[Congressional Record (Bound Edition), Volume 156 (2010), Part 5]
[Extensions of Remarks]
[Pages 7395-7396]
[From the U.S. Government Publishing Office, www.gpo.gov]




              IT'S TIME FOR A CHANGE IN DEALING WITH SUDAN

                                 ______
                                 

                           HON. FRANK R. WOLF

                              of virginia

                    in the house of representatives

                         Wednesday, May 5, 2010

  Mr. WOLF. Madam Speaker, ``If President Obama is ever going to find 
his voice on Sudan, it had better be soon.'' These were the closing 
words two weeks ago of columnist Nicholas Kristof.
  Having first travelled to Sudan in 1989, my interest in this country 
has spanned the better part of 20 years. I've been most recently in 
July 2004 when Senator Sam Brownback and I were the first congressional 
delegation to go to Darfur.
  We saw the same scorched earth tactics from Khartoum in the brutal 
20-year civil war with the South where 2.1 million perished.
  I remain grateful for President Bush's leadership in bringing about 
an end to the bloodshed with the historic signing of the CPA. But that 
peace is now in jeopardy.
  Fast forward to 2009. I was part of a bipartisan group in Congress 
who called for the appointment of a special envoy shortly after 
President Obama was elected. What was once a successful model for Sudan 
policy is not having the desired effect today. I am not alone in this 
belief.
  Last week, six respected NGOs ran ads in the Washington Post calling 
for Secretary Clinton and Ambassador Rice to exercise ``personal and 
sustained leadership on Sudan'' in the face of a ``stalemated policy.''
  Today I join the chorus of voices in calling on the President to 
empower Secretary Clinton and Ambassador Rice to take control of the 
languishing Sudan policy.
  They should oversee quarterly deputies' meetings to ensure options 
for consequences are on the table. In fact, I call on the President 
himself to exercise leadership in this regard, consistent with the 
explicit campaign promises he made about Sudan, promises which to date 
ring hollow.
  There is a pressing need for renewed, principled leadership at the 
highest levels--leadership which is clear-eyed about the history and 
the record of the internationally indicted war criminal at the helm in 
Khartoum.
  In addition to the massive human rights abuses perpetrated by the 
country's leader, Bashir, Sudan remains on the State Department's list 
of state sponsors of terrorism. The same people currently in control in 
Khartoum gave safe haven to bin Laden in the early 1990's.
  I believe that this administration's engagement with Sudan, under the 
leadership of General Gration, and with the apparent blessing of the 
President, has failed to recognize the true nature of Bashir and the 
NCP.
  While the hour is late, the administration can still chart a new 
course.
  Today, I sent a letter to the President which I submit for the 
record, outlining seven policy recommendations and calling for urgent 
action on behalf of the marginalized people of Sudan.
  When the administration released its Sudan policy, Secretary Clinton 
indicated that benchmarks would be applied to Sudan, that progress 
would be assessed and that ``backsliding by any party will be met with 
credible pressure in the form of disincentives leveraged by our 
government . . . .''
  But in the face of national elections that were neither free nor 
fair, in the face of continued violations of the U.N. arms embargo, in 
the face of Bashir's failure to cooperate in any way with the 
International Criminal Court, we've seen no ``disincentives'' applied.
  This is a worst case scenario and guaranteed, if history is to be our 
guide, to fail.
  More than 6 months have passed since the release of the 
administration's Sudan strategy and implementation has been 
insufficient at best and altogether absent at worst.
  During the campaign, then candidate Obama said regarding Sudan, 
``Washington must respond to the ongoing genocide and the ongoing 
failure to implement the CPA with consistency and strong 
consequences.''
  These words ring true today.
  But the burden for action, the weight of leadership, now rests with 
this President and this administration alone.
  The stakes could not be higher.
  I close with a slight variation on the words of Nicholas Kristof: If 
President Obama is ever going to find his voice on Sudan, it had better 
be now.

                                    Congress of the United States,


                                     House of Representatives,

                                                      May 5, 2010.
     Hon. Barack H. Obama,
     The President, The White House, Washington DC.
       Dear Mr. President: ``If President Obama is ever going to 
     find his voice on Sudan, it had better be soon.'' These were 
     the closing words of New York Times columnist Nicholas 
     Kristof two weeks ago. I could not agree more with his 
     assessment of Sudan today. Time is running short. Lives hang 
     in the balance. Real leadership is needed.
       Having first travelled to Sudan in 1989, my interest and 
     involvement in this country has spanned the better part of 20 
     years. I've been there five times, most recently in July 2004 
     when Senator Sam Brownback and I were the first congressional 
     delegation to go to Darfur.
       Tragically, Darfur is hardly an anomaly. We saw the same 
     scorched earth tactics from Khartoum in the brutal 20-year 
     civil war with the South where more than 2 million perished, 
     most of whom were civilians. In September 2001, President 
     Bush appointed former Senator John Danforth as special

[[Page 7396]]

     envoy and his leadership was in fact instrumental in 
     securing, after two and a half years of negotiations, the 
     Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA), thereby bringing about 
     an end to the war. I was at the 2005 signing of this historic 
     accord in Kenya, as was then Secretary of State Colin Powell 
     and Congressman Donald Payne, among others. Hopes were high 
     for a new Sudan. Sadly, what remains of that peace is in 
     jeopardy today. What remains of that hope is quickly fading.
       I was part of a bipartisan group in Congress who urged you 
     to appoint a special envoy shortly after you came into 
     office, in the hope of elevating the issue of Sudan. But what 
     was once a successful model for Sudan policy is not having 
     the desired effect today. I am not alone in this belief.
       Just last week, six respected NGOs ran compelling ads in 
     The Washington Post and Politico calling for Secretary 
     Clinton and Ambassador Rice to exercise ``personal and 
     sustained leadership on Sudan'' in the face of a ``stalemated 
     policy'' and waning U.S. credibility as a mediator.
       In that same vein, today I join that growing chorus of 
     voices in urging you to empower Secretary Clinton and 
     Ambassador Rice to take control of the languishing Sudan 
     policy. They should oversee quarterly deputies' meetings to 
     ensure options for consequences are on the table.
       There is a pressing and immediate need for renewed, 
     principled leadership at the highest levels--leadership 
     which, while recognizing the reality of the challenges facing 
     Sudan, is clear-eyed about the history and the record of the 
     internationally indicted war criminal at the helm in 
     Khartoum. We must not forget who we are dealing with in 
     Bashir and his National Congress Party (NCP). In addition to 
     the massive human rights abuses perpetrated by the Sudanese 
     government against its own people, Sudan remains on the State 
     Department's list of state sponsors of terrorism. It is well 
     known that the same people currently in control in Khartoum 
     gave safe haven to Osama bin Laden in the early 1990.
       I believe that this administration's engagement with Sudan 
     to date, under the leadership of General Gration, and with 
     your apparent blessing, has failed to recognize the true 
     nature of Bashir and the NCP. Any long-time Sudan follower 
     will tell you that Bashir never keeps his promises.
       The Washington Post editorial page echoed this sentiment 
     this past weekend saying of Bashir: ``He has frequently told 
     Western governments what they wanted to hear, only to reverse 
     himself when their attention drifted or it was time to 
     deliver. . . . the United States should refrain from 
     prematurely recognizing Mr. Bashir's new claim to legitimacy. 
     And it should be ready to respond when he breaks his word.'' 
     Note that the word was ``when'' not ``if' he breaks his word. 
     While the hour is late, the administration can still chart a 
     new course.
       In addition to recommending that Secretary Clinton and 
     Ambassador Rice take the helm in implementing your 
     administration's Sudan policy, I propose the following policy 
     recommendations:
       Move forward with the administration's stated aim of 
     strengthening the capacity of the security sector in the 
     South. A good starting point would be to provide the air 
     defense system that the Government of Southern Sudan (GOSS) 
     requested and President Bush approved in 2008. This defensive 
     capability would help neutralize Khartoum's major tactical 
     advantage and make peace and stability more likely following 
     the referendum vote.
       Do not recognize the outcome of the recent presidential 
     elections. While the elections were a necessary part of the 
     implementation of the CPA and an important step before the 
     referendum, they were inherently flawed and Bashir is 
     attempting to use them to lend an air of legitimacy to his 
     genocidal rule.
       Clearly and unequivocally state at the highest levels that 
     the United States will honor the outcome of the referendum 
     and will ensure its implementation.
       Begin assisting the South in building support for the 
     outcome of the referendum.
       Appoint an ambassador or senior political appointee with 
     the necessary experience in conflict and post-conflict 
     settings to the U.S. consulate in Juba.
       Prioritize the need for a cessation of attacks in Darfur, 
     complete restoration of humanitarian aid including ``non-
     essential services,'' unfettered access for aid organizations 
     to all vulnerable populations and increased diplomatic 
     attention to a comprehensive peace process including a viable 
     plan for the safe return of millions of internally displaced 
     persons (IDPs).
       When the administration released its Sudan policy last 
     fall, Secretary Clinton indicated that benchmarks would be 
     applied to Sudan and that progress would be assessed ``based 
     on verifiable changes in conditions on the ground. 
     Backsliding by any party will be met with credible pressure 
     in the form of disincentives leveraged by our government and 
     our international partners.'' But in the face of national 
     elections that were neither free nor fair, in the face of 
     continued violations of the U.N. arms embargo, in the face of 
     Bashir's failure to cooperate in any way with the 
     International Criminal Court, we've seen no ``disincentives'' 
     or ``sticks'' applied. This is a worst case scenario and 
     guaranteed, if history is to be our guide, to fail.
       Many in the NGO community and in Congress cautiously 
     expressed support for the new policy when it was released, at 
     the same time stressing that a policy on paper is only as 
     effective as its implementation on the ground. More than six 
     months have passed since the release of the strategy and 
     implementation has been insufficient at best and altogether 
     absent at worst.
       During the campaign for the presidency, you said, regarding 
     Sudan, ``Washington must respond to the ongoing genocide and 
     the ongoing failure to implement the CPA with consistency and 
     strong consequences.'' These words ring true still today. 
     Accountability is imperative. But the burden for action, the 
     weight of leadership, now rests with you and with this 
     administration alone. With the referendum in the South 
     quickly approaching, the stakes could not be higher.
       The marginalized people of Sudan yearn for your 
     administration to find its voice on Sudan--and to find it 
     now.
       This is very important.
           Sincerely,
                                                    Frank R. Wolf,
     Member of Congress.

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