[Congressional Record (Bound Edition), Volume 156 (2010), Part 11]
[House]
[Pages 16243-16248]
[From the U.S. Government Publishing Office, www.gpo.gov]




               THE COMPREHENSIVE PEACE AGREEMENT IN SUDAN

  The SPEAKER pro tempore. Under the Speaker's announced policy of 
January 6, 2009, the gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Payne) is 
recognized for 60 minutes as the designee of the majority leader.
  Mr. PAYNE. Madam Speaker, I rise today with Majority Leader Steny 
Hoyer to ring the alarm on the current situation in Sudan and 
underscore our support for a timely, free, and fair referendum on the 
independence of south Sudan and Abyei in January 2011.
  Let me begin by thanking the majority leader for calling this 
critical, important Special Order and for his continued leadership on 
this issue, having led codels to Sudan, having had periodic meetings 
with administration officials, bringing in persons from Sudan, south 
Sudan, in his continuing push for peace. And so, once again, I commend 
Majority Leader Steny Hoyer.
  I was elected to Congress in 1988 and was sworn into office in 1989, 
the same year that Omar al-Bashir came to power in a coup in Sudan. I 
have closely followed the situation in Sudan ever since then, and I 
must say that I'm extremely concerned about what is happening now. The 
continuing and emboldened intransigence of the Bashir regime threatens 
to unravel the peace that was won 5 years ago and spark a return to 
conflict.
  On January 9, 2005, members of the United States Government, 
including myself, witnessed the signing of the Comprehensive Peace 
Agreement in Nairobi, Kenya. The Comprehensive Peace Agreement ended 
the ghastly 21-year civil war between the north and the south of Sudan, 
a war that claimed the lives of 2 million southerners and displaced 
more than 4 million; a war in which the Bashir regime used aerial 
bombings against innocent, defenseless children, women, men, disabled 
people, and elderly; a war that nearly destroyed the entire region of 
south Sudan. But what was so great about the people of south Sudan--
they could not destroy the spirit of the people of the south.
  The Comprehensive Peace Agreement, championed by the late Dr. John 
Garang, who led the struggle in the south, outlined a path to secure 
lasting peace, a 6-year interim period, during which Khartoum would 
have an opportunity to show the people of south Sudan that it was 
capable of change, that it was capable of including the south into a 
comprehensive plan to run the Government of Sudan.

[[Page 16244]]

  However, at the end of the 6-year period, which is on January 9, 
2011, about 6 short months from now, the Comprehensive Peace Agreement 
promised an opportunity for the people of the south to determine 
whether the regime in Khartoum had changed enough that they wanted to 
remain a part of Sudan or whether they wanted to secede. Dr. John 
Garang wanted to see a unified Sudan, but, as you know, his untimely 
death in a plane crash ended his dream.
  The people in the marginalized area of Abyei, the region that holds 
in the soil of Sudan oil wealth, would decide if they would remain and 
keep their special administrative status in the north or become a part 
of the south. That has to be determined. It should have been determined 
even before January 9 of 2011.
  The CPA laid out very clear benchmarks to be met for those 
referendums to take place and also included detailed instructions for 
power sharing and oil revenue. Still to date, these details have not 
been worked out. Now, today, Khartoum threatens to pull out of the 
agreement as Bashir's regime has refused to cooperate on key measures 
that must be put into place. Khartoum has repeatedly played games, 
stalled, held up and obscured so many critical steps in fulfilling the 
CPA, so much that today it is unclear whether the referendum in January 
can actually be held freely and fairly.
  Must I remind the House that this is the regime that carried out the 
first genocide to be declared by Congress when it was in progress? 
Nearly half a million Darfurians have lost their lives as a result, and 
more than 2 million Darfurians have been displaced.
  While Darfur is no longer on the front pages of newspapers, the 
people still suffer. Last week, chief prosecutor of the International 
Criminal Court, Luis Moreno Ocampo, was at my Brain Trust at the 
Congressional Black Caucus Foundation's Annual Legislative Conference 
and called it a silent genocide that is happening in Darfur. Khartoum 
has strangled aid, cut off IDP camps, and is watching the people of 
Darfur slowly starve to death.

                              {time}  2020

  This is the regime headed by a President who has been indicted by the 
International Criminal Court for war crimes and for genocide. Again, as 
the CPA is supposed to come into full completion in less than four 
months, there is the threat of massive violence once again against the 
people of the south. We have seen several reports of armed shipments 
into the south to arm the Misseriya militias that were such a 
destabilizing force in the north-south war. This is very serious.
  As the administration rolls out a new policy that includes incentive 
packages to sway Khartoum to do the right thing, let us remember also 
that this is the same regime that welcomed with open arms and harbored 
Osama bin Laden from 1991 to 1995. It was from Khartoum that he planned 
an assassination attempt against Egyptian President Hosni Mubarak. Is 
this a regime deserving of a second chance again and again and again? I 
dare say, no.
  So what have we learned? In the words of the late Dr. John Garang, 
the Bashir regime, as Dr. Garang said, Bashir and his regime is too 
deformed to be reformed. The U.S. must provide leadership in the 
international community. I call on President Obama, Secretary Clinton 
and Special Envoy Gration to provide clear leadership and to not give 
in to this regime and make sure that they live up to what they have 
said.
  I urge the President to meet with First Vice President of Sudan and 
President of Southern Sudan Salva Kiir, and to make it clear to him 
that the United States will provide support, that the south needs to 
ensure that the CPA does not crumble and war does not break out again 
in the south. The message to Khartoum must be that a dismissal of the 
CPA in any form will not be tolerated. We demand a free and fair 
referendum for the people of south Sudan and Abyei. We demand justice 
and accountability. We demand a real end to genocide in Darfur.
  At this time I yield to Mr. Brad Miller, a member of the Subcommittee 
on Africa and Global Health who has done a tremendous amount during his 
time on the committee.
  Mr. MILLER of North Carolina. Mr. Speaker, I also rise to call 
attention to critical issues that Sudan now faces. More than 3 years 
ago, I was part of a congressional delegation to Sudan led by Majority 
Leader Steny Hoyer, who will speak shortly. Other members of that 
delegation are here to speak tonight as well.
  This past January marked the fifth anniversary of the signing of the 
Comprehensive Peace Agreement, or the CPA, that ended more than 20 
years of civil war between the north and the south of Sudan. That 
conflict was marked by northern aggression against the south. It 
resulted in the deaths of more than 2 million people, and more than 4 
million people in Southern Sudan fled their homes, becoming 
``internally displaced persons,'' or IDPs, in the jargon of relief 
efforts in conflicts around the world.
  The CPA committed the northern-dominated National Congress Party and 
the southern-dominated Sudan People's Liberation Movement to govern 
jointly for 6 years, followed by a referendum on self-determination for 
Southern Sudan and Abyei. That referendum must happen as scheduled in 4 
months, and the referendum must be free, fair, credible, and a true 
reflection of the will of the people. If not, the CPA will mark only a 
6-year pause in Sudan's civil war, not an end to the war.
  Secretary of State Clinton was right when she said a year ago that 
``the Comprehensive Peace Agreement between the north and south will be 
a flashpoint for renewed conflict if not fully implemented through five 
national elections, a referendum on self-determination for the south, 
resolution of the border disputes, and the willingness of the 
respective parties to live up to their agreements.''
  Unfortunately, Sudan's elections in April 2010 certainly did not meet 
anyone's standards for a legitimate election. Those elections were 
marred by widespread violation of political rights, irregularities in 
voter registration, intimidation, and violence in some areas, and the 
continuing conflict in Darfur that suppressed voter participation.
  Predictably, the National Congress Party has consistently delayed and 
reneged on its CPA commitments. Madam Speaker, this is a critical 
moment for Sudan. The CPA-mandated referendum is just 4 months away. 
The CPA has not yet been fully implemented. Voter registration for the 
referendum has not yet taken place, and key procedures have not even 
been established.
  In addition, the violence in Darfur persists. The Bashir regime 
continues to restrict and disrupt United Nations peacekeeping, 
humanitarian operations, and human rights organizations in Darfur, 
leaving more than 2 million people still displaced and vulnerable.
  The Bashir regime must know that the whole world is watching. We 
cannot divert our attention from Sudan. We must remain committed and 
insist upon the full implementation of the CPA to ensure sustainable 
peace in Sudan.
  Mr. PAYNE. Let me thank the gentleman for his statement. I appreciate 
his work on the Subcommittee on Africa and Global Health.
  At this time I would like to hear from the gentleman who called for 
the Special Order today, the majority leader from Maryland, Mr. Steny 
Hoyer.
  Mr. HOYER. I thank my friend for yielding and for leading this 
Special Order. I was pleased to, with him, undertake this Special Order 
because of the timeliness of the crisis that confronts Sudan and the 
implementation of the agreement. I want to thank all of the Members for 
participating in this Special Order as well. It is important that we in 
the Congress stay focused and send a message, as I will here, that we 
are focused. And I applaud the gentleman for his statement tonight. I 
applaud him even further for his continuing leadership. Nobody in the 
Congress, in either the House or the Senate, has been more focused over 
a longer period of time, has traveled more extensively throughout the

[[Page 16245]]

world, and to some of the most troubled spots in the world, and to 
Sudan, than the gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Payne) and I thank him 
for his leadership.
  In fewer than 4 months, Southern Sudan will hold a referendum on 
independence, which was guaranteed by the 2005 Comprehensive Peace 
Agreement.
  The CPA ended Africa's bloodiest civil war, a war which took almost 2 
million lives and displaced 4 million. Yet the risk of descending into 
war again seems all too real.
  Now, as on my congressional delegation to Sudan 3 years ago, our 
focus remains the same: Promoting peace, stability, and reconstruction 
across the whole of Sudan. This is not only our moral obligation but an 
important national security goal as well. We must work to ensure that 
Sudan does not become a safe haven for terrorists. Tonight we are here 
to send a message to all those who live in and care about Sudan. We 
support full implementation of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement. We 
support a timely, peaceful, free, and fair referendum on independence. 
And we support an end to the violence in Darfur.
  These are immense challenges, to be sure. But Sudan's central 
government has shown that it pays close attention to the international 
community's intentions and actions, which is why we must present a 
unified, comprehensive position in our response to both the ongoing 
violence in Darfur and the north-south conflict.
  I want to be absolutely clear: Darfur remains and will remain a point 
of focus for this Congress. We recognize that peacekeepers are 
struggling and in many cases failing to fulfill their civilian 
protection mandate, and that humanitarian groups are swimming in 
redtape and facing daunting security challenges.
  President Obama and the international community must continue to push 
Khartoum on the issue of humanitarian access and independent human 
rights monitoring in the region.

                              {time}  2030

  In the wake of what appears to be a near collapse of the latest 
efforts in Doha, we must continue to strive for a viable peace process. 
Congress is watching. Congress will hold you accountable. Tonight, 
however, I want to focus my remarks on the need for full CPA 
implementation and specifically on ensuring that the referendum on 
southern independence takes place on time and, as I said, in a free, 
fair and peaceful manner and that results are respected by Khartoum and 
the international community.
  With the referendum approaching on January 9, 2011, our own Secretary 
of State has said that we can hear the loud sound of a ticking time 
bomb--Secretary Clinton's words--the possibility of new bloodshed.
  What can we do to prevent it?
  The U.S. has stepped up its diplomatic efforts in southern Sudan, and 
is providing $12 million for elections security, allowing the 
government of southern Sudan to establish 11 joint operation centers in 
Juba and in the 10 states in collaboration with other partners.
  I also want to applaud President Obama for attending Secretary 
General Ban Ki-moon's high-level meeting on Sudan this Friday at the 
United Nations in order to discuss what more the international 
community can do to ensure a fair and safe vote. My hope is that a 
powerful package of multilateral pressures and incentives will come out 
of this meeting and those that follow.
  I also support the administration's efforts to prepare for January 
with former South African President Mbeki, who is leading the African 
Union's efforts in Sudan as well as with international financial 
institutions and international development agencies; but more can and 
must be done. We must hurry to establish a formal mechanism to help get 
the north and south to agreement on all of the outstanding issues. Such 
a mechanism must include buy-in from civil society in an organized way. 
The CPA is a positive model on this front.
  The international community, including our own administration, must 
continue to remind those countries with a stake in the outcome, 
including Russia, Egypt and especially China, that it is in their own 
best interests to advance peace and stability in Sudan. This is an 
international responsibility. We must support U.N. peacekeepers and 
urge them to do more to protect civilians. We cannot simply throw our 
hands up in complaint about a relatively ineffective peacekeeping 
system. We must fix it.
  Finally, efforts in south Sudan must not be solely focused on the day 
of the referendum but also, of course, on the day after.
  The international community must step up efforts to prevent southern 
Sudan from becoming what the economists called a ``pre-failed state.'' 
We know the dangers that failed states pose to our own national 
security. We have seen that. If we want to prevent the emergence of a 
new one, the international efforts on everything from road building to 
literacy education to establishing a viable economy in one of the 
world's most underdeveloped areas deserves and should have our support.
  Regardless of the steps we and the international community take, the 
decision to turn this vote into a foundation for peace instead of one 
for further war ultimately rests in the hands of the Sudanese. So my 
message to Khartoum is this:
  Step up. Step up, Khartoum. At the risk of sounding cynical, surprise 
us. This referendum is part of a peace agreement that you signed in 
2005. Come to the table. Work to advance a peaceful outcome, and don't 
lead your country back into war. The administration has clearly 
communicated to you that there are both painful pressures and real 
incentives on the table. It is your choice, of course, and rest assured 
that the United States Congress is watching your choice and will hold 
you accountable.
  To the government of south Sudan:
  The U.S. Congress is committed to the referendum, and firmly believes 
that it is the best mechanism for you to express your right of self-
determination. Alternative approaches will only renew the turmoil that 
the CPA was designed to end--and will severely weaken the future of 
your people.
  We need you to step up as well. We need you to come to the table as a 
ready and willing partner, and we need you to devote resources, time 
and energy to finalizing an operational plan and budget, agreeing on 
voter registration criteria and procedures, and hiring and training 
registration workers. There is hard work in front of you, but the 
reward in the form of your people's right to choose their own future is 
clearly precious.
  To the Obama administration and the international community:
  Thank you. Thank you for your efforts to strengthen peace in Sudan 
but to keep them going. We will all have to work vigorously to ensure 
that the referendum is a success, but the consequences of failure 
should be more than ample motivation for us all.
  Friday's high-level meeting at the United Nations must be a 
productive and serious one, and more conversations must follow. They 
must be focused on how the international community will work together 
to assist in the technical, logistical and operational stages of the 
vote; to monitor and observe the process from start to finish; to 
guarantee implementation of the results; and to mediate in case of any 
disagreement. You have the Congress' full support in this effort.
  To the humanitarian community, especially to the American-based NGOs 
working on the ground in Sudan:
  You represent the best of American selflessness and generosity. You 
do God's work. Thank you for that.
  This Congress pledges to continue advocating for improved 
humanitarian access so that you can continue to do your jobs and 
advance the goals for which you have put your safety and, yes, even 
your lives on the line. Improving the daily lives of people living in 
one of the world's most war-torn regions is a moral responsibility for 
us all.
  Finally, to the people of Sudan:
  We stand with you. You deserve far more than the bloodshed and death 
and dislocation that year after year have

[[Page 16246]]

brought you. You deserve what we all deserve--a chance to live our 
lives and raise our children in peace. America will do everything in 
its power to ensure that January is the beginning of that chance, not 
its untimely end.
  Again, I thank the gentleman from New Jersey--one of the senior 
Members of this Congress, the leader of our effort on the African 
continent--a continent so critically important to the future of the 
global community. I thank him for yielding me this time.
  I yield back.
  Mr. PAYNE. Let me, once again, thank the majority leader for his 
passion and leadership on this issue. Your statement here was so 
thorough. I really appreciate your leadership.
  At this time, I would like to recognize the co-chair of the Sudan 
Caucus, a gentleman who has traveled to Sudan. He has been a fighter on 
this issue. He has been to meetings with the Chinese and with other 
persons who had to be convinced that they should change their ways. It 
is my pleasure to introduce and to yield to him as much time as he may 
consume, the gentleman from Massachusetts, Representative Capuano.
  Mr. CAPUANO. I would like to thank the gentleman from New Jersey. He 
has been a great leader on this issue and on so many other issues with 
regard to international matters.
  I would also like to thank the majority leader for organizing this 
Special Order during such an important week.
  The reason we are doing this this week, really, is that the President 
is scheduled to be at the United Nations this week to meet on the Sudan 
issue. It seems like things are coming to a head. As you've heard many, 
many times--and I'm not going to repeat the facts, because the facts 
have been said--we have an election that is scheduled to come up in 
January which is very critical to this region. Let me be clear:
  To me, this may not be the most important issue to most of my 
constituents. I know that. I realize that. Jobs are more important. The 
economy is more important. But America has always been and, I think, 
always should be more than just about business. It has to be about 
morality and ethics as well. In this case, the morality of a genocide, 
or the immorality of a genocide--the immorality of keeping people 
enslaved, literally enslaved at a recent point in the history of 
Sudan--is something that, I think, only America is qualified to stand 
up and scream about.
  Up until now, the history in this region has been terrible. There 
have been civil wars. There has been genocide. There has been every 
form of human degradation you can find, mostly perpetrated either 
directly or indirectly by the government in Khartoum.

                              {time}  2040

  At the same time, I'm one of those people that believes anyone can 
change their ways on any given day. That's not to forget the past, but 
it's also the only way to find a way forward. The government in 
Khartoum is at that crossroads right now. They have a choice, whether 
to actually move forward and allow the people of south Sudan to make 
their own decisions legitimately in January, whether they wish to go 
their own way or wish to remain associated with Sudan, and then to 
enforce whatever the people of Sudan decide and to do it in a peaceful 
way. This is important to the American people on a moral side, as I 
said, but it is also important on a very realistic side. This 
particular area--I'll be honest. I don't think--as a matter of fact, I 
am certain. I could not have found Darfur on a map before I got to 
Congress. I might have been able to come close to finding where Sudan 
was, but it would have been a guess. I know that most of my 
constituents, most Americans are not sitting there knowing all about 
this, but they will know it if it goes the wrong way, and they will 
know it because the entire region will go up in flames. There will be 
millions of people put at risk.
  Everybody in America knows where Somalia is because it's a lawless 
region. They know where Eritrea is, Ethiopia, all difficult parts. This 
is right next door. It sits in a critical region. If civil war starts 
again in a serious way, if genocide raises its ugly head again, the 
entire region will go up. Most countries in that area will be directly 
affected, and it will directly affect America and the rest of the 
world. Something like that cannot go on without doing it.
  That is why I am here today, to remind the American people, who I 
think, across the board, agree that genocide is something that needs to 
be screamed about and stopped whenever possible, agree that people 
should have their own right to self-determination--that's not the 
point--but also to put the issue in front.
  I also want to thank the administration. The Obama administration has 
put this issue at the top of its agenda, and I respect them and thank 
them for that. There are carrots and sticks on the table for Khartoum 
if they choose to take those carrots. If they don't, none of us really 
want to implement those sticks, but none of us are allowed to sit back 
and simply let genocide go forward without doing what we can.
  So that's why I came today, to say thank you to the administration, 
to encourage the Khartoum regime to make the right choices--it's not 
too late--and to thank the administration for all it is doing and to 
encourage them to do more. I join my colleagues in asking the 
administration to meet with Salva Kiir, the leader of south Sudan, at 
least meet with him and talk to him, hear it directly from him. And I 
hope that we won't have to be back here in January talking about this 
issue, other than to congratulate the people of south Sudan and Sudan 
for having conducted a lawful and thoughtful plebiscite.
  Thank you, and I yield back.
  Mr. PAYNE. Let me thank the gentleman again. As I indicated, he 
cochairs the Sudan Caucus, and he has been very, very involved from day 
one. We really appreciate his leadership.
  At this time, I would like to yield such time as she may consume to 
the gentlelady from California, a member of the Subcommittee on Africa 
and Global Health, a person who has traveled to Africa, Congresswoman 
Woolsey.
  Ms. WOOLSEY. First, I'd like to thank Chairman Payne and Majority 
Leader Hoyer for reserving this valuable time tonight to bring 
attention to Sudan.
  While it may have slipped from the front page of the newspapers and 
headlines of the nightly news, the crisis in Sudan is still in a very 
critical stage. In Darfur, rape is being used as a means of terror and 
warfare. Hundreds of thousands of people are living in refugee camps or 
are displaced from their homes. Militias with strong ties to the 
government in Khartoum brutalize Darfurians. So we have a long way to 
go before the people of Darfur can feel safe and return to a normal 
life.
  The Comprehensive Peace Agreement was supposed to lay out a framework 
for peace between the north and the south, but as we get closer to the 
date for the referendum, security and fairness seems to have become 
farther out of reach than it was earlier on. The south is forced to 
hope that President Bashir, a man indicted by the International 
Criminal Court for war crimes, they are to hope he will support an 
honest and clean election, free from intimidation and free from 
corruption. Many remain skeptical that, when the time comes, President 
Bashir will actually allow the south to vote unobstructed.
  As Chairman Payne knows, because he has visited with and he has been 
honored by the people in my district who are working in regards to 
Darfur and have been on top of this issue from the beginning, they know 
that the people of Darfur are suffering. They have long supported the 
rights of the Sudanese people from a project called Tents of Hope, to 
letter writing and fundraising. I think the project is called Dear 
Darfur, Love Petaluma. That was the first one. That is where I live. 
Then there was, Dear Darfur, Love Marin County; and later, Dear Darfur, 
Love San Francisco.
  So Marin and Sonoma Counties, where I represent, consistently have 
stood for peace and justice in Sudan, and they have been really 
outraged at what they have seen. In fact, they teach about the issue in 
schools where

[[Page 16247]]

their students are raising funds for the people of Darfur, and they're 
helping paint the tents for the Tents of Hope. With their support, I 
join my colleagues in the House on calling on the Obama administration 
to put more pressure on the Government of Sudan. We must demand that 
Khartoum and President Bashir allow a fair referendum and to permit 
international assistance and monitoring.
  Further, the plight of the Darfurians must not be pushed to the side 
in deference to the north-south situation. The genocide continues, and 
Sudan will never be free of oppression and violence until President 
Bashir and his reign of terror is brought to an end and he is held 
accountable.
  Thank you, Mr. Payne.
  Mr. PAYNE. Let me thank the gentlelady, the cochair of the 
Progressive Caucus. And let me commend your congressional district in 
Marin County that had a very interesting forum where we discussed with 
Darfurian citizens, former citizens of Darfur in the south. Your 
district is so progressive, and it was my pleasure to be there in the 
great State of California.
  At this time, I would like to ask the gentleman from Virginia who has 
served in Africa--he has done outstanding work prior to coming to 
Congress, very knowledgeable, and a delightful advocate for people who 
are striving for justice--Representative Perriello, I yield to you as 
much time as you may consume.
  Mr. PERRIELLO. Thank you very much, Chairman Payne. History will look 
kindly on your willingness to speak up and fight for those who had no 
voice in this body. Mr. Hoyer, our leader, your willingness to commit 
to this issue and to answer the call of Matthew 25, to serve those who 
are the least among us, is one, I believe, will resonate as well.
  Tonight we have a simple question: When we say ``never again,'' do we 
mean it? When we say ``genocide, never again,'' ``crimes against 
humanity, never again,'' ``women and children dying, 30,000 a day, from 
hunger and preventable disease, never again,'' it's easy to put on a 
bumper sticker, it's easy to say at a public event, but making it a 
reality is never simple.
  We face today, without the luxury of ignorance, the knowledge that 
people suffer around the world unspeakable atrocities, and for too long 
that has included the people of Sudan, throughout Sudan. Today we focus 
primarily on the important issue of democracy and peace for those who 
have suffered for two decades in southern Sudan, but we also know that 
the Comprehensive Peace Agreement cannot be used to hold hostage the 
women, children, and vulnerable of Darfur and Blue Nile region and 
other areas.
  We sit here today with an opportunity to shed light, and, more 
importantly, to produce results for those who have suffered for too 
long. It is not enough for this to be something we speak from this 
floor or even something that we use when we engage directly in our 
diplomacy and conversations with Sudan.

                              {time}  2050

  This is larger than that. It must rank up when we talk to Egypt, 
Russia, China, and others who do so many dealings with this regime, a 
regime that I believe is ultimately irreparable.
  We can now say that we will support the Democratic process for 
Southern Sudan and ensure a fair referendum. And we know from the 
history of this country that supporting democracy is not something we 
do because it's easy. We do it because it's right. It's not something 
because it happens overnight. It's something we support because we know 
through the arc of history bending towards justice, we move towards a 
more democratic and free world, and that that should apply as much to 
the people of Sudan and the continent of Africa as it does here for 
those blessed enough to be born in the United States.
  And we also know, and I know from my experience of working in areas 
such as Sierra Leone, that democracy and fair elections are not 
something that happen on the day of the vote. They are something that 
must be built towards by ensuring a fair process of registration, of 
accountability, of avoiding the kind of intimidation and corruption 
that builds up in these situations.
  And I think it's important to note that we are keeping an eye on this 
early, but we must be vigilant. The people of Darfur and the people of 
Southern Sudan have a chance to speak.
  One of the greatest gifts of the Greatest Generation was the idea of 
global security in a world of expanding freedom and democracy. In the 
same way, they have handed that torch to us. As Americans, they asked 
us to make sure we were looking on that in terms of the community of 
nations.
  And we've seen good bipartisan support. I want to recognize the 
leadership of Congressman Frank Wolf and Senator Brownback and others 
who've been willing to shed a light on this issue and speak up, not 
just on peace vaguely, but the reality that we must be willing to hold 
this regime accountable even when that's difficult, even when that 
costs us diplomatic points.
  With indicted world criminals like Haroun who are put into government 
positions after having overseen some of the worst atrocities of the 
last 25 years, we must ask ourselves whether we mean never again, 
whether we're serious about justice and accountability.
  I've spent time with the rebel groups in Darfur. I've spent time with 
those who are suffering under decisions, criminal decisions, horrific 
decisions made by these individuals. Yes, we must start with this 
comprehensive peace agreement, we must not allow it to backslide. But 
we must also see this as the beginning of a process of ensuring justice 
and accountability more broadly.
  One of the great Sudanese figures of the modern era, Manute Bol, 
recently passed away. In fact, he spent his final days in a hospital in 
my district having given away literally everything he had--not just his 
financial resources but every ounce of energy he had in his soul and 
body to ensure this. He is just the tallest and most symbolic and known 
of those who have given their lives in the fight for democracy and 
freedom for those in Southern Sudan.
  We must not allow Mr. Bol and others to have died in vain. Those who 
are in a position to ensure otherwise, including those in this body on 
both sides of the aisle, must stand up and ensure those that who had 
the courage to stand up and demand what was right, that we had their 
back, that we had their back when it came to diplomacy and economic 
negotiations, when it came time for a commitment to peacekeeping and 
multilateral operations that are so important, to those who have given 
tireless hours, and those who unfortunately are not here to see this 
through to completion.
  We are at a moment where, after years of struggle, we are brought to 
the edge of the promised land. There is a chance for us to see this 
through. Let us ensure a fair and just election process for Southern 
Sudan. Let us use that as a springboard to ensure democracy and basic 
justice and decency for the west, the east, the north, and the center 
of Sudan as well.
  I thank Mr. Hoyer. I thank Mr. Payne. I thank all of those who have 
spoken up. And I hope that this will not be another case where we sit 
by and let ``never again'' echo silently and powerlessly through the 
ages, but instead we look back proudly on what we stood up to do as 
Americans and as human beings.
  Mr. PAYNE. Let me certainly once again commend the gentleman from 
Virginia. The work that he's done speaks for him. And it's a pleasure 
to have him in our House of Representatives, and we will certainly look 
forward to your continued leadership in the next Congress.
  At this time I'd like to introduce a gentleman from Georgia who has 
shown interest in many issues as it relates to human rights, the 
gentleman from the great State, as I mentioned from Georgia, 
Representative Barrow.
  Mr. BARROW. I thank the gentleman. I thank him for his leadership in 
this area.
  I, too, want to join in thanking the majority leader for his 
leadership and his passion on this issue and bringing

[[Page 16248]]

this matter to the attention of the House this evening.
  Madam Speaker, I rise today in support of the people of Sudan and to 
pledge my continued commitment to achieving lasting peace and security 
for the Sudanese people.
  Three years ago, I traveled to the Darfur region of Sudan as part of 
an official, bipartisan congressional delegation. During that time, I 
was able to meet with a host of individuals ranging from the President 
of Southern Sudan, United Nations peacekeepers, ministers from the 
government of Southern Sudan, the Speaker of Parliament, and rebel 
leader and Darfur Peace Agreement-signatory, Mr. Minni Minawi. Each of 
these individuals holds an essential stake in peace.
  Sudan's Democratic and geographic integrity, as well as the lives of 
its people, depend on the continued leadership of these and many other 
individuals.
  This year, as we mark the fifth anniversary of the signing of the 
Comprehensive Peace Agreement that put an end to Sudan's 21-year-old 
civil war, I'm encouraged by the gains that have been made, but there 
is still much more work to be done.
  The United States cannot and will not turn a blind eye to genocide in 
Darfur or to corruption and poor leadership in any part of Sudan. Too 
much blood has been shed and too many lives have been lost. The United 
States must continue to work with our international allies to provide 
aid and promote peace--because that's the right thing to do. We should 
do everything we can to see to it that the citizens and leaders of 
Sudan come together, put an end to tribal violence, and commit 
themselves to the welfare of Sudan.
  Again, with my thanks to Mr. Payne and to the majority leader for 
their leadership, I yield back the balance of my time to the gentleman 
from New Jersey.
  Mr. PAYNE. Let me thank the gentleman for the continued good work 
that you do.
  As we conclude, you've heard the words from our leader, 
Representative Hoyer, you've heard Members of the Congress express 
themselves. I, too, would like to say that this has been a bipartisan 
effort. Congressman Wolf, Senator Brownback. The last hearing I had, I 
invited him to come to the House hearing, and he did an outstanding 
job.
  But many of us say that this issue must be resolved. And it's the 
historic problem of the region of Egypt and Sudan. Back at the end of 
the Ottoman Empire back in 1914, the British came in and jointly kind 
of ruled Egypt and Sudan. And finally during the Suez Canal crisis in 
the early 1950s, the Egyptian revolution started to move forward, and 
it was felt that Egypt and Sudan had to separate if Egypt was going to 
get its independence.
  Interestingly enough, Sudan was the first black nation to get 
independence from any of the colonial powers, back on January 1 of 
1956. However, right prior to that independence, the war broke out 
between the north and the south.
  And one of the problems that we have seen today was because the 
British had two administrations. It had an administration for the 
north, and it had an administration for the south. And way back during 
its administration, it created the difference between the north and the 
south. And those problems just continued to move forward. And some of 
those issues remain today. The fact that the many groups of Sudan, many 
diverse--there are about 38 million people in Sudan. It's interesting 
that 49 percent are black, and 38 percent are Arab, and 11 percent are 
Nubians.
  And the problem in Darfur would surprise many people because the 
Darfurians were people who worked with the National Congress Party. The 
Darfurians were persons who were in the armed services of the 
government of Sudan.

                              {time}  2100

  When the Government of Sudan turned on the Darfurian people, bombing 
them, killing them, then allowing the Janjaweed to come and rape and 
burn and pilfer, kill animals, throw them into wells, shocked many 
people because Darfurians were relatively loyal to the Government of 
Sudan.
  So this is terrible government, a government that has tried to have 
an Arabization program. And the war between the north and the south is 
because Dr. John Garang and the people of the south who were Christians 
and animus did not want to live under sharia law, which was being 
imposed by al-Bashir.
  So we have to continue to push to make sure that the CPA from January 
9 is upheld in 2011. We have to remember those--Rebecca Garang, the 
widow of Dr. John Garang, who still today is raising her children. 
Those who have fought with the SPLA, SPLM for many, many years will 
have their opportunity.
  Whatever the people of Sudan and the south decide, that is what we 
should allow to be the word. It should be up to the people of the 
south, whatever they decide. Whether they decide to remain a part of 
Sudan or whether they decide to separate, we should ensure that 
whatever their decision is that we will guarantee that the will of the 
people be done.
  I would like to once again thank our majority leader for his 
continued interest, Members who have come to participate.


                             General Leave

  Mr. PAYNE. Madam Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members 
may have 5 legislative days in which to revise and extend their remarks 
and include extraneous material on the subject of this Special Order on 
Sudan.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. Is there objection to the request of the 
gentleman from New Jersey?
  There was no objection.
  Mr. PAYNE. I yield back.

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