[Congressional Record (Bound Edition), Volume 156 (2010), Part 2]
[Senate]
[Pages 2279-2280]
[From the U.S. Government Publishing Office, www.gpo.gov]




                          DEMOCRACY IN AFRICA

  Mr. FEINGOLD. Madam President, I would like to note the many 
challenges to democracy we are seeing across Africa today. I have long 
said that promoting and supporting democratic institutions should be a 
key tenet of our engagement with Africa, as good governance is 
essential to Africa's stability and its prosperity. Africans are well 
aware of this, and that is why we have seen spirited democratic 
movements throughout the continent, even against great odds. It is also 
why African leaders have committed at the African Union with the 
Declaration on Democracy, Political, Economic and Corporate Governance 
that they will work to enforce ``the right to participate in free, 
credible and democratic political processes.''
  The previous administration spoke often about its commitment to 
promote democracy in Africa and throughout the world. The current 
administration, too, has committed to encourage strong and sustainable 
democratic governments, though it has rightly acknowledged that 
democracy is about more than holding elections. In his speech in Ghana, 
President Obama said:

       America will not seek to impose any system of government on 
     any nation--the essential truth of democracy is that each 
     nation determines its own destiny. What we will do is 
     increase assistance for responsible individuals and 
     institutions, with a focus on supporting good governance--on 
     parliaments, which check abuses of power and ensure that 
     opposition voices are heard; on the rule of law, which 
     ensures the equal administration of justice; on civic 
     participation, so that young people get involved . . .

  I agree that we must take a more holistic approach in our efforts to 
promote and support democracy. Democracy is not just about a single 
event every few years; it is also about an ongoing process of 
governance that is accountable and responsive to the needs and will of 
citizens. And it is about citizens having the space, encouragement, and 
ability to educate themselves, mobilize, and participate in that 
process. We must help countries build such institutions and encourage 
such space, and we must be willing to speak out against erosions of 
democratic rights and freedoms--and not only once a country reaches a 
crisis point such as a coup.
  While some African countries have made great democratic strides, I am 
concerned about the fragile state of democracy on the continent, 
especially within a number of countries set to hold elections over the 
next 15 months. In particular, I am concerned by the democratic 
backsliding in several countries that are close U.S. partners and 
influential regional actors. It is notable that the Director of 
National Intelligence included a section on ``stalled democratization'' 
in Africa in his public testimony last month to the Senate Intelligence 
Committee on annual threat assessments. He stated:

       The number of African states holding elections continues to 
     grow although few have yet to develop strong, enduring 
     democratic institutions and traditions. In many cases the 
     `winner-take-all' ethos predominates and risks exacerbating 
     ethnic, regional, and political divisions.

  Elections are only one component of the democratic process, but still 
they are a significant one. The pre- and post-elections periods in many 
countries are ones in which democratic space and institutions are most 
clearly tested and face the greatest strains. They can be the periods 
in which democracy is at its best, but they can also be the periods in 
which democracy faces some of its greatest threats. This is the case 
not only in Africa; this is the case here in the United States, and 
that is why I have worked tirelessly to limit the power of wealthy 
interests to unduly influence our elections.
  Among those African countries scheduled to hold national elections in 
2010 are Ethiopia, Sudan, Togo, Central African Republic, Burundi, 
Rwanda, Tanzania, and Burkina Faso. Guinea, Madagascar, and Niger, 
three countries that have recently had coups, have also committed to 
hold elections this year. And in early 2011, Benin, Djibouti, Uganda, 
Nigeria, and Chad are all scheduled to hold elections.
  Of all these elections, Sudan's is already receiving significant 
attention, and for good reason. That election--the country's first 
multiparty one in 24 years--has the potential to be a historic step 
toward political transformation in Sudan if it is credible. However, 
restrictions on opposition parties and the continued insecurity in 
Darfur have many doubting whether the conditions even exist for 
credible elections. Furthermore, increasing violence within southern 
Sudan is very worrying. In any case, the results of Sudan's election in 
April will have a great influence on political dynamics within the 
country and region for years to come and will pave the way for southern 
Sudan's vote on self-determination, set for January 2011. The 
international community is rightly keeping a close eye on these 
elections, and we need to continue supporting efforts to make them 
credible and be prepared to speak out against any abuses or rigging.
  Similarly, we need to keep a close eye on the other African countries 
holding important elections this year. Let me highlight four countries 
whose upcoming elections I believe also merit close attention and 
specific international engagement.
  The first is Ethiopia, which is set to hold elections in May. In his 
testimony, the Director of National Intelligence stated:

       In Ethiopia, Prime Minister Meles and his party appear 
     intent on preventing a repeat of the relatively open 2005 
     election which produced a strong opposition showing.

  Indeed, in Ethiopia, democratic space has been diminishing steadily 
since 2005. Over the last 2 years, the Ethiopian Parliament has passed 
several new laws granting broad discretionary powers to the government 
to arrest opponents. One such law, the Charities and Societies 
Proclamation, imposes direct government controls over civil society and 
bars any civil society group receiving more than 10 percent of its 
funding from international sources to do work related to human rights, 
gender equality, the rights, of the disabled, children's rights, or 
conflict resolution. Another law, the Anti-Terrorism Proclamation, 
defines terrorism-related crimes so broadly that they could extend to 
nonviolent forms of political dissent and protest.
  Ethiopia is an important partner of the United States and we share 
many interests. We currently provide hundreds of millions of dollars in 
aid annually to Ethiopia. That is why I have been so concerned and 
outspoken about these repressive measures, and that is why I believe we 
have a stake in ensuring that Ethiopia's democratic process moves 
forward, not backward. With the elections just 3 months away, several

[[Page 2280]]

key opposition leaders remain imprisoned, most notably Birtukan 
Mideksa, the head of the Unity for Democracy and Justice Party. There 
is no way that elections can be fair, let alone credible, with 
opposition leaders in jail or unable to campaign freely. At the bare 
minimum, the international community should push for the release of 
these political prisoners ahead of the elections. If nothing changes, 
we should not be afraid to stand with the Ethiopian people and state 
clearly that an election in name only is an affront to their country's 
democratic aspirations.
  The second country I want to highlight is Burundi. As many people 
will recall, Burundi was devastated by political violence throughout 
the 1990s, leaving over 100,000 people dead. Yet the country has made 
tremendous strides in recent years to recover and rebuild from its 
civil war. In 2005, it held multiparty national and local elections, a 
major milestone on its transition to peace. Burundians are set to head 
to the polls again this year. If these elections are fair, free, and 
peaceful, they have the potential to be another milestone along the 
path toward reconciliation, lasting stability, and democratic 
institutions. This would be good not only for Burundi but also for the 
whole of Central Africa. Burundians deserve international support and 
encouragement as they strive for that goal.
  Still, many challenges remain. The tensions that fed and were fueled 
by Burundi's civil war have not entirely gone away. And there is some 
evidence that the parties continue to use the tools of war to pursue 
their political goals. According to a report by the International 
Crisis Group last month, ``opposition parties are facing harassment and 
intimidation from police and the ruling party's youth wing and appear 
to be choosing to respond to violence with violence.'' Furthermore, 
there continue to be reports that the National Intelligence Service is 
being used by the ruling party to destabilize the opposition. If these 
trends continue, they could taint Burundi's elections and set back its 
peace process. The international community, which has played a big role 
in Burundi's peace process, cannot wait until a month before the 
election to speak out and engage the parties these issues. We need to 
do it now.
  Burundi's neighbor to the north, Rwanda, is also slated to hold 
important elections this summer. Rwanda is another country that has 
come a long way. Since the genocide in 1994, the government and people 
of Rwanda have made impressive accomplishments in rebuilding the 
country and improving basic services. It is notable that Rwanda was the 
top reformer worldwide in the 2010 World Bank's ``Doing Business 
Report.'' President Kagame has shown commendable and creative 
leadership in this respect. On the democratic front, however, Rwanda 
still has a long way to go.
  Understandably there are real challenges to fostering democracy some 
15 years after the genocide, but it is troubling that there is not more 
space within Rwanda for criticism and opposition voices. The State 
Department's 2008 Human Rights Report for Rwanda stated, ``There 
continued to be limits on freedom of speech and of association, and 
restrictions on the press increased.'' With elections looming, there 
are now some reports that opposition party members in Rwanda are facing 
increasing threats and harassment. The international community should 
not shy away from pushing for greater democratic space in Rwanda, which 
is critical for the country's lasting stability. We fail to be true 
friends to the Rwandan people if we do not stand with them in the fight 
against renewed abuse of civil and political rights. In the next few 
months in the runup to the elections, it is a key time for 
international donors to raise these issues with Kigali.
  Finally, I would like to talk about Uganda, which is set to hold 
elections in February 2011. Uganda, like Rwanda, is a close friend of 
the United States, and we have worked together on many joint 
initiatives over recent years. President Museveni deserves credit for 
his leadership on many issues both within the country and the wider 
region. However, at the same time, Museveni's legacy has been tainted 
by his failure to allow democracy to take hold in Uganda. Uganda's most 
recent elections have been hurt by reports of fraud, intimidation, and 
politically motivated prosecutions of opposition candidates. The 
Director of National Intelligence stated in his testimony that Uganda 
remains essentially a ``one-party state'' and said the government ``is 
not undertaking democratic reforms in advance of the elections 
scheduled for 2011.''
  Uganda's elections next year could be a defining moment for the 
country and will have ramifications for the country's long-term 
stability. The riots in Buganda last September showed that regional and 
ethnic tensions remain strong in many parts of the country. Therefore, 
it is important that the United States and other friends of Uganda work 
with that country's leaders to ensure critical electoral reforms are 
enacted. In the consolidated appropriations act that passed in 
December, Congress provided significant assistance for Uganda but also 
specifically directed the Secretary of State ``to closely monitor 
preparations for the 2011 elections in Uganda and to actively promote . 
. . the independence of the election commission; the need for an 
accurate and verifiable voter registry; the announcement and posting of 
results at the polling stations; the freedom of movement and assembly 
and a process free of intimidation; freedom of the media; and the 
security and protection of candidates.''
  Madam President, again these challenges are not unique to Africa. 
Here in the United States, we too have to work constantly to ensure the 
integrity of our elections and our democratic processes. But I believe 
these upcoming elections in a number of African states could have major 
ramifications for the overall trajectory of democracy on the continent 
as well as for issues of regional security. I also believe several of 
these elections could significantly impact U.S. policy and strategic 
partnerships on the continent. For that reason, I do not believe we can 
wait until weeks or days before these elections to start focusing on 
them. We need to start engaging well in advance and helping to pave the 
way for truly democratic institutions and the consolidation of 
democracy. This includes aligning with democratic actors that speak out 
against repressive measures that erode political and civil rights. The 
Obama administration has done this well in some cases, but we need to 
do it more consistently and effectively. In the coming months, I hope 
to work with the administration to ensure we have a clear policy and 
the resources to that end.

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