[Congressional Record (Bound Edition), Volume 156 (2010), Part 12]
[House]
[Pages 16750-16751]
[From the U.S. Government Publishing Office, www.gpo.gov]




   MANY CHALLENGES FACING EL SALVADOR: PRESIDENT FUNES DESERVES U.S. 
                                SUPPORT

  The SPEAKER pro tempore. The Chair recognizes the gentleman from 
Massachusetts (Mr. McGovern) for 5 minutes.
  Mr. McGOVERN. Mr. Speaker, in 1992, when the historic Peace Accords 
were signed ending El Salvador's 12 years of civil war, many of us 
anticipated a new and prosperous era for that country. In the following 
years, political competition flourished and electoral processes 
matured. The ruling ARENA party maintained its power, base, and 
organization, winning consecutive elections for the next 17 years. But 
in 2009, the FMLN opposition party won the presidency. It was a 
watershed moment for El Salvador.
  Sadly, many things did not change over these years. The ability of 
the courts and justice system to hold elites, government officials, and 
members of the security forces accountable for crimes, including human 
rights crimes, continued to fail, reinforcing a culture of impunity. 
The newly created police, although light years ahead of the old 
security forces, was infiltrated by criminal elements and human rights 
abusers who blocked investigations and collaborated with criminal 
groups. The poor did not benefit from trade and investment, and 
international aid diminished, including U.S. aid. And the migration of 
Salvadorans to the U.S. is as great or greater as it was during the 
civil war. And some things got worse. Little could I have imagined the 
violence in El Salvador becoming worse after the war, but it has. 
Criminal networks invaded the country and use it to traffic drugs, 
guns, human beings, and other contraband throughout the hemisphere. 
Youth gangs are exploited; poor neighborhoods are terrorized; security 
and judicial authorities are corrupted; and crime, violence, and murder 
have exploded.
  This is the reality inherited by Mauricio Funes when he became 
president 18 months ago. I have had the privilege of meeting President 
Funes. I find his administration to be pragmatic, committed to 
improving the lives of the majority poor, and addressing the crime and 
corruption that are robbing the country of its much-longed-for peace. 
However, there are longstanding institutional problems that remain 
obstacles to reform, the pursuit of justice, and even the consolidation 
of democracy. Among them, in my opinion, is the Attorney General's 
Office--the Fiscalia--where countless cases of murder, corruption, drug 
trafficking, money laundering, and other crimes are stymied. But the 
Funes administration is taking courageous and positive steps to 
confront these challenges. These include naming an Inspector General 
for the National Civilian Police, Zaira Navas, who is serious about 
ensuring that an honest, hardworking police force is not sullied by 
corrupt cops.
  This month, Inspector General Navas suspended from duty over 150 
police officers. These ``bad apples'' are under investigation for 
corruption and links to criminal and drug organizations. Rather than 
embracing this effort to clean up the police, intransigent forces chose 
instead to create a new commission inside the National Assembly to 
investigate the Inspector General. This action has been accompanied by 
renewed death threats against her life.
  Last December, Senator Leahy praised the hard work of PCN Inspector 
General Navas and the importance of strengthening the rule of law in El 
Salvador. I agree. I believe Inspector General Navas is taking 
courageous action, and I encourage the State Department and the U.S. 
Embassy to support her in these efforts. President Funes is exploring 
the possibility of establishing an independent commission, similar to 
the one created in Guatemala, under the auspices of the United Nations, 
to investigate drug and criminal networks and key human rights crimes. 
This would ensure an independent investigation into many of the 
criminal cases and charges of official corruption that have languished 
in the Fiscalia for years. It could open new paths to ending impunity.
  President Funes is also working with Mexican President Calderon, the 
Obama administration, and his Central American neighbors to confront 
the escalating penetration of the region by major drug cartels and 
criminal networks. He is seeking coordinated strategies and action, 
increased aid and assistance, stronger laws and policies, and more 
effective social investment.
  El Salvador has experienced several tragic episodes of violence 
carried out by gang members, and public revulsion at gang crimes is at 
an all-time high. President Funes is seeking to respond decisively to 
this terrible situation, while not repeating the mistaken policies of 
the past that sounded tough but failed to reduce crime or keep young 
people out of gangs. He has also established an advisory commission on 
gangs and gang-related violence. One program that might be a model is 
the Center for Formation and Orientation at St. Francis of Assisi 
Parish in Mejicanos. It has had success working with young people on 
rejecting gang life and providing those who want to leave the gangs 
with advice, education, and training. Its pastor, Father Antonio 
Rodriguez, has made important contributions to the discussions about 
how to address the youth violence.
  Mr. Speaker, it is in the best interest of the U.S. to support the 
Funes administration as it seeks to strengthen the rule of law, clean 
up institutional corruption and crime, and help lead the region in 
breaking impunity and confronting criminal threats.

              [From the Los Angeles Times, Sept. 11, 2010]

   Salvadoran Leader Speaks of Criminal Gangs' Links to Drug Cartels

       El Salvador's president, Mauricio Funes, the country's 
     first leftist leader since the end of its civil war in 1992, 
     finds himself preoccupied with a deepening struggle against 
     criminal gangs and international drug cartels.
       Since winning office in 2009, Funes has deployed the army 
     to back up police, who are trying to curb a drug-fueled 
     homicide rate that claims about 12 victims a day.
       On Thursday, he signed a controversial law criminalizing 
     gang membership. The gangs

[[Page 16751]]

     responded by shutting down nationwide public transportation 
     with the threat of violence.
       During a visit to Los Angeles this week to meet with 
     community leaders on immigration issues, Funes spoke with 
     Times editors about the growing links between Salvadoran 
     gangs and international drug cartels, and he argued that 
     boosting U.S.-led economic investment holds the most hope for 
     defeating drug violence and illegal immigration.


           Who controls the narcotics traffic in El Salvador?

       Everybody. There are Salvadoran cartels in connection with 
     Colombian cartels. Guatemalan cartels are there. And recently 
     we have found evidence of the presence of [the Mexican-based 
     drug cartel] Los Zetas.
       Just a few days after I came to office, I received an 
     intelligence report saying that Los Zetas were exploring the 
     territory and that they had started to make contacts with 
     Salvadoran narcotraffickers and Salvadoran gangs, 
     particularly the MS [Mara Salvatrucha, a transnational gang 
     born in L.A.'s Salvadoran immigrant community]. It is the one 
     that has shown, up to now, to have the most firepower.
       The change that has occurred lately is that the [criminal] 
     gangs have become involved in the business. At the beginning, 
     the gangs were just a group of rebel youngsters. As time 
     moved on, the gangs became killers for hire. Now the 
     situation is that the gangs have become part of the whole 
     thing. They control territory and they are disputing 
     territory with the drug traffickers. Why? Because they need 
     to finance their way of life: basically, getting arms.


               Have state institutions been infiltrated?

       I am convinced that the army is not infiltrated by the 
     cartels. The grenades and the arms that these people have, 
     they have not gotten them through the army. That does not 
     mean that there are not other institutions that are 
     infiltrated. Since my government started, we have dismissed 
     more than 150 police officers, out of a total of slightly 
     more than 20,000, because of suspicions they were involved 
     with organized crime. I have my suspicions that the judicial 
     system is also infiltrated by organized crime.
       Yes, organized crime has penetrated certain institutions, 
     but these institutions have not collapsed. We are talking 
     about rotten apples, and we still have the opportunity and 
     the time to get rid of them.


  How do you explain that civilian institutions remain stronger in El 
                 Salvador than in Guatemala or Mexico?

       The 1992 peace accords [which ended the civil war] allowed 
     for a sort of re-foundation of the Salvadoran state. Through 
     that process, it was possible to cleanse the army and 
     security forces that were linked to gross violations of human 
     rights. And now we have a professional armed force. If that 
     cleansing of the armed forces had not taken place, we would 
     probably be in the same situation as Guatemala.


 Are current U.S. policies on drugs and immigration on the right track?

       There will be [cartels] as long as there are consumers of 
     drugs.
       Furthermore, the only way we can prevent more migrants from 
     coming to the U.S. is by providing jobs, opportunities and 
     development. The same thing applies to narcotics. If the 
     United States is concerned about [illegal] immigration and 
     drug traffic, the best solution is a strategic alliance that 
     together will bring development and job opportunities and 
     social benefits to El Salvador.

                          ____________________