[Congressional Record (Bound Edition), Volume 156 (2010), Part 8]
[Senate]
[Pages 11634-11635]
[From the U.S. Government Publishing Office, www.gpo.gov]




                             BLOODY SUNDAY

  Mr. LEAHY. Mr. President, I rise to congratulate the people of Great 
Britain and Northern Ireland for taking another step down the long road 
towards peace. Last week the Saville Inquiry, the result of a 10-year 
investigation into the ``Bloody Sunday'' tragedy in Northern Ireland on 
January 30, 1972, was finally made public.
  The inquiry definitively concluded that British Army soldiers were 
responsible for the shooting deaths of 14 pro-Catholic marchers. The 
terrible events, which took place against a backdrop of years of 
rioting, paramilitary violence and police brutality, contributed to 
increased hatred and mistrust on both sides, and led to over two more 
decades of violence and terror for the people of Northern Ireland.
  The findings reversed those of a 1972 commission which had laid blame 
for the killings on the victims themselves. Parents passed away without 
the knowledge that their children killed that day were not at fault.
  Upon the release of the new report, British Prime Minister David 
Cameron publicly accepted responsibility for the killings and 
apologized on behalf of his country for the unjustified actions of the 
Army. He acknowledged the great complexity engrained in the dozens of 
years of fighting in Northern Ireland--thousands of people were killed 
and terrible atrocities committed by all parties. But he also stated 
that the facts in this report cannot be overlooked: British Army 
soldiers unjustly took the lives of innocent civilians.
  Self-reflection is an indispensable quality in a democracy. It is 
difficult for a nation to admit that the men and women protecting us 
are responsible for reprehensible acts, but it is undeniable that, in 
furtherance of truth and justice, no one in our society can be above 
the law.
  Lasting peace comes about through the hard work, honesty and patience 
of those on all sides.
  I extend my deepest condolences to the families of the victims and am 
grateful to them for their years of patience during the investigation.
  I commend the people of Northern Ireland for their continued 
commitment to resolving their differences through the political 
process, as challenging as it often is, and working to leave behind the 
violent divisions of the past.
  And I also applaud Prime Minister Cameron, the Inquiry, and the 
British people for acknowledging a painful truth after 38 years, and, 
in doing so, helping to further the cause of peace in Northern Ireland.
  I ask unanimous consent that the Prime Minister's statement be 
printed in the Record.
  There being no objection, the material was ordered to be printed in 
the Record, as follows:

        Statement to the House of Commons on the Saville Inquiry

  (By the Prime Minister, the Rt Hon David Cameron MP on 15 June 2010)

       With permission, Mr Speaker, I would like to make a 
     statement.
       Today, my Rt Hon Friend, the Secretary of State for 
     Northern Ireland is publishing the report of the Saville 
     Inquiry . . .
       . . . the Tribunal set up by the previous Government to 
     investigate the tragic events of 30th January 1972--a day 
     more commonly known as ``Bloody Sunday''.
       We have acted in good faith by publishing the Tribunal's 
     findings as quickly as possible after the General Election.
       Mr Speaker, I am deeply patriotic.
       I never want to believe anything bad about our country.
       I never want to call into question the behaviour of our 
     soldiers and our Army who I believe to be the finest in the 
     world.
       And I have seen for myself the very difficult and dangerous 
     circumstances in which we ask our soldiers to serve.
       But the conclusions of this report are absolutely clear.
       There is no doubt. There is nothing equivocal. There are no 
     ambiguities.
       What happened on Bloody Sunday was both unjustified and 
     unjustifiable.
       It was wrong.
       Lord Saville concludes that the soldiers of Support Company 
     who went into the Bogside ``did so as a result of an order . 
     . . which should have not been given'' by their Commander . . 
     .
       . . . on balance the first shot in the vicinity of the 
     march was fired by the British Army . . .
       . . . that ``none of the casualties shot by soldiers of 
     Support Company was armed with a firearm'' . . .
       . . . that ``there was some firing by republican 
     paramilitaries . . . but . . . none of this firing provided 
     any justification for the shooting of civilian casualties'' . 
     . .
       . . . and that ``in no case was any warning given before 
     soldiers opened fire''.
       He also finds that Support Company ``reacted by losing 
     their self-control . . . forgetting or ignoring their 
     instructions and training'' with ``a serious and widespread 
     loss of fire discipline''.
       He finds that ``despite the contrary evidence given by the 
     soldiers . . . none of them fired in response to attacks or 
     threatened attacks by nail or petrol bombers'' . . .
       . . . and that many of the soldiers ``knowingly put forward 
     false accounts in order to seek to justify their firing''.
       What's more--Lord Saville says that some of those killed or 
     injured were clearly fleeing or going to the assistance of 
     others who were dying.

[[Page 11635]]

       The Report refers to one person who was shot while 
     ``crawling . . . away from the soldiers'' . . .
       . . . another was shot, in all probability, ``when he was 
     lying mortally wounded on the ground''. . .
       . . . and a father was ``hit and injured by Army gunfire 
     after he had gone to . . . tend his son''.
       For those looking for statements of innocence, Saville 
     says:
       ``The immediate responsibility for the deaths and injuries 
     on Bloody Sunday lies with those members of Support Company 
     whose unjustifiable firing was the cause of the those deaths 
     and injuries'' . . .
       . . . and--crucially--that ``none of the casualties was 
     posing a threat of causing death or serious injury, or indeed 
     was doing anything else that could on any view justify their 
     shooting''.
       For those people who were looking for the Report to use 
     terms like murder and unlawful killing, I remind the House 
     that these judgements are not matters for a Tribunal--or for 
     us as politicians--to determine.
       Mr Speaker, these are shocking conclusions to read and 
     shocking words to have to say.
       But Mr Speaker, you do not defend the British Army by 
     defending the indefensible.
       We do not honour all those who have served with distinction 
     in keeping the peace and upholding the rule of law in 
     Northern Ireland by hiding from the truth.
       So there is no point in trying to soften or equivocate what 
     is in this Report.
       It is clear from the Tribunal's authoritative conclusions 
     that the events of Bloody Sunday were in no way justified.
       I know some people wonder whether nearly forty years on 
     from an event, a Prime Minister needs to issue an apology.
       For someone of my generation, this is a period we feel we 
     have learned about rather than lived through.
       But what happened should never, ever have happened.
       The families of those who died should not have had to live 
     with the pain and hurt of that day--and a lifetime of loss.
       Some members of our Armed Forces acted wrongly.
       The Government is ultimately responsible for the conduct of 
     the Armed Forces.
       And for that, on behalf of the Government--and indeed our 
     country--I am deeply sorry.
       Mr. Speaker, just as this Report is clear that the actions 
     of that day were unjustifiable . . . so too is it clear in 
     some of its other findings.
       Those looking for premeditation, those looking for a plan, 
     those looking for a conspiracy involving senior politicians 
     or senior members of the Armed Forces--they will not find it 
     in this Report.
       Indeed, Lord Saville finds no evidence that the events of 
     Bloody Sunday were premeditated . . .
       . . . he concludes that the United Kingdom and Northern 
     Ireland Governments, and the Army, neither tolerated nor 
     encouraged ``the use of unjustified lethal force''.
       He makes no suggestion of a Government cover-up.
       And Lord Saville credits the UK Government with working 
     towards a peaceful political settlement in Northern Ireland.
       Mr Speaker, the Report also specifically deals with the 
     actions of key individuals in the army, in politics and 
     beyond . . .
       . . . including Major General Ford, Brigadier MacLellan and 
     Lieutenant Colonel Wilford.
       In each case, the Tribunal's findings are clear.
       It also does the same for Martin McGuinness.
       It specifically finds he was present and probably armed 
     with a ``sub-machine gun'' but concludes ``we are sure that 
     he did not engage in any activity that provided any of the 
     soldiers with any justification for opening fire''.
       Mr. Speaker, while in no way justifying the events of 
     January 30th 1972, we should acknowledge the background to 
     the events of Bloody Sunday.
       Since 1969 the security situation in Northern Ireland had 
     been declining significantly.
       Three days before `Bloody Sunday', two RUC officers--one a 
     Catholic--were shot by the IRA in Londonderry, the first 
     police officers killed in the city during the Troubles.
       A third of the city of Derry had become a no-go area for 
     the RUC and the Army.
       And in the end 1972 was to prove Northern Ireland's 
     bloodiest year by far with nearly 500 people killed.
       And let us also remember, Bloody Sunday is not the defining 
     story of the service the British Army gave in Northern 
     Ireland from 1969-2007.
       This was known as Operation Banner, the longest, continuous 
     operation in British military history, spanning thirty-eight 
     years and in which over 250,000 people served.
       Our Armed Forces displayed enormous courage and 
     professionalism in upholding democracy and the rule of law in 
     Northern Ireland.
       Acting in support of the police, they played a major part 
     in setting the condi-
     tions that have made peaceful politics pos-
     sible . . .
       . . . and over 1,000 members of the security forces lost 
     their lives to that cause.
       Without their work the peace process would not have 
     happened.
       Of course some mistakes were undoubtedly made.
       But lessons were also learned.
       Once again, I put on record the immense debt of gratitude 
     we all owe those who served in Northern Ireland.
       Mr. Speaker, may I also thank the Tribunal for its work--
     and all those who displayed great courage in giving evidence.
       I would also like to acknowledge the grief of the families 
     of those killed.
       They have pursued their long campaign over thirty-eight 
     years with great patience.
       Nothing can bring back those that were killed but I hope, 
     as one relative has put it, the truth coming out can set 
     people free.
       John Major said he was open to a new inquiry.
       Tony Blair then set it up.
       This was accepted by the then Leader of the Opposition.
       Of course, none of us anticipated that the Saville Inquiry 
     would last 12 years or cost K200 million.
       Our views on that are well documented.
       It is right to pursue the truth with vigour and 
     thoroughness . . .
        . . . but let me reassure the House that there will be no 
     more open-ended and costly inquiries into the past.
       But today is not about the controversies surrounding the 
     process.
       It's about the substance, about what this report tells us.
       Everyone should have the chance to examine the complete 
     findings--and that's why the report is being published in 
     full.
       Running to more than 5000 pages, it's being published in 10 
     volumes.
       Naturally, it will take all of us some time to digest the 
     report's full findings and understand all the implications.
       The House will have the opportunity for a full day's debate 
     this autumn--and in the meantime I have asked my Rt Hon 
     Friends the Secretaries of State for Northern Ireland and 
     Defence to report back to me on all the issues that arise 
     from it.
       Mr Speaker, this report and the Inquiry itself demonstrate 
     how a State should hold itself to account . . .
        . . . and how we are determined at all times--no matter 
     how difficult--to judge ourselves against the highest 
     standards.
       Openness and frankness about the past--however painful--do 
     not make us weaker, they make us stronger.
       That's one of the things that differentiates us from 
     terrorists.
       We should never forget that over 3,500 people--people from 
     every community--lost their lives in Northern Ireland, the 
     overwhelming majority killed by terrorists.
       There were many terrible atrocities.
       Politically-motivated violence was never justified, 
     whichever side it came from.
       And it can never be justified by those criminal gangs that 
     today want to drag Northern Ireland back to its bitter and 
     bloody past.
       No Government I lead will ever put those who fight to 
     defend democracy on an equal footing with those who continue 
     to seek to destroy it.
       But neither will we hide from the truth that confronts us 
     today.
       In the words of Lord Saville--
       ``What happened on Bloody Sunday strengthened the 
     Provisional IRA, increased nationalist resentment and 
     hostility towards the Army and exacerbated the violent 
     conflict of the years that followed. Bloody Sunday was a 
     tragedy for the bereaved and the wounded, and a catastrophe 
     for the people of Northern Ireland.''
       These are words we can not and must not ignore.
       But what I hope this Report can also do is to mark the 
     moment when we come together, in this House and in the 
     communities we represent.
       Come together to acknowledge our shared history, even where 
     it divides us.
       And come together to close this painful chapter on Northern 
     Ireland's troubled past.
       That is not to say that we must ever forget or dismiss that 
     past.
       But we must also move on.
       Northern Ireland has been transformed over the past twenty 
     years . . .
        . . . and all of us in Westminster and Stormont must 
     continue that work of change, coming together with all the 
     people of Northern Ireland to build a stable, peaceful, 
     prosperous and shared future.
       It is with that determination that I commend this statement 
     to the House.

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