[Congressional Record (Bound Edition), Volume 156 (2010), Part 13]
[House]
[Pages 19075-19083]
[From the U.S. Government Publishing Office, www.gpo.gov]




             CONGRATULATING LIU XIAOBO ON NOBEL PEACE PRIZE

  Mr. KLEIN of Florida. Madam Speaker, I move to suspend the rules and 
agree to the resolution (H. Res. 1717) congratulating imprisoned 
Chinese democracy advocate Liu Xiaobo on the award of the 2010 Nobel 
Peace Prize, as amended.
  The Clerk read the title of the resolution.
  The text of the resolution is as follows:

                              H. Res. 1717

       Whereas Liu Xiaobo played a leading role in the 1989 
     Tiananmen Square demonstration for democratic reform, 
     insisting on peaceful means and democratic process;
       Whereas since 1989, Liu Xiaobo has been a leading figure 
     promoting democratic reform and respect for human rights, 
     including by writing hundreds of notable essays on these 
     subjects;
       Whereas between June 6, 1989, and October 1999, Chinese 
     officials detained Liu Xiaobo 3 times, totaling over 4 years 
     confinement for his role in Tiananmen Square and continued 
     promotion of political reform;
       Whereas in 2008, Liu Xiaobo was one of the principal 
     drafters and organizers as well as one of the first signers 
     of Charter 08, a manifesto that proposed democratic reform in 
     China;
       Whereas, on December 8, 2008, Chinese officials detained 
     Liu Xiaobo for his role in Charter 08, and found him guilty 
     of ``inciting subversion of state power'' in 2009 and 
     sentenced him to 11 years imprisonment;
       Whereas since December 2008, thousands of Chinese citizens 
     from all walks of life have signed Charter 08, and Chinese 
     officials have detained, placed under house arrest, or 
     harassed many of them;
       Whereas in 2010, many persons from around the world 
     nominated Liu Xiaobo for the Nobel Peace Prize, including the 
     14th Dalai Lama, Bishop Desmond Tutu, Vaclav Havel, and 7 
     members of the United States House of Representatives;
       Whereas, on October 8, 2010, the Norwegian Nobel Committee 
     announced its award of the 2010 Nobel Peace Prize to Liu 
     Xiaobo for his ``long and non-violent struggle for 
     fundamental human rights in China'';
       Whereas the Norwegian Nobel Committee noted that, ``the 
     campaign to establish universal human rights also in China is 
     being waged by many Chinese . . . through the severe 
     punishment meted out to him, Liu has become the foremost 
     symbol of this wide-ranging struggle for human rights in 
     China'';
       Whereas when on October 9, 2010, Liu Xia, Liu Xiaobo's 
     wife, notified her husband that he had been awarded the Nobel 
     Peace Prize, he responded by dedicating the prize to ``the 
     Tiananmen martyrs'';
       Whereas Chinese officials responded to the award by placing 
     Liu Xia under house arrest, harassing and detaining Liu 
     Xiaobo's friends and supporters, censoring Internet Web sites 
     and blacking out television broadcasts that reported the 
     award, and defaming Liu Xiaobo by describing him as a 
     ``criminal'', a ``political tool of the West'', and a 
     ``traitorous operative'';
       Whereas Chinese officials have claimed that the 
     imprisonment of Liu Xiaobo is an internal matter and that the 
     award constitutes meddling in China's internal affairs; and
       Whereas President Barack Obama, the recipient of the 2009 
     Nobel Peace Prize, has congratulated Liu Xiaobo on the award 
     and called on Chinese officials to release him from prison: 
     Now, therefore, be it
       Resolved, That the House of Representatives--
       (1) congratulates Liu Xiaobo on the award of the 2010 Nobel 
     Peace Prize;
       (2) honors Liu Xiaobo's promotion of democratic reform in 
     China, and the courage with which he has bore repeated 
     imprisonment by Chinese officials;
       (3) states that in honoring Liu Xiaobo, it also honors all 
     those who have promoted democratic reform in China, including 
     all those who participated in the 1989 Tiananmen Square 
     demonstration for democratic reform;
       (4) asserts that Liu Xiaobo is a political prisoner, and 
     that Liu Xia, Liu Xiaobo's supporters, and all signers of 
     Charter 08 who have been detained, placed under house arrest, 
     or harassed, are the victims of political persecution;
       (5) calls on Chinese officials to release Liu Xiaobo from 
     prison, and to release Liu Xia, Liu Xiaobo's supporters, and 
     all signers of Charter 08 from detention, house arrest, and 
     harassment;
       (6) calls on Chinese officials to cease censoring media and 
     Internet reporting of the award of the Nobel Peace Prize to 
     Liu Xiaobo and to cease their campaign of defamation against 
     Liu Xiaobo;
       (7) urges President Barack Obama to continue to work for 
     the release of Liu Xiaobo from prison, as well as the release 
     of Liu Xia, Liu Xiaobo's supporters, and all signers of 
     Charter 08 from detention, house arrest, and harassment; and
       (8) emphasizes that violations of human rights in general, 
     and the persecution of Liu Xiaobo, Liu Xia, Liu Xiaobo's 
     supporters, and all signers of Charter 08 specifically, are 
     matters of legitimate concern to other governments.

  The SPEAKER pro tempore. Pursuant to the rule, the gentleman from 
Florida (Mr. Klein) and the gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Smith) each 
will control 20 minutes.
  The Chair recognizes the gentleman from Florida.


                             General Leave

  Mr. KLEIN of Florida. Madam Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all 
Members may have 5 legislative days to revise and extend their remarks 
and include extraneous material on the resolution under consideration.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. Is there objection to the request of the 
gentleman from Florida?
  There was no objection.
  Mr. KLEIN of Florida. Madam Speaker, I rise in strong support of this 
resolution, and I yield myself such time as I may consume.
  Madam Speaker, this resolution congratulates Chinese democracy 
activist Liu Xiaobo on being awarded this year's Nobel Peace Prize and 
calls for his immediate release from imprisonment by the Chinese 
Government.
  I would like to thank the gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Smith) for 
sponsoring this resolution and bringing it forward to discuss with many 
of us, as well as the other six Members of Congress who originally 
nominated Mr. Liu for the Nobel Peace Prize.
  Mr. Liu was a leader during the 1989 pro-democracy Tiananmen Square 
protests and one of the drafters last year of Charter 08, a document 
signed by more than 300 Chinese intellectuals and rights advocates that 
called for political reform and improvement in China's human rights 
policies. As a result of his activism, the Chinese Government charged 
Mr. Liu with the phony

[[Page 19076]]

offense of ``inciting subversion of state power.'' He was convicted on 
Christmas day of last year and subsequently sentenced to 11 years in 
prison, a sentence that has been widely regarded as unusually harsh.
  This past October, Mr. Liu became the first Chinese citizen residing 
in China to win the Nobel Peace Prize and one of three laureates to 
have received it while in prison. The Nobel Committee awarded the prize 
to Mr. Liu ``for his long and non-violent struggle for fundamental 
human rights in China.''

                              {time}  1530

  Mr. Liu's wife visited him in prison shortly after he learned of 
winning the prize, and during their visit Mr. Liu reportedly was moved 
to tears and said that the prize was ``for the lost souls of June 4.''
  Mr. Liu remains locked away in a Chinese cell and thus is not able to 
receive the prize in person. The Chinese Government has also placed his 
wife under house arrest and is preventing her and Mr. Liu's other 
family, friends and supporters from leaving China to attend the awards 
ceremony in Norway.
  The Chinese Government has denounced the prize as a ``political 
tool'' of the West, blocking all media reporting of the news in China 
and trying to bully foreign governments from sending representatives to 
the awards ceremony later this week. China's boorish and arrogant 
behavior over Mr. Liu's award won't produce the global respect and 
clout that Chinese authorities so desperately crave, and its tactics 
only underscore China's failure to uphold the very principles to which 
Mr. Liu has dedicated his life and work and for which he is being 
recognized by the Nobel committee.
  Today, the United States House of Representatives stands in 
solidarity with Mr. Liu and all those who have risked their lives to 
promote democratic reform in China. We call on China to immediately 
release Mr. Liu from prison and to cease its harassment and detention 
of Mr. Liu's wife and supporters.
  Madam Speaker, I urge all my colleagues to support this resolution.
  I reserve the balance of my time.
  Mr. SMITH of New Jersey. Madam Speaker, I yield myself such time as I 
may consume.
  I thank my good friend and colleague from Florida for his eloquent 
statement. I thank the Speaker and the majority leader for bringing 
this resolution to the floor, and of course to Howard Berman the 
chairman and IIeana Ros-Lehtinen for their strong support for it as 
well.
  Madam Speaker, for far too long the Chinese Government has evaded 
virtually all serious scrutiny of its horrific human rights record--
usually by employing bullying tactics, including threats to nations, 
multilateral organizations like the U.N., and to individuals. Today the 
Chinese Government brutalizes women and children through forced 
abortion and coerced sterilization as part of its barbaric one-child-
per-couple policy, which makes brothers and sisters illegal. Today 
China crushes all political opposition. It tortures and incarcerates 
Falun Gong practitioners, Uyghurs, Tibetan Buddhists and Christians. 
Today China violently crushes independent labor unions and has 
transformed the Internet into a tool for surveillance and censorship.
  I note parenthetically, Madam Speaker, that immediately prior to the 
Olympics, the gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Wolf) and I visited Beijing, 
one of many human rights trips to China. While we were there, we sought 
to meet with some of the house church leaders who wanted to meet with 
us and pray with us. All but one were arrested and detained, and after 
we left that particular pastor was arrested and detained and 
interrogated as well.
  Madam Speaker, the naming of Liu Xiaobo as the 2011 Nobel Peace Prize 
laureate and the Chinese Government's outrageous response to that 
naming, including the way they have mistreated his wife but now it's 
even worse, and friends can't even travel to Oslo to be a part of the 
ceremony, that reaction, of course is the underlying problem. The 
actual abuses that are committed, oblige us to sustained scrutiny and 
meaningful action. News reports suggest that over one-and-a-half dozen 
countries have been so intimidated by Beijing that they won't even send 
a delegation to Oslo. I think that's outrageous.
  So today I urge my colleagues to adopt H. Res. 1717, expressing 
Congress' profound respect for and solidarity with Liu Xiaobo and all 
those who peacefully advocate for human rights and democracy in the 
PRC.
  Madam Speaker, the resolution honors Liu Xiaobo, who in the 1980s had 
a brilliant academic career in front of him in China. When the 
Tiananmen Square demonstrations began in 1989, he was actually a 
visiting professor in New York City. He effectively gave all of that up 
when he flew back to China to join the students demonstrating for 
democracy on the square, and even there he insisted that the students 
themselves adhere to a democratic process. Liu has been working and 
sacrificing for democratic reform ever since--through hundreds of 
remarkable essays that he has written and the courage with which he has 
borne imprisonment, no less than four times.
  My resolution highlights Charter 08, the democracy proclamation that 
Liu played a leading role in organizing, drafting, and of which he was 
one of the first signers. It is an astonishing document, a worthy heir 
of the great models that it is based upon, the U.S. Bill of Rights, the 
Universal Declaration of Human Rights, and Charter 77, the Czech human 
rights declaration that in the late 1970s contributed so much to the 
rebirth of conscience and respect for the rule of just law in eastern 
European captive nations, and ultimately to their peaceful 
democratization.
  But the Chinese Government saw in this magnificent document only a 
crime, as my friend and colleague pointed out earlier, ``inciting 
subversion of state power''--whatever that is. The government arrested 
Mr. Liu in December of 2008 and in December 2009 sentenced him to 11 
years in prison.
  Madam Speaker, in February of this year, I led a group of some six 
Members in petitioning the peace prize committee to name Mr. Liu and 
two other Chinese dissidents for the Nobel Peace Prize. Our nomination 
described him as ``a visionary leader,'' remarkable for his patriotism 
and civic courage and the generous tone of his work. This man is 
absolutely nonviolent.
  Though we didn't know it at the time, many other people had the exact 
same idea. Mr. Liu was nominated by two Nobel Peace Prize laureates--
the 14th Dalai Lama and Bishop Desmond Tutu--as well as by former Czech 
President Vaclav Havel and many members of the Czech and Slovak 
parliaments, the Norwegian parliamentarian, and a number of human 
rights defenders from around the world and leaders in the fields of 
philosophy, literature, philanthropy and finance.
  Madam Speaker, H. Res. 1717 underscores and points up the words of 
the Norwegian Nobel Committee that said, and I quote: ``The campaign to 
establish human rights in China is being waged by many Chinese. Through 
the severe punishment meted out to him, Liu has become the foremost 
symbol of this wide-ranging struggle for human rights in China.'' The 
resolution explicitly states that in honoring Liu Xiaobo, it honors all 
those who have promoted democratic reform in China, including all those 
who participated in the 1989 Tiananmen Square demonstration. After 
Liu's wife told him of the award, he wept and dedicated the prize to 
``the Tiananmen martyrs.''
  Madam Speaker, the resolution makes it very clear that Mr. Liu Xiaobo 
is a political prisoner, emphasizes that ``violations of human 
rights,'' including his persecution, ``are matters of legitimate 
concern to other governments,'' because we are hearing the tired old 
refrain from the government in Beijing that this is purely an internal 
matter.
  Similarly, the resolution calls on the Chinese Government to cease 
censoring media and Internet reporting of the award and cease defaming 
Mr. Liu as a ``political tool of the West'' and as a

[[Page 19077]]

``traitorous operative.'' These are ridiculous charges, but they go to 
the heart of the issue that Mr. Liu himself analyzed in his 2005 essay 
called ``The CPC's Dictatorial Patriotism,'' the dictatorial 
government's fallacious equation of itself with the Chinese nation, so 
that whoever opposes the dictatorship is treated as an enemy of the 
state.
  Finally, I will conclude with Liu Xiaobo's closing statement in his 
2009 trial, only a small part of it. It is very rich and I hope all 
will read it. I will put it in the Record. This shows his gentleness of 
soul. He said:
  ``But I still want to say to this regime, which is depriving me of my 
freedom, that I stand by the convictions I expressed in my June 2 
Hunger Strike Declaration 20 years ago--I have no enemies and no 
hatred. None of the police who monitored, arrested and interrogated me, 
none of the prosecutors who indicted me, and none of the judges who 
judged me are my enemies. Hatred can rot away at a person's 
intelligence and conscience.
  Enemy mentality will poison the spirit of a nation, incite cruel 
mortal struggles, destroy a society's tolerance and humanity, and 
hinder a nation's progress toward freedom and democracy. That is why I 
hope to be able to transcend my personal experiences as I look upon our 
nation's development and social change, to counter the regime's 
hostility with utmost goodwill, and to dispel hatred with love.''
  To his wife, he said:
  ``My dear, with your love I can calmly face my impending trial, 
having no regrets about the choices I've made and am optimistically 
awaiting tomorrow. I look toward to the day when my country is a land 
with freedom of expression, where the speech of every citizen will be 
treated equally well.''

                              {time}  1540

  This man is a moral giant, absolutely worthy of the Nobel Peace 
Prize, and he is the future of China.

                 I Have No Enemies: My Final Statement

                            (By Liu Xiaobo)


Closing Statement in Court. Translation by HRIC, based on a translation 
                  by J. Latourelle, December 23, 2009

       In the course of my life, for more than half a century, 
     June 1989 was the major turning point. Up to that point, I 
     was a member of the first class to enter university when 
     college entrance examinations were reinstated following the 
     Cultural Revolution (Class of '77). From BA to MA and on to 
     PhD, my academic career was all smooth sailing. Upon 
     receiving my degrees, I stayed on to teach at Beijing Normal 
     University. As a teacher, I was well received by the 
     students. At the same time, I was a public intellectual, 
     writing articles and books that created quite a stir during 
     the 1980s, frequently receiving invitations to give talks 
     around the country, and going abroad as a visiting scholar 
     upon invitation from Europe and America. What I demanded of 
     myself was this: whether as a person or as a writer, I would 
     lead a life of honesty, responsibility, and dignity. After 
     that, because I had returned from the U.S. to take part in 
     the 1989 Movement, I was thrown into prison for ``the crime 
     of counter-revolutionary propaganda and incitement.'' I also 
     lost my beloved lectern and could no longer publish essays or 
     give talks in China. Merely for publishing different 
     political views and taking part in a peaceful democracy 
     movement, a teacher lost his lectern, a writer lost his right 
     to publish, and a public intellectual lost the opportunity to 
     give talks publicly. This is a tragedy, both for me 
     personally and for a China that has already seen thirty years 
     of Reform and Opening Up.
       When I think about it, my most dramatic experiences after 
     June Fourth have been, surprisingly, associated with courts: 
     My two opportunities to address the public have both been 
     provided by trial sessions at the Beijing Municipal 
     Intermediate People's Court, once in January 1991, and again 
     today. Although the crimes I have been charged with on the 
     two occasions are different in name, their real substance is 
     basically the same--both are speech crimes.
       Twenty years have passed, but the ghosts of June Fourth 
     have not yet been laid to rest. Upon release from Qincheng 
     Prison in 1991, I, who had been led onto the path of 
     political dissent by the psychological chains of June Fourth, 
     lost the right to speak publicly in my own country and could 
     only speak through the foreign media. Because of this, I was 
     subjected to year-round monitoring, kept under residential 
     surveillance (May 1995 to January 1996) and sent to 
     Reeducation-Through-Labor (October 1996 to October 1999). And 
     now I have been once again shoved into the dock by the enemy 
     mentality of the regime. But I still want to say to this 
     regime, which is depriving me of my freedom, that I stand by 
     the convictions I expressed in my ``June Second Hunger Strike 
     Declaration'' twenty years ago--I have no enemies and no 
     hatred. None of the police who monitored, arrested, and 
     interrogated me, none of the prosecutors who indicted me, and 
     none of the judges who judged me are my enemies. Although 
     there is no way I can accept your monitoring, arrests, 
     indictments, and verdicts, I respect your professions and 
     your integrity, including those of the two prosecutors, Zhang 
     Rongge and Pan Xueqing, who are now bringing charges against 
     me on behalf of the prosecution. During interrogation on 
     December 3, I could sense your respect and your good faith.
       Hatred can rot away at a person's intelligence and 
     conscience. Enemy mentality will poison the spirit of a 
     nation, incite cruel mortal struggles, destroy a society's 
     tolerance and humanity, and hinder a nation's progress toward 
     freedom and democracy. That is why I hope to be able to 
     transcend my personal experiences as I look upon our nation's 
     development and social change, to counter the regime's 
     hostility with utmost good will, and to dispel hatred with 
     love.
       Everyone knows that it was Reform and Opening Up that 
     brought about our country's development and social change. In 
     my view, Reform and Opening Up began with the abandonment of 
     the ``using class struggle as guiding principle'' government 
     policy of the Mao era and, in its place, a commitment to 
     economic development and social harmony. The process of 
     abandoning the ``philosophy of struggle'' was also a process 
     of gradual weakening of the enemy mentality and elimination 
     of the psychology of hatred, and a process of squeezing out 
     the ``wolf's milk'' that had seeped into human nature.\1\ It 
     was this process that provided a relaxed climate, at home and 
     abroad, for Reform and Opening Up, gentle and humane grounds 
     for restoring mutual affection among people and peaceful 
     coexistence among those with different interests and values, 
     thereby providing encouragement in keeping with humanity for 
     the bursting forth of creativity and the restoration of 
     compassion among our countrymen. One could say that 
     relinquishing the ``anti-imperialist and anti-revisionist'' 
     stance in foreign relations and ``class struggle'' at home 
     has been the basic premise that has enabled Reform and 
     Opening Up to continue to this very day. The market trend in 
     the economy, the diversification of culture, and the gradual 
     shift in social order toward the rule of law have all 
     benefitted from the weakening of the ``enemy mentality.'' 
     Even in the political arena, where progress is slowest, the 
     weakening of the enemy mentality has led to an ever-growing 
     tolerance for social pluralism on the part of the regime and 
     substantial decrease in the force of persecution of political 
     dissidents, and the official designation of the 1989 Movement 
     has also been changed from ``turmoil and riot'' to 
     ``political disturbance.'' The weakening of the enemy 
     mentality has paved the way for the regime to gradually 
     accept the universality of human rights. In [1997 and] 1998 
     the Chinese government made a commitment to sign two major 
     United Nations international human rights covenants,\2\ 
     signaling China's acceptance of universal human rights 
     standards. In 2004, the National People's Congress (NPC) 
     amended the Constitution, writing into the Constitution for 
     the first time that ``the state respects and guarantees human 
     rights,'' signaling that human rights have already become one 
     of the fundamental principles of China's rule of law. At the 
     same time, the current regime puts forth the ideas of 
     ``putting people first'' and ``creating a harmonious 
     society,'' signaling progress in the CPC's concept of rule.
       I have also been able to feel this progress on the macro 
     level through my own personal experience since my arrest.
       Although I continue to maintain that I am innocent and that 
     the charges against me are unconstitutional, during the one 
     plus year since I have lost my freedom, I have been locked up 
     at two different locations and gone through four pretrial 
     police interrogators, three prosecutors, and two judges, but 
     in handling my case, they have not been disrespectful, 
     overstepped time limitations, or tried to force a confession. 
     Their manner has been moderate and reasonable; moreover, they 
     have often shown goodwill. On June 23, I was moved from a 
     location where I was kept under residential surveillance to 
     the Beijing Municipal Public Security Bureau's No. 1 
     Detention Center, known as ``Beikan.'' During my six months 
     at Beikan, I saw improvements in prison management.
       In 1996, I spent time at the old Beikan (located at 
     Banbuqiao). Compared to the old Beikan of more than a decade 
     ago, the present Beikan is a huge improvement, both in terms 
     of the ``hardware''--the facilities--and the ``software''--
     the management. In particular, the humane management 
     pioneered by the new Beikan, based on respect for the rights 
     and integrity of detainees, has brought flexible management 
     to bear on every aspect of the behavior of the correctional 
     staff, and has found expression in the ``comforting 
     broadcasts,'' Repentance magazine, and music before meals, on 
     waking and at bedtime. This style of management allows 
     detainees to experience a sense of dignity and warmth, and 
     stirs their consciousness in maintaining prison order and 
     opposing the

[[Page 19078]]

     bullies among inmates. Not only has it provided a humane 
     living environment for detainees, it has also greatly 
     improved the environment for their litigation to take place 
     and their state of mind. I've had close contact with 
     correctional officer Liu Zheng, who has been in charge of me 
     in my cell, and his respect and care for detainees could be 
     seen in every detail of his work, permeating his every word 
     and deed, and giving one a warm feeling. It was perhaps my 
     good fortune to have gotten to know this sincere, honest, 
     conscientious, and kind correctional officer during my time 
     at Beikan.
       It is precisely because of such convictions and personal 
     experience that I firmly believe that China's political 
     progress will not stop, and I, filled with optimism, look 
     forward to the advent of a future free China. For there is no 
     force that can put an end to the human quest for freedom, and 
     China will in the end become a nation ruled by law, where 
     human rights reign supreme. I also hope that this sort of 
     progress can be reflected in this trial as I await the 
     impartial ruling of the collegial bench--a ruling that will 
     withstand the test of history.
       If I may be permitted to say so, the most fortunate 
     experience of these past twenty years has been the selfless 
     love I have received from my wife, Liu Xia. She could not be 
     present as an observer in court today, but I still want to 
     say to you, my dear, that I firmly believe your love for me 
     will remain the same as it has always been. Throughout all 
     these years that I have lived without freedom, our love was 
     full of bitterness imposed by outside circumstances, but as I 
     savor its aftertaste, it remains boundless. I am serving my 
     sentence in a tangible prison, while you wait in the 
     intangible prison of the heart. Your love is the sunlight 
     that leaps over high walls and penetrates the iron bars of my 
     prison window, stroking every inch of my skin, warming every 
     cell of my body, allowing me to always keep peace, openness, 
     and brightness in my heart, and filling every minute of my 
     time in prison with meaning. My love for you, on the other 
     hand, is so full of remorse and regret that it at times makes 
     me stagger under its weight. I am an insensate stone in the 
     wilderness, whipped by fierce wind and torrential rain, so 
     cold that no one dares touch me. But my love is solid and 
     sharp, capable of piercing through any obstacle. Even if I 
     were crushed into powder, I would still use my ashes to 
     embrace you.
       My dear, with your love I can calmly face my impending 
     trial, having no regrets about the choices I've made and 
     optimistically awaiting tomorrow. I look forward to [the day] 
     when my country is a land with freedom of expression, where 
     the speech of every citizen will be treated equally well; 
     where different values, ideas, beliefs, and political views . 
     . . can both compete with each other and peacefully coexist; 
     where both majority and minority views will be equally 
     guaranteed, and where the political views that differ from 
     those currently in power, in particular, will be fully 
     respected and protected; where all political views will 
     spread out under the sun for people to choose from, where 
     every citizen can state political views without fear, and 
     where no one can under any circumstances suffer political 
     persecution for voicing divergent political views. I hope 
     that I will be the last victim of China's endless literary 
     inquisitions and that from now on no one will be incriminated 
     because of speech.
       Freedom of expression is the foundation of human rights, 
     the source of humanity, and the mother of truth. To strangle 
     freedom of speech is to trample on human rights, stifle 
     humanity, and suppress truth.
       In order to exercise the right to freedom of speech 
     conferred by the Constitution, one should fulfill the social 
     responsibility of a Chinese citizen. There is nothing 
     criminal in anything I have done. [But] if charges are 
     brought against me because of this, I have no complaints.
       Thank you, everyone.


                           Translator's Notes

       1. Writers in China today often refer to indoctrination 
     with the ideology of class struggle as ``drinking wolf's 
     milk,'' and the ideology of the Cultural Revolution era as 
     the ``wolf's milk culture,'' which had turned humans into 
     wolf-like predatory beasts.
       2. China signed the International Covenant on Economic, 
     Social and Cultural Rights (ICESCR) in 1997, and ratified it 
     in 2001. It signed the International Covenant on Civil and 
     Political Rights (ICCPR) in 1998, but has not yet ratified 
     the covenant.

  I reserve the balance of my time.
  Mr. KLEIN of Florida. Madam Speaker, I yield 5 minutes to the 
gentleman from Oregon (Mr. Wu).
  Mr. WU. Madam Speaker, I rise today to support House Resolution 1717, 
congratulating imprisoned Chinese democracy advocate Liu Xiaobo on the 
award of the 2010 Nobel Peace Prize. I thank my colleague and good 
friend Congressman Chris Smith for introducing this resolution.
  China is an appropriately proud nation, with more than 5,000 years of 
recorded history, a history filled with great achievements. Chinese is 
perhaps the world's oldest, continuously used written language. More 
recently, the nation has achieved near universal literacy and has fed 
its 1.3 billion people most adequately. And most recently, China has 
achieved human space flight, joining the international community of 
space-faring nations.
  And on this Friday, another first, the first Nobel Peace Prize. But 
inexplicably, this achievement has been met by this Chinese Government 
with opposition and outright hostility. This is an incomprehensible 
failure of national pride and patriotism. I call upon this Chinese 
Government to be on the right side of history. I know that Chinese 
history will some day vindicate Liu Xiaobo, as it has done with other 
great figures in Chinese history.
  In the city of Hangzhou, which is near Suzhou, my ancestral home 
where my family has lived for 500 to 600 years, Hangzhou was the 
capital of the Southern Song Dynasty and the scene of conflict between 
the Song Dynasty and northern tribes. In that city is a memorial park 
to honor a general of the Song Dynasty, Yue Fei, who is now considered 
a national hero. He was executed by a jealous emperor. And today, his 
statue, he stands upon that jealous emperor's neck tall and proud.
  History has a way of setting things right. By failing to honor the 
fundamental rights guaranteed by its own constitution, the current 
Chinese Government not only fails the Chinese people, but it is also 
failing to live up to China's 5,000-year history as one of the great 
civilizations on this planet. People like Liu Xiaobo are the future of 
China. Let us honor him today and every day as this struggle continues.
  Why is Liu Xiaobo, a prolific writer and a longstanding advocate for 
peaceful democratic reform in China, in prison today, unable to attend 
the ceremony in Oslo? This year, the world's spotlight will be on the 
Nobel Peace Prize ceremony, and that spotlight will shine upon an empty 
chair. I and others from this body will be there, and we hope to 
underscore both the universality of the struggle for freedom and the 
singularity not only of the great achievement but also of the Chinese 
Government's unpatriotic, incomprehensible reactions to Mr. Liu's 
historic recognition.
  Madam Speaker, it is time for change. With proper recognition and 
proper action, China can take another important step and evolve 
peacefully toward its future. The alternative will be a harsh judgment 
of history.
  Mr. SMITH of New Jersey. Madam Speaker, I yield 5 minutes to the 
gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Wolf), who is cochair of the Tom Lantos 
Congressional Human Rights Commission and a great advocate of human 
rights all over the world, including and especially in China.
  Mr. WOLF. I want to thank my good friend and distinguished colleague 
Congressman Chris Smith of New Jersey for introducing this important 
resolution which congratulates Chinese democracy advocate Liu Xiaobo on 
the award.
  Congressman Smith--and I think all the colleagues in this House on 
both sides should know--is one of the greatest human rights advocates 
in the Congress, and his leadership on this issue and on human rights 
and religious freedom is really, I think, one of the finest that I have 
ever served with since I have been here in Congress. I also want to say 
parenthetically, why hasn't the Church in the West and in the United 
States also spoken out on some of these more profound issues of human 
rights and religious freedoms? The silence of the Church in the West is 
quite disturbing.
  On Friday, the award ceremony will be held with an empty chair, as my 
colleague Mr. Wu said, as a solemn reminder that this year's Nobel 
laureate remains languishing in prison. Chinese authorities have placed 
his wife under house arrest to ensure that she will not be able to 
accept the prize on his behalf.
  Since 1901, only three other Nobel Prize winners have been prevented 
from attending the ceremony to accept the prize. In 1935, Carl von 
Ossietzy, a German peace activist, was prevented from receiving the 
prize by the Nazi

[[Page 19079]]

government. In 1975, Andrei Sakharov, a Russian nuclear scientist, was 
barred from leaving the Soviet Union to accept the prize. And in 1991, 
Aung San Suu Kyi, the leader of Burma's democracy movement, was not 
allowed to leave the country by the brutal ruling military junta.
  China should be ashamed and embarrassed to be in the company of Nazi 
Germany, the Soviet Union, and Burma. Instead, the Chinese Government 
has launched a diplomatic campaign to encourage other nations to 
boycott Friday's ceremony. In a public statement, China's vice foreign 
minister threatened that ``if they make the wrong choice, they have to 
bear the consequences.'' The 18 countries that have sided with China 
and will not attend Friday's ceremonies are Afghanistan, Colombia, 
Egypt, Russia, Kazakhstan, Cuba, Morocco, Iraq, Iran, Pakistan, the 
Philippines, Saudi Arabia, Serbia, Sudan--the genocide Government of 
Sudan--Tunisia, Ukraine, Venezuela, and Vietnam.
  And when their lobbyists come up here next year begging for help, 
remember, they were not willing to go to Oslo even to stand up for 
human rights. Here we are giving the Moroccan Government $697 million 
in the Millennium Challenge grant, and they won't even go to Oslo. 
These countries, which are among the world's worst human rights 
abusers, will join China in its shameful boycott.
  This year's Nobel Prize winner is representative not just of Dr. Liu, 
but of the thousands of Chinese prisoners that remain languishing in 
prisons and labor camps due to their political and religious beliefs. 
Chinese authorities continue to crack down on the Protestant house 
church Christians, Catholics, Tibetan Buddhists, Muslim Uyghurs, and 
members of the Falun Gong.
  In passing this resolution, the U.S. Congress sends an important 
message to the dissidents of China and all those who are being 
persecuted around the world. The people of the United States stand with 
those who sit in their jail cells day after day, week after week, year 
after year in their quest for freedom.
  Robert F. Kennedy once said: ``Each time a man stands up for an 
ideal, or acts to improve the lot of others, or strikes out against 
injustice, he sends forth a tiny ripple of hope'' and ``those ripples 
build a current which can sweep down the mightiest walls of oppression 
and resistance.''
  The awarding of the Nobel Peace Prize to Dr. Liu has sent out that 
ripple of hope that cannot be stopped. And I believe that in my 
lifetime--and remember, the Berlin Wall fell like that--in my lifetime, 
the Chinese people will know the true freedom, and I will look forward 
to celebrating that day.
  I thank Mr. Smith again for his leadership on this and so many other 
issues.
  Mr. KLEIN of Florida. Madam Speaker, as we've been discussing, this 
is a travesty of great magnitude. The Chinese Government has shown over 
and over again its lack of respect and dignity for human life. And, 
certainly, for someone who has such great respect in the academic 
community and worldwide as a leader in the views of nonviolence to be 
locked up and put away when the rest of the world recognizes the 
importance of his respect and his leadership in this important endeavor 
is obviously more than disgusting.

                              {time}  1550

  But we have an opportunity, obviously, today to create a resolution 
and speak on behalf of the United States and our people about what we 
believe are human rights and the respect that should be given someone 
who has been given the Nobel Peace Prize.
  Madam Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
  Mr. SMITH of New Jersey. Madam Speaker, I yield 4 minutes to the 
gentleman from California (Mr. Rohrabacher), ranking member of the 
Foreign Affairs Subcommittee on International Organizations, Human 
Rights, and Oversight. He too has been outspoken on behalf of the 
dissidents in China.
  Mr. ROHRABACHER. Madam Speaker, let me first suggest that I am 
honored to be here in the presence of Chris Smith, who has done so 
much, and Speaker Pelosi, who over the years, over these last two 
decades while I have been in Congress, have proven to me over and over 
again that they are the type of moral and honest people that I emulate 
and would seek to strive to meet your standards. So thank you very much 
for the leadership both of you have shown, and nowhere is that more 
evident than when it comes to our relations with China.
  I rise in strong support of H. Res. 1717, which urges President Obama 
to work for the release of Nobel Peace Prize Laureate Liu Xiaobo, as 
well as the release of all the heroic signers of Charter 08. They are 
now in detention and house arrest for being so courageous to put their 
name on a democratic document.
  There is nothing so low in the arena of global politics as officials 
of a regime who order the arrest and imprisonment of a Nobel Prize 
winner. Such oppressors deserve a prize of their own, a prize for 
arrogance and brutality. This year's prize would then go again to the 
Chinese leadership, who have awarded themselves this prize of infamy.
  More perplexing than gangsters acting like gangsters are American 
Government officials who insist on treating the communist dictatorship 
as if it is morally equivalent to democratic government, thus worthy of 
respect, of trust and cooperation. For 30 years, our State Department 
has pushed a policy of open doors, of trade and commerce with Communist 
China. And we have, of course, shared our technology with Communist 
China, invested in Communist China. We have closed factories here and 
opened them up in China. We have trained their young people and 
equipped them. And we were told that if we so outreached, that our 
goodwill would then civilize the brutal thugs in the Communist Chinese 
Party.
  Now that all of our jobs and factories have been sent to Communist 
China, they still repress their people, even Nobel Prize winners. Yet 
we must watch out how heavily we criticize. They might turn down our 
requests for loan extensions, or our CEOs might feel threatened that 
their factories that they put over there might be expropriated.
  Madam Speaker, we need to raise our voices for freedom in China and 
the imprisoned Nobel Prize winner. But more importantly, we need to 
identify the Chinese regime as a militaristic dictatorship that 
threatens everything we hold dear, threatens the peace of the world, 
and threatens all freedom-loving people in the world, and then act 
accordingly. Therefore, I rise in support of this resolution, joining 
with Speaker Pelosi and Congressman Smith and my other colleagues who 
know if we do not stand for these truths that our country supposedly 
believes in, it will come back and hurt us later.
  Therefore, I rise in support and urge my colleagues and the American 
people to wake up and stop treating China like as if we treat them well 
and ignore their crimes against humanity that they will change. That 
may be what you do when you are complaining to a democratic government 
and you suggest that they made a mistake, they are doing something 
wrong, yes, and then follow through with goodwill gestures. That is 
seen as weakness on the part of dictatorships. And it is about time 
that America stands strong and be seen as a courageous voice throughout 
the world for freedom, democracy, and peace, and especially as we send 
that message to the people of China.
  Mr. KLEIN of Florida. Madam Speaker, I would like to acknowledge and 
thank the Speaker of the House for her leadership in the fight for 
human rights throughout the world, and I yield 1 minute to the Speaker 
of the House.
  Ms. PELOSI. I thank the gentleman from Florida for yielding and thank 
him for giving us this opportunity to talk about Liu Xiaobo on the 
floor of the House today. I especially want to thank Chris Smith, the 
gentleman from New Jersey, Frank Wolf, Dana Rohrabacher, three Members 
whom I heard speak on the subject, and I know

[[Page 19080]]

many others have, David Wu, who is with us on this side, for their 
commitment to democratic freedoms in China.
  Madam Speaker, Mr. Smith, Mr. Rohrabacher, and Mr. Wolf and I have 
been working on this issue for decades. Even before Tiananmen Square, 
many of us met with our former colleague, now gone from us, Tom Lantos, 
to meet with His Holiness the Dalai Lama. I think that was in 1987. A 
couple years later, we saw what happened in Tiananmen Square. And at 
that time, as advocates for human rights throughout the world, we were 
advocating for human rights in China as well. For a long time, we had 
that debate.
  We were joined then by our colleague David Wu and others in this 
important statement that said, if we are advocating for human rights 
throughout the world, which this Congress has done over and over again, 
we lose all moral authority to talk about human rights in the rest of 
the world if we do not talk about human rights in China, despite the 
commercial interests we have in China, despite a number of other issues 
that had been called to our attention. And so the news that the Nobel 
Committee had awarded the Nobel Peace Prize to Liu Xiaobo came as good 
news to those of us who had been calling attention to this issue for a 
very long time.
  Congressman Smith was instrumental in nominating Liu Xiaobo for the 
Nobel Prize. He has been a fighter. He and Frank Wolf, how many times 
did you go to China, visit the prisons and the rest? On this score, Mr. 
Rohrabacher has been relentless. And so for us, this is a very 
important occasion, not only that he is receiving the Nobel Prize, but 
that this Congress is recognizing that prize as well.
  The Nobel Prize has been called the most prestigious prize in the 
world. It is appropriate that in 2010, Chinese democracy advocate Liu 
Xiaobo joins the illustrious group of former recipients.
  On Christmas Day 2009, Chinese authorities sentenced Liu Xiaobo to 11 
years in prison for inciting subversion of state power. It was a harsh 
sentence that disrespects the rule of law and the freedom of Chinese 
citizens to express their opinions, which is even guaranteed in the 
Chinese constitution. Liu Xiaobo is still in prison today, and his wife 
has been put under house arrest.
  Liu Xiaobo was one of the original signers of Charter 08, an online 
petition calling for new policies to improve human rights and democracy 
in China. Mr. Liu wrote, ``The most fundamental principles of democracy 
are that people are sovereign, and that the people select their own 
government.''
  Charter 08 now has over 10,000 signatories, many of whom have been 
harassed and intimidated by the Chinese authorities. The courageous 
efforts by the signatories of Charter 08 to express themselves in the 
face of arrest and detention are truly an inspiration around the world.
  One of the things that we have done in the past decades is to make 
sure that those who have been arrested for expressing their views, 
whether they be religious or political, are not forgotten. One of the 
techniques of imprisonment is to tell those who have been arrested that 
on the outside nobody even remembers you, nobody cares that you are 
here; they have forgotten you and all that you have done. And, of 
course, with the awarding of the Nobel Peace Prize, what greater 
spotlight could there be placed on freedom of expression in China?

                              {time}  1600

  The awarding of the Nobel Peace Prize for the first time to a Chinese 
citizen is a momentous occasion for the Tiananmen democracy movement.
  Liu Xiaobo was arrested in Tiananmen Square in 1989. At the time, he 
was on a hunger strike to protest martial law and support peaceful 
negotiations with Chinese students. He spent many years in Chinese 
prison camps for only expressing his right to free expression.
  The Nobel Peace Prize is not only a testament to Liu Xiaobo, but 
Chinese dissidents, many, many Chinese dissidents, who have sacrificed 
so much in pursuant of freedom and democracy in China.
  Today, the House of Representatives is congratulating Liu Xiaobo on 
the Nobel Peace Prize and sending a clear message of support for human 
rights and democracy in China. We do this in recognition of the 
importance of the relationship between China and the United States, 
that we have many issues where we have common ground or where we should 
seek common ground, but all of that is better served by the candor in 
our friendship and not ignoring sore spots.
  We continue to call for Liu Xiaobo's immediate and unconditional 
release and for the Chinese Government to listen to the many Chinese 
citizens who are calling for human rights and freedom in China.
  Once again, I thank Congressman Smith for his leadership over the 
many years and for nominating Liu Xiaobo and helping to bring this 
resolution to the floor, and I thank Mr. Klein for his leadership as 
well.
  Mr. SMITH of New Jersey. Madam Speaker, I yield myself 30 seconds.
  First of all, I want to thank our distinguished Speaker of the House, 
Nancy Pelosi, for her very eloquent defense of the human rights 
defenders in China, especially for Liu Xiaobo. I also wish to thank her 
for these many decades, in which we have worked side by side, along 
with Frank Wolf and others, and I thank her for that and for scheduling 
this resolution to come to the floor today.
  I yield 2 minutes to my good friend and colleague, the gentleman from 
Pennsylvania (Mr. Pitts).
  Mr. PITTS. Thank you, Congressman Smith, for your leadership on this 
issue.
  Madam Speaker, here is a picture of Liu Xiaobo, a modern-day human 
rights hero who is suffering and languishing in prison as we speak.
  This resolution celebrates the fact that the Chinese dissident Liu 
Xiaobo has been awarded the Nobel Peace Prize and notes with sadness 
the fact that he remains in prison because of his commitment to freedom 
and human rights. He has been a true hero, defending those who cannot 
defend themselves and lending a voice to those who have no voice.
  He has worked tirelessly to protect human rights but has been 
repeatedly detained, sent to reeducation through labor camps, placed 
under house arrest, harassed, and monitored by the Chinese Government. 
For years, he has withstood the brutal intimidation tactics of the 
Chinese Government and has continued to fight for freedom.
  In 2008 he helped draft Charter 08, calling for greater freedom of 
expression, respect for human rights, and free elections. Because of 
his role in drafting and circulating the charter, he was arrested and 
sentenced to 11 years in prison, a term he continues to serve.
  Liu's long, arduous, and peaceful struggle for human rights has made 
him most deserving of this award, and we act today to recognize and 
honor his life's work. But we also take this opportunity to call on the 
Chinese Government to respect the basic human rights of its people and 
to release Liu from prison.
  Unfortunately, the Chinese Government's response to the Nobel Prize 
Committee's decision was shameful. News about the award was censured, 
and the Foreign Ministry issued a statement calling Liu a criminal. His 
wife was placed under house arrest, and events commemorating the award 
were raided.
  In addition, China has declined to attend the Nobel Peace Prize 
ceremony for the award, and now it's being boycotted.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. The time of the gentleman has expired.
  Mr. SMITH of New Jersey. Madam Speaker, how much time remains on both 
sides?
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. The gentleman from New Jersey has 30 seconds 
remaining, and the gentleman from Florida has 11 minutes remaining.
  Mr. SMITH of New Jersey. I yield the gentleman from Pennsylvania an 
additional 30 seconds.
  Mr. PITTS. The countries of Kazakhstan, Morocco, Egypt, and Iraq are 
boycotting. That's shameful. It's my hope that, as the resolution says, 
the Government of China will release

[[Page 19081]]

him from prison and the President, when the President of China comes 
next month, will raise this issue vigorously and urge him to be 
released.
  Mr. KLEIN of Florida. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman 
from New Jersey (Mr. Smith) to close.
  Mr. SMITH of New Jersey. I thank my good friend.
  Mr. Speaker, just let me close with a statement of Liu Xiaobo 
himself. Remember, this was stated at his trial in 2009. He said, in 
pertinent part: I hope that I will be the last victim of China's 
endless literary inquisitions and that from now on no one will be 
incriminated because of speech.
  He went on to say: Freedom of expression is the foundation of human 
rights, the source of humanity, and the mother of truth. To strangle 
freedom of speech is to trample on human rights, stifle humanity, and 
suppress truth.
  He went on to say: There is nothing criminal in anything I have done. 
If charges are brought against me because of this, I have no 
complaints.
  Liu Xiaobo had bogus charges leveled against him, and today he 
endures 11 years in prison. Today, the Congress stands with the 
oppressed, all of the oppressed in China, but including and especially 
Liu Xiaobo.
  We stand with him and we stand against the oppressor. We are united 
Democrats, Republicans, liberals, moderates, and conservatives in 
saying that human rights matter, and we thank the Nobel Peace Prize 
Committee for naming this outstanding moral leader one of the greatest 
moral leaders of our time as the 2011 laureate.
  Mr. KLEIN of Florida. I would like to thank the gentleman from New 
Jersey for his very eloquent presentation, and all the speakers today, 
including the Speaker of the House. This is a statement of the American 
people, a statement of all of us from whatever background we come, 
about the importance of human rights and the recognition that all of us 
fight for human rights, no matter what the situation, politically or 
otherwise.
  Mr. HOLT. Mr. Speaker, I rise as a cosponsor and strong supporter of 
House Resolution 1717. For over two decades, Liu Xiaobo has been a 
tireless advocate for human rights and democratic self-government for 
the people of China. In 1989, he left a temporary appointment in the 
United States to participate in the Tiananmen Square pro-democracy 
protests. After the army crackdown, he was instrumental in negotiating 
a non-violent resolution to the standoff. Liu continued to promote 
reforms in China during periods of imprisonment that followed Tiananmen 
Square. He was one of the primary authors of Charter 08, a declaration 
of human and civil rights for the Chinese people that was published on 
December 10, 2008. In 2009, the Chinese government sentenced Liu to 
eleven years in prison for ``inciting subversion of state power.''
  I applaud the Norwegian Nobel Committee for recognizing Liu Xiaobo 
with the 2010 Nobel Prize for Peace. Liu is a brave spokesman for the 
billions of Chinese citizens who are denied their individual liberties 
in favor of ``state power.'' His nonviolent struggle and sacrifice 
follows in the venerable tradition of Mahatma Gandhi and Martin Luther 
King Jr., and he richly deserves this honor. Liu is the first Chinese 
citizen to receive a Nobel Prize. Sadly, however, his continued 
imprisonment by the Chinese government will prevent him from accepting 
his prize in person. I hope that the Government of China soon will 
realize that Liu Xiaobo and others who engage in nonviolent activism on 
behalf of universal human rights are not dissidents to be swept under 
the rug. They are noble and constructive members of society whose goal 
is a more just world. I join with my colleagues in congratulating Liu 
Xiaobo and calling for his immediate release, along with all political 
prisoners and prisoners of conscience in China and around the globe.
  Mr. McGOVERN. Mr. Speaker, this morning I was proud to participate in 
a press conference in honor of Mr. Liu Xiaobo, the 2010 Laureate of the 
Nobel Peace Prize. I was joined by my fellow co-Chair of the Tom Lantos 
Human Rights Commission, Congressman Frank Wolf, as well as 
Representatives Joseph Pitts, Chris Smith (NJ), Ileana Ros-Lehtinen, 
David Wu  and Robert Aderholt. Representatives from human rights 
organizations also made statements in support of Mr. Liu, including 
Sophie Richard with Human Rights Watch; T. Kumar with Amnesty 
International; Paula Schriefer with Freedom House; Todd Stein with the 
International Campaign for Tibet; Clothilde de Le Coz with Reporters 
Without Borders; and Harry Wu, well-known Chinese human rights 
activist.
  I would like to submit the statement that I made this morning in 
support of Liu Xiaobo's non-violent advocacy on behalf of democratic 
and human rights in China and his having been awarded this well-
deserved honor.

     Good morning, ladies and gentlemen:
       Today I proudly stand shoulder to shoulder with my 
     colleagues in Congress and so many distinguished human rights 
     defenders and congratulate Liu Xiaobo on being awarded the 
     2010 Nobel Peace Prize.
        When the Norwegian Nobel Committee announced its decision 
     on October 8th, it renewed its past proud history of awarding 
     this prestigious award to outstanding individuals and groups 
     who embody incredible courage and humanity in the face of 
     severe suppression, to bravely stand up for their fellow 
     citizens, for truth, democracy and human rights--despite the 
     likely consequences.
       The Nobel Committee in its announcement specifically cited 
     that it awarded the Peace Prize to Mr. Liu because of ``his 
     long and non-violent struggle for fundamental human rights in 
     China.''
       When the award ceremony takes place this Friday in Oslo, 
     Norway, on December 10th, International Human Rights Day, Mr. 
     Liu will be serving yet another day of the 11-year sentence 
     he received last December for alleged `subversion of State 
     power.'
        If the Chinese government had to explain what exactly is 
     the alleged `subversion,' it would of course be hard pressed. 
     Mr. Liu's entire life has been dedicated to the peaceful 
     reform of his country, a country that yearns for greater 
     space for democracy and human rights. That is exactly why the 
     People's Republic of China does not explain its blatant abuse 
     of judicial power, or allow judicial review or meaningful 
     court proceedings in the first place.
       Instead, China immediately embarked on a massive 
     international campaign to pressure the Nobel Committee not to 
     award the Prize to Mr. Liu as the first Chinese recipient of 
     the Nobel Peace Prize, and pressed foreign governments not to 
     attend the ceremonies in Oslo. We remember how China 
     responded in a similar fashion when His Holiness, the Dalai 
     Lama, won the award, and when Uyghur human rights and 
     democracy leader Rebiya Kadeer was nominated for the Peace 
     Prize.
       China's arm reaches far, and the PRC, unfortunately, has 
     been able to exert pressure on a handful of countries. The 
     United States, however, must be a beacon of hope. I call on 
     President Obama--as a Peace Prize recipient himself--to send 
     a high level delegation to Oslo as a very clear signal to the 
     world that the U.S. stands full square for human rights and 
     democracy, and that we stand with Liu Xiaobo and the Chinese 
     human rights and democracy movement.
       China also cracked down harshly on any attempts to 
     celebrate Mr. Liu's achievements in his country, and has so 
     far prevented Mr. Liu's wife, Liu Xia, from traveling to 
     Oslo, as well as most of China's democracy activists and 
     scholars who were invited by Mr. Liu's family.
       The speeches in Oslo will no doubt highlight Mr. Liu's 
     incredible courage and peaceful convictions. We will hear 
     about his leadership as a writer, literary critic, professor 
     and human rights activist; his role during the 1989 pro-
     democracy protest in Tiananmen Square, where he negotiated on 
     behalf of student demonstrators, that he served as President 
     of the Independent Chinese PEN Center since 2003, and the 
     prominent leadership role he played in the drafting of one of 
     the most important Chinese reform documents, Charter 08.
       This Friday, Mr. Liu will take his rightful place among 
     those human rights giants who were also imprisoned when they 
     were awarded the Nobel Peace Prize--Germany's Carl von 
     Ossietzky in 1935 and Burma's Aung San Suu Kyi in 1991.
       But what Mr. Liu needs most is not the ornate medal, or 
     even the cash prize which goes with the award, but our 
     ongoing commitment to stand with him and the goals and 
     aspirations he represents. That is our job as law makers, 
     NGOs, the public, and the international community--today, 
     tomorrow, in Oslo, and most importantly, beyond December 
     10th.

  Mr. LEVIN. Mr. Speaker, the imprisonment of Liu Xiaobo is a personal 
tragedy, a national shame, and an international challenge. The answer 
is clear: Mr. Liu should be released immediately.
  For his more than two decades of advocating for freedom of speech, 
assembly, religion, peaceful democratic reform, transparency and 
accountability in China, Mr. Liu is serving an eleven-year sentence in 
a Chinese prison for ``inciting subversion of state power.'' Those in 
China, like Mr. Liu, who have penned thoughtful essays or signed 
Charter 08 seek to advance debate, as the Charter states, on ``national 
governance, citizens' rights, and social development'' consistent with 
their ``duty as responsible and constructive citizens.'' Their 
commitment and contribution to their country must be recognized, as the 
Nobel Committee has done, and as we do today, and their rights must be 
protected.
  The Chinese government has said that awarding the Nobel Prize to Liu 
Xiaobo

[[Page 19082]]

``shows a lack of respect for China's judicial system.'' I would like 
to take a moment to examine this claim. For it seems to me that what 
truly showed a lack of respect for China's judicial system were the 
numerous and well-documented violations of Chinese legal protections 
for criminal defendants that marred Mr. Liu's trial from the outset. I 
refer here to matters such as the failure of Chinese prosecutors 
adequately to consult defense lawyers, and the speed with which 
prosecutors acted in indicting Mr. Liu and bringing him to trial, 
effectively denying his lawyers sufficient time to review the state's 
evidence and to prepare for his defense. Chinese officials prevented 
Mr. Liu's wife from attending his trial, in which she had hoped to 
testify on behalf of her husband. Mr. Liu's lawyers reportedly were 
ordered by state justice officials not to grant interviews. It is these 
abuses committed by Chinese officials in China, not the actions of a 
committee in Oslo, that demonstrated ``a lack of respect for China's 
judicial system.''
  All nations have the responsibility to ensure fairness and 
transparency in judicial proceedings. The effective implementation of 
basic human rights and the ability of all people in China to live under 
the rule of law depend on careful attention to, and transparent 
compliance with, procedural norms and safeguards that meet 
international standards. I serve as Cochairman of the Congressional-
Executive Commission on China (CECC). The Commission's Political 
Prisoner Database, which is available to the public on-line via the 
Commission's web site, www.cecc.gov, contains information on thousands 
of political prisoners in China. These are individuals who have been 
imprisoned by the Chinese government for exercising their civil and 
political rights under China's Constitution and laws or under China's 
international human rights obligations. The enhancement of the database 
that the Commission announced this past summer roughly doubled the 
types of information available to the public, enabling individuals, 
organizations, and governments to better report on political 
imprisonment in China and to more effectively advocate on behalf of 
Chinese political prisoners. And people around the world have been 
using the database to do just that. The number of ``hits'' to the 
database from individual users, NGOs, academic institutions and 
governments around the world has skyrocketed. The database makes clear 
that political imprisonment in China is well-documented, it is a 
practice whereby the Chinese government has shown disrespect for the 
law not only in Liu Xiaobo's case, but in thousands of other cases, and 
it must end.
  Unfortunately, the end to political imprisonment in China does not 
appear likely at this time. Since the Nobel Committee's announcement, 
Mr. Liu's wife, Liu Xia, has been harassed relentlessly, and remains 
confined virtually incommunicado under what appears to be house arrest. 
In the weeks following the Nobel Committee's announcement, there have 
been over 100 documented incidents in which Chinese citizens have been 
harassed, interrogated, subjected to police surveillance, detained or 
placed under house arrest for their expressions of support for Liu. 
Articles in China's official state-run media have attacked the Nobel 
committee and painted a harshly negative portrait of Liu. Chinese 
authorities have attempted to limit the dissemination of information 
about Liu's receiving the Nobel Prize. Chinese officials have censored 
unauthorized references to Liu on the Internet and cell phones and 
blocked access to news about Liu from outside China. Chinese officials 
have imposed severe travel restrictions on Chinese activists, scholars, 
and lawyers whom they fear will attempt to attend the Nobel peace prize 
award ceremony in Norway on December 10. In the last month, Beijing 
police reportedly have prevented leading scholars and lawyers from 
boarding flights to attend international conferences for fear they will 
attend the Nobel peace prize award ceremony. Other public intellectuals 
physically have been prevented by police from meeting foreign 
reporters.
  The Director of the Nobel Institute said China's pressure on other 
governments to boycott this year's ceremony has been unprecedented in 
his twenty years as Director. China's G20 negotiator said that 
countries sending officials to attend the award ceremony honoring Mr. 
Liu must be ready to ``accept the consequences.'' Diplomats report that 
the Chinese Embassy in Oslo has sent official letters to foreign 
embassies in the Norwegian capital asking them not to make statements 
in support of Liu, and not to attend the Nobel awards ceremony on 
December 10. This is not the behavior of a strong, responsible 
government.
  As Liu Xia said the morning her husband was selected to receive the 
Nobel Prize, ``China's new status in the world comes with increased 
responsibility. China should embrace this responsibility, and have 
pride in his selection and release him from prison.'' As Nobel laureate 
Vaclav Havel correctly noted, ``intimidation, propaganda, and 
repression are no substitute for reasoned dialogue. . . .'' And as 
Nobel laureate Desmond Tutu recently wrote together with Vaclav Havel:

       We know that many wrongs have been perpetrated against 
     China and its people throughout history. But awarding the 
     Nobel Peace Prize to Liu is not one of them. Nor is the 
     peaceful call for reform from the more than 10,000 Chinese 
     citizens who dared to sign Charter 08. . . . China has a 
     chance to show that it is a forward-looking nation, and can 
     show the world that it has the confidence to face criticism 
     and embrace change. . . . This is a moment for China to open 
     up once again, to give its people the ability to compete in 
     the marketplace of ideas. . . .

  I take particular note of the words of Chinese Premier Wen Jiabao, 
who, in a recent interview with CNN, stated:

       Freedom of speech is indispensable. . . . The people's 
     wishes for, and needs for, democracy and freedom are 
     irresistible.''

  Sadly, the Chinese government clearly has shown the world, through 
its mistreatment of Liu Xiaobo and countless others, that Premier Wen's 
words are not the basis for government action in China.
  This Resolution shines a light on the Chinese government's failure to 
enforce basic human rights, and underlines that China once again is at 
an important crossroads, and seems to be turning in the wrong 
direction. This has implications not only for the development of 
institutions of democratic governance in China, but also for the United 
States in managing our relations with China.
  I am pleased to co-sponsor this important Resolution.
  Mr. PAUL. Mr. Speaker, I rise in opposition to this resolution as I 
do not believe it is our place, as Members of the U.S. Congress, to 
dictate internal policy to the Chinese government. Obviously, as an 
advocate of minimal government and personal liberty, I do not support 
imprisoning individuals for their political views and believe that 
anyone held anywhere for merely holding unpopular views--including 
anyone held in the United States--should be released. I do object to 
the meddling in this bill which falsely advertises itself as a non-
controversial expression of congratulations to a winner of the Nobel 
Peace Prize.
  As one who believes strongly in national sovereignty and is opposed 
to the idea of a world governmental authority, I particularly object to 
the sentiment expressed in this bill that ``violations of human rights 
in general . . . are matters of legitimate concern to other 
governments.'' This idea is the recipe for abominations such as the 
``humanitarian'' bombing of Serbia in 1999 and is used by those who 
wish to maintain the current disastrous occupation of Afghanistan. As 
we can see from interventions such as the U.S. attack on Iraq, which 
was at least partly sold as a humanitarian-inspired overthrow of a 
dictator, sometimes the ``cure'' is worse than the disease particularly 
when one calculates the number dead from the intervention and the 
number actually killed by the regime being replaced.
  I find it ironic that, at a time when the U.S. government is 
desperately attempting to censor the publication of sensitive leaked 
information that it considers embarrassing and is demonizing and 
calling for the prosecution or worse of the publisher of that 
information, Julian Assange, this resolution ``calls on the Government 
of China to cease censoring media and Internet reporting of the award 
of the Nobel Peace Prize to Liu Xiaobo and to cease its campaign of 
defamation against Liu Xiaobo.''
  In the interest of a non-interventionist U.S. foreign policy I must 
therefore oppose this resolution and will continue to oppose any 
meddling in the domestic affairs of foreign countries.
  Mr. KLEIN OF Florida. Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my 
time.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore (Mr. Langevin). The question is on the motion 
offered by the gentleman from Florida (Mr. Klein) that the House 
suspend the rules and agree to the resolution, H. Res. 1717, as 
amended.
  The question was taken.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. In the opinion of the Chair, two-thirds 
being in the affirmative, the ayes have it.
  Mr. KLEIN of Florida. Mr. Speaker, on that I demand the yeas and 
nays.
  The yeas and nays were ordered.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. Pursuant to clause 8 of rule XX and the 
Chair's prior announcement, further proceedings on this motion will be 
postponed.

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