced according to the Obama Administration.
  Diplomacy and engagement laid the ground work for such an effort but 
that doesn't mean it must stop now. United Nation's Security Council 
Resolution 1929 also emphasized ``the importance of political and 
diplomatic efforts to find a negotiated solution guaranteeing that 
Iran's nuclear programme is exclusively for peaceful purposes,'' an 
emphasis that is regrettably missing from the bill before us today.
  That resolution also affirmatively supported and I would say 
encouraged--at the same time it was authorizing stronger sanctions--
continued willingness on the part of the P+5 nations (China, France, 
Germany, Russia, the UK, and the U.S.) to ``enhance diplomatic efforts 
to promote dialogue and consultations, including to resume dialogue 
with Iran on the nuclear issue without preconditions * * * with a view 
to seeking a comprehensive, longterm and proper solution of this 
issue'' and made very clear that the parties were ready to resume 
formal negotiations.
  Lastly, it has been pointed out that this bill before us today is 
overwhelming silent on this point except brief mentions when it talks 
about using diplomacy for new sanctions. This is a

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key oversight in the bill before us and one I hope neither our own 
Administration nor our key international allies read as an indication 
that it is okay to trim back their efforts at diplomatic outreach and 
engagement with Iran.
  Mr. LARSEN of Washington. Mr. Speaker, I rise today to express my 
support for the conference report on H.R. 2194, the Comprehensive Iran 
Sanctions, Accountability, and Divestment Act of 2010.
  Iran is a threat to regional security and stability. It has flouted 
international law and supplied weapons to terrorist groups throughout 
the Middle East.
  Upon taking office in 2009, President Barack Obama attempted to 
engage with Iran, including offering a deal which would have allowed 
Iran to receive nuclear fuel for peaceful purposes. However, Iran has 
spurned these good-faith efforts at engagement, and the time has come 
to put in place comprehensive sanctions.
  The international community supports our efforts to isolate Iran 
through sanctions. President Obama secured a landmark sanctions 
agreement at the United Nations Security Council several weeks ago. The 
European Union took further action earlier this month when it agreed to 
impose stringent sanctions on Iran.
  This bill goes even further than the UN and the EU--it is a 
comprehensive and stringent package of sanctions. Among many important 
provisions, it will prohibit investment in Iran's oil refining industry 
and create a legal framework for companies and investment managers who 
wish to divest from companies doing business with Iran. It will force 
many companies to answer a question--do I work with the U.S., or do I 
work with Iran?
  I urge my colleagues to join with me in passing H.R. 2194 and sending 
a clear message to Iran that their provocative actions and reckless 
pursuit of a nuclear weapon will not be tolerated.
  Mr. REYES. Mr. Speaker, I rise today in strong support of this 
legislation. The provisions contained in this act come after repeated 
attempts by the U.S. and partner nations to halt Iran's nuclear weapons 
program- and curtail aggressive Iranian overtures around the globe-
Tehran continues to sponsor, train, and equip terrorist organizations 
in the Middle East, act as a destabilizing force in Iraq and 
Afghanistan, and deploy Iranian Revolutionary Guard Corps-Qods Force 
unconventional warfare operatives into the Western Hemisphere. The 
potential for a nuclear-armed Iran, when combined with the Iranian 
regime's volatile rhetoric and ambiguous intentions, poses a serious 
threat to the security of the United States, our troops serving in the 
Middle East, and our allies. The President and his administration have 
taken important steps to dissuade Iran from continuing to pursue 
nuclear weapons. The passage of this legislation sends a clear message 
that Iran's continued defiance will lead to significant, negative 
consequences for the Iranian regime.
  In addition to imposing sanctions on refined petroleum to Iran, this 
legislation will broaden the entities affected by sanctions to include 
foreign entities that sell developmental energy technology, services, 
or information to Iran. This act also prohibits foreign banks from 
doing business in the U.S. if they deal with blacklisted Iranian 
institutions involved in the development of weapons of mass destruction 
or the promotion of international terrorism.
  I commend my colleagues on both sides of the aisle for demonstrating 
such clear solidarity on this issue. I urge Iranian leaders to 
carefully consider the high costs of increased isolation brought about 
by their continued irresponsibility.
  Mr. ISRAEL. Mr. Speaker, I rise in support of the Conference Report 
for The Comprehensive Iran Sanctions, Accountability, and Divestment 
Act of 2010.
  I can think of nothing more pressing to our national security than 
putting a stop to Iran's nuclear plans. Today, Iran learned that the 
United States Congress will not stop until we end the tyranny Iran's 
leadership is promoting.
  As a member of the House Appropriations Committee's Subcommittee on 
State and Foreign Operations, I spend a great deal of time focused on 
preventing Iran from developing an enrichment program that leads to 
nuclear weapons. Their current leadership is unstable, provocative, and 
would be a danger to the entire region armed with nuclear weapons.
  Non-military options--including activities to disrupt Iranian 
research--are similarly problematic. This then leads us to consider 
military options. Here, all we need to do is look at Iraq to understand 
the difficulties of a military response in Iran.
  In fact, during an unofficial ``war-game'' on Iran, former National 
Security Council official Ken Pollack said, ``Compared with Iraq, Iran 
has three times the population, four times the land area, and five 
times the problems.''
  Some suggest precision strikes at Iran's nuclear facilities, as the 
Israelis did when they successfully destroyed an Iraqi reactor in 1981. 
But Iran has learned from Iraq's mistakes. They have protected their 
facilities by burying them deep underground and dispersing them widely.
  Additionally, virtually every military tool at our disposal--from 
limited and surgical to a major land war aimed at regime change--is 
impacted by one thing: oil. Iran could blockade the Straits of Hormuz 
and choke the supply of oil that is necessary to keep the lights on in 
the Pentagon and the tanks filled in our fighter jets, and double the 
price of fuel in the United States.
  That's why the right set of economic sanctions is so badly needed, 
and why this conference report and the smart, tough sanctions it 
contains, advances our agenda of stopping Iran's quest for nuclear 
weapons.
  This bill toughens penalties for those investing in Iran's energy 
sector and it also includes providing refined petroleum to Iran as a 
sanctionable offense. This bill also requires that any companies that 
want to do business with the U.S. government have to certify that they 
are not engaged in any activities that are considered sanctionable 
regarding Iran.
  I am proud of this bill and what we have achieved as a Congress to 
bring more pressure on Iran.
  Mrs. DAVIS of California. Mr. Speaker, I rise in strong support of 
H.R. 2194, the Comprehensive Iran Sanctions, Accountability, and 
Divestment Act.
  Mr. Speaker, it is in the national security interests of the United 
States and our allies to compel Iran's leaders to halt their nuclear 
program.
  Sanctions, combined with unified international diplomatic pressure, 
are our best hope for peacefully achieving this goal.
  The tools we use to confront this threat should not be go-it-alone 
military action, but diplomacy and international pressure.
  I have long believed that Iran will only be convinced to give up 
their nuclear weapons program if a strong, unified international 
community rallies against Iran's nuclear ambitions.
  With President Obama's diplomatic efforts over the past 18 months, we 
are getting closer to this reality.
  This bill follows on President Obama's successful work to pass a very 
strong fourth round of sanctions through the United Nations Security 
Council.
  The U.N. resolution brought Russia and China on board for globally-
binding U.N. sanctions on Iran's banking, finance, shipping and energy 
sectors.
  Now it is time for Congress to act.
  The bill before us today complements the diplomatic gains made at the 
U.N. by expanding sanctions on foreign companies that sell Iran goods, 
services, or know-how that assist it in developing its energy sector.
  In addition, H.R. 2194 imposes significant financial penalties and 
travel restrictions on Iran's human rights abusers.
  Ultimately, this bill provides Iran, and the people and companies 
that do business with the Islamic Republic a stark choice: comply with 
the will of the international community, or face the consequences of 
diplomatic and financial isolation.
  Until Iran makes the strategic choice to abandon their nuclear 
ambitions, this body and the international community have a 
responsibility to act.
  I urge my colleagues to vote for this important legislation.
  Ms. WASSERMAN SCHULTZ. Mr. Speaker, I rise today in support of 
approving stronger, tougher sanctions against Iran, protecting the 
security of the United States and sending a strong message that the 
U.S. government will not allow a nuclear-armed Iran.
  As an original co-sponsor of the Comprehensive Iran Sanctions, 
Accountability, and Divestment Act, I am so proud that this Congress 
has put together the most comprehensive Iran sanctions legislation that 
the United States Congress has ever passed. It adds sanctions on 
refined petroleum, but more importantly, it broadens the categories of 
sanctionable activities by applying sanctions on those who sell Iran 
technology, services, or know-how that help the country develop its 
energy sector.
  It can not be overstated: A nuclear-armed Iran is an urgent and 
deadly threat to peace and stability in the Middle East and at home. As 
citizens of the United States--a global power and nuclear leader--we 
have a priority to make sure that nuclear capability does not get into 
the wrong hands. We must protect ourselves, and our ally Israel, from 
the dangers of the Iran regime.
  This legislation will help us quash Iran's continued attempts at 
developing nuclear weapons. With Tehran importing 25 to 40 percent of 
its refined petroleum needs, these economic sanctions will have a 
dramatic impact

[[Page 11742]]

on Iran's economy. They are critical to suspending Iran's nuclear 
program and ensuring security and stability in the Middle East and at 
home.
  Mr. BERMAN. I yield back the balance of my time.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. The question is on the motion offered by the 
gentleman from California (Mr. Berman) that the House suspend the rules 
and agree to the conference report on the bill, H.R. 2194.
  The question was taken.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. In the opinion of the Chair, two-thirds 
being in the affirmative, the ayes have it.
  Mr. BERMAN. Mr. Speaker, on that I demand the yeas and nays.
  The yeas and nays were ordered.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. Pursuant to clause 8 of rule XX and the 
Chair's prior announcement, further proceedings on this motion will be 
postponed.

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