[Congressional Record (Bound Edition), Volume 156 (2010), Part 7]
[Senate]
[Pages 8932-8933]
[From the U.S. Government Publishing Office, www.gpo.gov]




                                 EGYPT

  Mr. FEINGOLD. Madam President, I would like to raise the important 
issue of human rights and democratic reform in our partnership with 
Egypt. I am very concerned by Egypt's recent extension of its emergency 
law--which has been in place continuously since 1981--yet again, for 
another 2 years. Since 2005, President Hosni Mubarak and his government 
have repeatedly pledged to end the use of the emergency law, but it 
continues to be extended. Although some changes were apparently 
announced with the extension, these were little more than cosmetic and 
will do nothing to improve the deeply repressive environment this law 
enables. Emergency laws, if they are ever appropriate, are intended for 
exceptional circumstances, not continuous application for decades.
  Furthermore, numerous concerns have been raised about violations of 
human rights and civil liberties under Egypt's emergency law. The 
extension also comes ahead of parliamentary and Presidential elections, 
which may see new challenges emerge to the leadership structure. As 
Amnesty International's deputy director for the Middle East and North 
Africa stated recently, ``[w]e are particularly concerned that this 
extension comes as Egypt prepares for elections this year; the 
authorities are notorious for relying on the emergency powers to lock 
up their opponents.''
  In a report on his visit to Egypt last year, the United Nations 
Special Rapporteur on the promotion and protection of human rights and 
fundamental freedoms while countering terrorism, Martin Scheinin, 
acknowledged ``the right of a State to proclaim a state of emergency as 
a temporary measure determined by the exigencies of the situation'' but 
expressed his concern that ``Egypt has been almost continuously 
governed by emergency law, which includes far-reaching restrictions on 
fundamental rights and freedoms, for more than 50 years.'' The dangers 
inherent in the law's continuing use are highlighted by its provisions 
and their apparent application.
  Among other things, the law apparently allows preventive detention 
and enables individuals to be held indefinitely without being charged 
or brought to trial. Egyptian citizens do not enjoy the freedom to 
assemble or protest peacefully and, in fact, face arrest if they 
participate in such demonstrations. In fact, Mr. Sheinin has noted that 
special State Security Investigations officers ``in practice enjoy 
carte blanche in deciding on whom to arrest'' and have used the 
emergency law to arrest and detain human rights activists, journalists 
and internet bloggers who were critical of the government.
  Human rights and civil liberties should not be sacrificed in the 
search for security, nor would doing so guarantee security. On the 
contrary, counterterrorism measures must ensure respect for political 
and civil rights and the rule of law if they are to be effective in the 
long term. Repression only yields more resentment, more opposition, and 
more alienation. As President Obama said during his 2009 Cairo speech, 
``Governments that protect these rights are ultimately more stable, 
successful and secure. Suppressing ideas never succeeds in making them 
go away.''
  I am pleased that the State Department and then the White House 
released public statements expressing regret at Egypt's extension of 
the emergency law, but they were insufficient in recognizing how 
critical political and democratic reform is both to security and 
stability within Egypt, as well as to the broader region. In order to 
genuinely address the very real concerns of radicalism, Egypt must 
expand its engagement with its citizens and

[[Page 8933]]

provide them with greater openings to voice their concerns. Stifling 
the public feeds rather than prevents the growth of radicalism. In 
contrast, reducing corruption, improving governance, and building 
democratic institutions will go a long way toward reducing the appeal 
of extremism. The historic partnership between the United States and 
Egypt means we have an active and critical role to play in pressing for 
these reforms. We should use every opportunity to bring them up.
  Egypt is an incredibly important country and a vital strategic 
partner of the United States. It is a nation of 80 million people that 
sits at the strategic crossroads between Africa and Asia. Egypt is a 
leader among Arab States and has played an important role in matters of 
peace and security in the Middle East, particularly in the area of 
Arab-Israeli peace. At the same time, Egypt continues to be heavily 
involved in affairs in North and East Africa, not least because of its 
reliance on water resources from the Nile River, where ongoing 
negotiations over the Nile Basin Initiative have escalated regional 
tensions between Egypt and its neighboring countries at a time when 
Egypt's own internal dynamics are fluid. Egypt's long history with 
Sudan, the largest country in Africa, is also of critical importance 
given South Sudan's upcoming vote on self-determination set for January 
2011. Without question, successful political reform in Cairo would 
significantly enhance Egypt's leadership role throughout the Middle 
East and Africa and could help ensure constructive political engagement 
in these regions for years to come.
  For all these reasons, it is in our interest to continue to pursue a 
strong working relationship with the Egyptian Government. But it is 
also in our interest to ensure that relationship is sustainable and 
strategic over the long-term. To do this, I believe we must engage more 
broadly with the Egyptian people and support efforts in the country to 
push for human rights and democratic reform. This is especially 
important in the coming months as Egypt prepares to hold parliamentary 
elections, which will be followed next year by a Presidential election. 
This period could be one of transition, possibly one of tumult. The 
Obama administration should begin engaging now with the Egyptian 
government and other stakeholders to make clear that we support a fair, 
free, and peaceful process. Continuing to provide uncritical support to 
an authoritarian regime undermines our credibility as champions of 
political and civil rights and creates tensions, particularly in the 
Muslim world, which are ripe for exploitation. Those tensions, in turn, 
threaten our own national security.
  As I have noted before in this forum, we must be strong and 
consistent in advancing human rights, good governance, and the rule of 
law while also addressing security and economic concerns. And we should 
make sure that message is being reinforced by all U.S. Government 
officials and programs in Egypt.

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