[Congressional Record (Bound Edition), Volume 156 (2010), Part 1]
[House]
[Pages 789-795]
[From the U.S. Government Publishing Office, www.gpo.gov]




 JOINT SESSION OF CONGRESS PURSUANT TO HOUSE CONCURRENT RESOLUTION 228 
                TO RECEIVE A MESSAGE FROM THE PRESIDENT

  The Speaker of the House presided.
  The Majority Floor Services Chief, Mr. Barry Sullivan, announced the 
Vice President and Members of the U.S. Senate, who entered the Hall of 
the House of Representatives, the Vice President taking the chair at 
the right of the Speaker, and the Members of the Senate the seats 
reserved for them.
  The SPEAKER. The Chair appoints as members of the committee on the 
part of the House to escort the President of the United States into the 
Chamber:
  The gentleman from Maryland (Mr. Hoyer);
  The gentleman from South Carolina (Mr. Clyburn);
  The gentleman from Connecticut (Mr. Larson);
  The gentleman from California (Mr. Becerra);
  The gentleman from Maryland (Mr. Van Hollen);
  The gentleman from California (Mr. George Miller);
  The gentlewoman from Connecticut (Ms. DeLauro);
  The gentleman from Michigan (Mr. Dingell);
  The gentleman from Ohio (Mr. Boehner);
  The gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Cantor);
  The gentleman from Indiana (Mr. Pence);
  The gentleman from Michigan (Mr. McCotter);
  The gentlewoman from Washington (Mrs. McMorris Rodgers);
  The gentleman from Texas (Mr. Carter);
  The gentleman from Texas (Mr. Sessions); and
  The gentleman from California (Mr. McCarthy).
  The VICE PRESIDENT. The President of the Senate, at the direction of 
that body, appoints the following Senators as members of the committee 
on the part of the Senate to escort the President of the United States 
into the House Chamber:
  The Senator from Nevada (Mr. Reid);
  The Senator from Illinois (Mr. Durbin);
  The Senator from New York (Mr. Schumer);
  The Senator from Washington (Mrs. Murray);
  The Senator from New Jersey (Mr. Menendez);
  The Senator from North Dakota (Mr. Dorgan);
  The Senator from Michigan (Ms. Stabenow);
  The Senator from Kentucky (Mr. McConnell);
  The Senator from Arizona (Mr. Kyl);
  The Senator from Tennessee (Mr. Alexander);
  The Senator from Alaska (Ms. Murkowski);
  The Senator from South Dakota (Mr. Thune); and
  The Senator from Texas (Mr. Cornyn);
  The Majority Floor Services Chief announced the Dean of the 
Diplomatic Corps, His Excellency Roble Olhaye, Ambassador from the 
Republic of Djibouti.
  The Dean of the Diplomatic Corps entered the Hall of the House of 
Representatives and took the seat reserved for him.
  The Majority Floor Services Chief announced the Chief Justice of the 
United States and the Associate Justices of the Supreme Court.
  The Chief Justice of the United States and the Associate Justices of 
the Supreme Court entered the Hall of the House of Representatives and 
took the seats reserved for them in front of the Speaker's rostrum.
  The Majority Floor Services Chief announced the Cabinet of the 
President of the United States.
  The members of the Cabinet of the President of the United States 
entered the Hall of the House of Representatives and took the seats 
reserved for them in front of the Speaker's rostrum.
  At 9 o'clock and 7 minutes p.m., the Majority Floor Services Chief 
and the Sergeant at Arms, the Honorable Wilson Livingood, announced the 
President of the United States.
  The President of the United States, escorted by the committee of 
Senators and Representatives, entered the Hall of the House of 
Representatives and stood at the Clerk's desk.
  (Applause, the Members rising.)
  The SPEAKER. Members of the Congress, I have the high privilege and 
the distinct honor of presenting to you the President of the United 
States.
  (Applause, the Members rising.)
  The PRESIDENT. Madam Speaker, Vice President Biden, Members of 
Congress, distinguished guests, and fellow Americans:
  Our Constitution declares that, from time to time, the President 
shall give to Congress information about the state of our union. For 
220 years, our leaders have fulfilled this duty. They have done so 
during periods of prosperity and tranquility. And they have done so in 
the midst of war and depression, at moments of great strife and great 
struggle.
  It's tempting to look back on these moments and assume that our 
progress was inevitable--that America was always destined to succeed. 
But when the Union was turned back at Bull Run and the Allies first 
landed at Omaha Beach, victory was very much in doubt. When the market 
crashed on Black Tuesday and civil rights marchers were beaten on 
Bloody Sunday, the future was anything but certain. These were the 
times that tested the courage of our convictions, and the strength of 
our union. And despite all our divisions and disagreements, our 
hesitations and our fears, America prevailed because we chose to move 
forward as one nation--as one people.
  Again, we are tested. And again, we must answer history's call.
  One year ago, I took office amid two wars, an economy rocked by 
severe recession, a financial system on the verge of collapse and a 
government deeply in debt. Experts from across the

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political spectrum warned that, if we did not act, we might face a 
second Depression. So we acted--immediately and aggressively. And one 
year later, the worst of the storm has passed.
  But the devastation remains. One in 10 Americans still cannot find 
work. Many businesses have shuttered. Home values have declined. Small 
towns and rural communities have been hit especially hard. And for 
those who had already known poverty, life has become that much harder.
  This recession has also compounded the burdens that America's 
families have been dealing with for decades--the burden of working 
harder and longer for less, of being unable to save enough to retire or 
help kids with college.
  So I know the anxieties that are out there right now. They're not 
new. These struggles are the reason I ran for President. These 
struggles are what I've witnessed for years in places like Elkhart, 
Indiana, and Galesburg, Illinois. I hear about them in the letters that 
I read each night. The toughest to read are those written by children--
asking why they have to move from their home, asking when their mom or 
dad will be able to go back to work.
  For these Americans and so many others, change has not come fast 
enough. Some are frustrated; some are angry. They don't understand why 
it seems like bad behavior on Wall Street is rewarded but hard work on 
Main Street isn't; or why Washington has been unable or unwilling to 
solve any of our problems. They are tired of the partisanship and the 
shouting and the pettiness. They know we can't afford it. Not now.
  So we face big and difficult challenges. And what the American people 
hope--what they deserve--is for all of us, Democrats and Republicans, 
to work through our differences, to overcome the numbing weight of our 
politics. For, while the people who sent us here have different 
backgrounds, different stories, different beliefs, the anxieties they 
face are the same. The aspirations they hold are shared. A job that 
pays the bills. A chance to get ahead. Most of all, the ability to give 
their children a better life.
  And you know what else they share? They share a stubborn resilience 
in the face of adversity. After one of the most difficult years in our 
history, they remain busy building cars and teaching kids, starting 
businesses and going back to school. They're coaching Little League and 
helping their neighbors. One woman wrote to me and said, ``We are 
strained but hopeful, struggling but encouraged.''
  It's because of this spirit--this great decency and great strength--
that I have never been more hopeful about America's future than I am 
tonight. Despite our hardships, our union is strong. We do not give up. 
We do not quit. We do not allow fear or division to break our spirit. 
In this new decade, it's time the American people get a government that 
matches their decency, that embodies their strength.
  And tonight, I'd like to talk about how, together, we can deliver on 
that promise.
  It begins with our economy.
  Our most urgent task upon taking office was to shore up the same 
banks that helped cause this crisis. It was not easy to do. And if 
there is one thing that has unified Democrats and Republicans and 
everybody in between is that we all hated the bank bailout. I hated it. 
You hated it. It was about as popular as a root canal.
  But when I ran for President, I promised I wouldn't just do what was 
popular--I would do what was necessary. And if we had allowed the 
meltdown of the financial system, unemployment might be double what it 
is today. More businesses would certainly have closed. More homes would 
have surely been lost.
  So I supported the last administration's efforts to create the 
financial rescue program. And when we took that program over, we made 
it more transparent and more accountable. And as a result, the markets 
are now stabilized, and we recovered most of the money we spent on the 
banks--most but not all.
  To recover the rest, I have proposed a fee on the biggest banks. Now, 
I know Wall Street isn't keen on this idea, but if these firms can 
afford to hand out big bonuses again, they can afford a modest fee to 
pay back the taxpayers who rescued them in their time of need.
  As we stabilized the financial system, we also took steps to get our 
economy growing again, save as many jobs as possible, and help 
Americans who had become unemployed.
  That's why we extended or increased unemployment benefits for more 
than 18 million Americans, made health insurance 65 percent cheaper for 
families who get their coverage through COBRA, and passed 25 different 
tax cuts.
  Now, let me repeat: We cut taxes. We cut taxes for 95 percent of 
working families. We cut taxes for small businesses. We cut taxes for 
first-time home buyers. We cut taxes for parents trying to care for 
their children. We cut taxes for 8 million Americans paying for 
college.
  As a result, millions of Americans had more to spend on gas and food 
and other necessities, all of which helped businesses keep more 
workers. And we haven't raised income taxes by a single dime on a 
single person. Not a single dime.
  Because of the steps we took, there are about 2 million Americans 
working right now who would otherwise be unemployed. 200,000 work in 
construction and clean energy. 300,000 are teachers and other education 
workers. Tens of thousands are cops, firefighters, correctional 
officers, first responders. And we are on track to add another 1.5 
million jobs to this total by the end of the year.
  The plan that has made all of this possible, from the tax cuts to the 
jobs, is the Recovery Act. That's right--the Recovery Act, also known 
as the stimulus bill. Economists on the left and the right say this 
bill has helped saved jobs and avert disaster. But you don't have to 
take their word for it.
  Talk to the small business in Phoenix that will triple its workforce 
because of the Recovery Act.
  Talk to the window manufacturer in Philadelphia who said he used to 
be skeptical about the Recovery Act until he had to add two more work 
shifts just because of the business it created. Talk to the single 
teacher raising two kids who was told by the principal in the last week 
of school that, because of the Recovery Act, she wouldn't be laid off 
after all.
  There are stories like this all across America. And after 2 years of 
recession, the economy is growing again. Retirement funds have started 
to gain back some of their value. Businesses are beginning to invest 
again, and slowly, some are starting to hire again.
  But I realize that, for every success story, there are other 
stories--of men and women who wake up with the anguish of not knowing 
where their next paycheck will come from, who send out resumes week 
after week and hear nothing in response. That is why jobs must be our 
number one focus in 2010, and that is why I am calling for a new jobs 
bill tonight.
  Now, the true engine of job creation in this country will always be 
America's businesses. But government can create the conditions 
necessary for businesses to expand and hire more workers.
  We should start where most new jobs do--in small businesses, 
companies that begin when an entrepreneur takes a chance on a dream or 
a worker decides it's time she became her own boss.
  Through sheer grit and determination, these companies have weathered 
the recession, and they are ready to go. But when you talk to small 
business owners in places like Allentown, Pennsylvania or Elyria, Ohio, 
you find out that, even though banks on Wall Street are lending again, 
they are mostly lending to bigger companies. Financing remains 
difficult for small business owners across the country. Even those who 
are making a profit.
  So, tonight, I am proposing that we take $30 billion of the money 
that Wall Street banks have repaid and use it to help community banks 
give small businesses the credit they need to stay afloat. I am also 
proposing a new small

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business tax credit--one that will go to over 1 million small 
businesses who hire new workers or raise wages.
  While we're at it, let's also eliminate all capital gains taxes on 
small business investment; and provide a tax incentive for all large 
businesses and all small businesses to invest in new plants and 
equipment.
  Next, we can put Americans to work today building the infrastructure 
of tomorrow. From the first railroads to the Interstate Highway System, 
our nation has always been built to compete. There is no reason Europe 
or China should have the fastest trains or the new factories that 
manufacture clean energy products.
  Tomorrow, I'll visit Tampa, Florida where workers will soon break 
ground on a new high-speed railroad funded by the Recovery Act. There 
are projects like that all across this country that will create jobs 
and help move our Nation's goods, services and information. We should 
put more Americans to work building clean energy facilities, and give 
rebates to Americans who make their homes more energy efficient, which 
supports clean energy jobs. And to encourage these and other businesses 
to stay within our borders, it is time to finally slash the tax breaks 
for companies that ship our jobs overseas and give those tax breaks to 
companies that create jobs right here in the United States of America.
  Now, the House has passed a jobs bill that includes some of these 
steps. As the first order of business this year, I urge the Senate to 
do the same, and I know they will. They will. People are out of work. 
They are hurting. They need our help. And I want a jobs bill on my desk 
without delay.
  But the truth is, these steps won't make up for the 7 million jobs 
that we've lost over the last 2 years. The only way to move to full 
employment is to lay a new foundation for long-term economic growth and 
finally address the problems that America's families have confronted 
for years.
  We can't afford another so-called economic expansion like the one 
from the last decade--what some call the ``lost decade''--where jobs 
grew more slowly than during any prior expansion, where the income of 
the average American household declined while the cost of health care 
and tuition reached record highs, where prosperity was built on a 
housing bubble and financial speculation.
  From the day I took office, I have been told that addressing our 
larger challenges is too ambitious--that such an effort would be too 
contentious. I've been told that our political system is too gridlocked 
and that we should just put things on hold for a while.
  For those who make these claims, I have one simple question:
  How long should we wait? How long should America put its future on 
hold?
  You see, Washington has been telling us to wait for decades even as 
the problems have grown worse. Meanwhile, China's not waiting to revamp 
its economy. Germany's not waiting. India's not waiting. These nations, 
they're not standing still. These nations aren't playing for second 
place. They're putting more emphasis on math and science. They're 
rebuilding their infrastructure. They're making serious investments in 
clean energy because they want those jobs.
  Well, I do not accept second place for the United States of America. 
As hard as it may be, as uncomfortable and contentious as the debates 
may become, it's time to get serious about fixing the problems that are 
hampering our growth.
  Now, one place to start is with serious financial reform. Look, I am 
not interested in punishing banks; I'm interested in protecting our 
economy. A strong, healthy financial market makes it possible for 
businesses to access credit and create new jobs. It channels the 
savings of families into investments that raise incomes. But that can 
only happen if we guard against the same recklessness that nearly 
brought down our entire economy.
  We need to make sure consumers and middle class families have the 
information they need to make financial decisions. We can't allow 
financial institutions, including those that take your deposits, to 
take risks that threaten the whole economy.
  The House has already passed financial reform with many of these 
changes. And the lobbyists are trying to kill it. Well, we cannot let 
them win this fight. And if the bill that ends up on my desk does not 
meet the test of real reform, I will send it back until we get it 
right. We've got to get it right.
  Next, we need to encourage American innovation. Last year, we made 
the largest investment in basic research funding in history--an 
investment that could lead to the world's cheapest solar cells or 
treatment that kills cancer cells but leaves healthy ones untouched. 
And no area is more ripe for such innovation than energy. You can see 
the results of last year's investments in clean energy--in the North 
Carolina company that will create 1,200 jobs nationwide, helping to 
make advanced batteries; or in the California business that will put 
1,000 people to work making solar panels.
  But to create more of these clean energy jobs, we need more 
production, more efficiency, more incentives. And that means building a 
new generation of safe, clean nuclear power plants in this country. It 
means making tough decisions about opening new offshore areas for oil 
and gas development. It means continued investment in advanced biofuels 
and clean coal technologies. And yes, it means passing a comprehensive 
energy and climate bill with incentives that will finally make clean 
energy the profitable kind of energy in America.
  I am grateful to the House for passing such a bill last year. And 
this year, I am eager to help advance the bipartisan effort in the 
Senate. I know there have been questions about whether we can afford 
such changes in a tough economy. I know that there are those who 
disagree with the overwhelming scientific evidence on climate change. 
But here is the thing, even if you doubt the evidence, providing 
incentives for energy efficiency and clean energy are the right things 
to do for our future--because the nation that leads the clean energy 
economy will be the nation that leads the global economy. And America 
must be that Nation.
  Third, we need to export more of our goods. Because the more products 
we make and sell to other countries, the more jobs we support right 
here in America. So, tonight, we set a new goal: we will double our 
exports over the next 5 years, an increase that will support 2 million 
jobs in America. To help meet this goal, we're launching a national 
export initiative that will help farmers and small businesses increase 
their exports and reform export controls consistent with national 
security.
  We have to seek new markets aggressively, just as our competitors 
are. If America sits on the sidelines while other nations sign trade 
deals, we will lose the chance to create jobs on our shores. But 
realizing those benefits also means enforcing those agreements so our 
trading partners play by the rules. And that's why we will continue to 
shape a Doha trade agreement that opens global markets, and why we will 
strengthen our trade relations in Asia and with key partners like South 
Korea and Panama and Colombia.
  Fourth, we need to invest in the skills and education of our people.
  Now, this year, we've broken through the stalemate between left and 
right by launching a national competition to improve our schools. And 
the idea here is simple: instead of rewarding failure, we only reward 
success. Instead of funding the status quo, we only invest in reform--
reform that raises student achievement, inspires students to excel in 
math and science and turns around failing schools that steal the future 
of too many young Americans, from rural communities to the inner 
cities. In the 21st century, the best anti-poverty program around is a 
world-class education. And in this country, the success of our children 
cannot depend more on where they live than on their potential.
  When we renew the Elementary and Secondary Education Act, we will 
work with Congress to expand these reforms to all 50 States. Still, in 
this economy, a high school diploma no longer guarantees a good job. 
That's why I urge

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the Senate to follow the House and pass a bill that will revitalize our 
community colleges, which is a career pathway to the children of so 
many working families. To make college more affordable, this bill will 
finally end the unwarranted taxpayer subsidies that go to banks for 
student loans. Instead, let's take that money and give families a 
$10,000 tax credit for 4 years of college and increase Pell Grants. And 
let's tell another 1 million students that, when they graduate, they 
will be required to pay only 10 percent of their income on student 
loans, and all of their debt will be forgiven after 20 years--and 
forgiven after 10 years if they choose a career in public service. 
Because in the United States of America, no one should go broke because 
they chose to go to college. And by the way, it's time for colleges and 
universities to get serious about cutting their own costs--because 
they, too, have a responsibility to help solve this problem.
  Now, the price of college tuition is just one of the burdens facing 
the middle class. That's why, last year, I asked Vice President Biden 
to chair a task force on middle class families. That's why we're nearly 
doubling the child care tax credit and making it easier to save for 
retirement by giving access to every worker a retirement account and 
expanding the tax credit for those who start a nest egg. That's why 
we're working to lift the value of a family's single largest 
investment--their home. The steps we took last year to shore up the 
housing market have allowed millions of Americans to take out new loans 
and save an average of $1,500 on mortgage payments. This year, we will 
step up refinancing so that homeowners can move into more affordable 
mortgages. And it is precisely to relieve the burden on middle class 
families that we still need health insurance reform.
  Now let's clear a few things up. I didn't choose to tackle this issue 
to get some legislative victory under my belt. And by now, it should be 
fairly obvious that I didn't take on health care because it was good 
politics.
  I took on health care because of the stories I've heard from 
Americans with preexisting conditions whose lives depend on getting 
coverage, patients who have been denied coverage, families--even those 
with insurance--who are just one illness away from financial ruin.
  After nearly a century of trying--Democratic administrations, 
Republican administrations--we are closer than ever to bringing more 
security to the lives of so many Americans. The approach we've taken 
would protect every American from the worst practices of the insurance 
industry. It would give small businesses and uninsured Americans a 
chance to choose an affordable health care plan in a competitive 
market. It would require every insurance plan to cover preventative 
care. And by the way, I want to acknowledge our First Lady, Michelle 
Obama, who, this year, is creating a national movement to tackle the 
epidemic of childhood obesity and make kids healthier.
  Our approach would preserve the right of Americans who have insurance 
to keep their doctor and their plan. It would reduce costs and premiums 
for millions of families and businesses. And according to the 
Congressional Budget Office--the independent organization that both 
parties have cited as the official scorekeeper for Congress--our 
approach would bring down the deficit by as much as $1 trillion over 
the next two decades.
  Still, this is a complex issue, and the longer it was debated, the 
more skeptical people became. I take my share of the blame for not 
explaining it more clearly to the American people. And I know that, 
with all the lobbying and horse-trading, the process left most 
Americans wondering, what's in it for me.
  But I also know this problem is not going away. By the time I'm 
finished speaking tonight, more Americans will have lost their health 
insurance. Millions will lose it this year. Our deficit will grow. 
Premiums will go up. Patients will be denied the care they need. Small 
business owners will continue to drop coverage altogether. I will not 
walk away from these Americans, and neither should the people in this 
Chamber.
  So, as temperatures cool, I want everyone to take another look at the 
plan we've proposed. There is a reason why many doctors, nurses, and 
health care experts, who know our system best, consider this approach a 
vast improvement over the status quo. But if anyone from either party 
has a better approach that will bring down premiums, bring down the 
deficit, cover the uninsured, strengthen Medicare for seniors, and stop 
insurance company abuses, let me know. I'm eager to see it. Here's what 
I ask Congress, though: Don't walk away from reform. Not now. Not when 
we are so close. Let us find a way to come together and finish the job 
for the American people. Let's get it done.
  Now, even as health care reform would reduce our deficit, it's not 
enough to dig us out of a massive fiscal hole in which we find 
ourselves. It's a challenge that makes all others that much harder to 
solve and one that's been subject to a lot of political posturing.
  So let me start the discussion of government spending by setting the 
record straight. At the beginning of the last decade, the year 2000, 
America had a budget surplus of over $200 billion. By the time I took 
office, we had a 1-year deficit of over $1 trillion and projected 
deficits of $8 trillion over the next decade. Most of this was the 
result of not paying for two wars, two tax cuts, and an expensive 
prescription drug program. On top of that, the effects of the recession 
put a $3 trillion hole in our budget. All this was before I walked in 
the door. I'm just stating the facts.
  Now, if we had taken office in ordinary times, I would have liked 
nothing more than to start bringing down the deficit. But we took 
office amid a crisis, and our efforts to prevent a second Depression 
have added another $1 trillion to our national debt. That, too, is a 
fact.
  I'm absolutely convinced that was the right thing to do. But families 
across the country are tightening their belts and making tough 
decisions. The Federal Government should do the same. So, tonight, I'm 
proposing specific steps to pay for the $1 trillion that it took to 
rescue the economy last year.
  Starting in 2011, we are prepared to freeze government spending for 3 
years. Spending related to our national security, Medicare, Medicaid, 
and Social Security will not be affected. But all other discretionary 
government programs will. Like any cash-strapped family, we will work 
within a budget to invest in what we need and sacrifice what we don't. 
And if I have to enforce this discipline by veto, I will.
  We will continue through the budget line by line, page by page to 
eliminate programs that we can't afford and don't work. We've already 
identified $20 billion in savings for next year. To help working 
families, we will extend our middle class tax cuts. But at a time of 
record deficits, we will not continue tax cuts for oil companies, for 
investment fund managers, and for those making over $250,000 a year. We 
just can't afford it.
  Now, even after paying for what we spent on my watch, we'll still 
face the massive deficit we had when I took office. More importantly, 
the cost of Medicare, Medicaid, and Social Security will continue to 
skyrocket. That's why I've called for a bipartisan fiscal commission, 
modeled on a proposal by Republican Judd Gregg and Democrat Kent 
Conrad. This can't be one of those Washington gimmicks that lets us 
pretend we solved a problem. The commission will have to provide a 
specific set of solutions by a certain deadline. Now, yesterday, the 
Senate blocked a bill that would have created this commission. So I 
will issue an Executive order that will allow us to go forward because 
I refuse to pass this problem on to another generation of Americans. 
And when the vote comes tomorrow, the Senate should restore the pay-as-
you-go law that was a big reason for why we had record surpluses in the 
1990s.
  I know that some in my party will argue that we can't address the 
deficit

[[Page 793]]

or freeze government spending when so many are still hurting. And I 
agree, which is why this freeze won't take effect until next year, when 
the economy is stronger. That's how budgeting works. But understand, if 
we don't take meaningful steps to rein in our debt, it could damage our 
markets, increase the cost of borrowing and jeopardize our recovery--
all of which would have an even worse effect on our job growth and 
family incomes.
  From some on the right, I expect we'll hear a different argument--
that if we just make fewer investments in our people, extend tax cuts, 
including those for wealthier Americans, eliminate more regulations, 
and maintain the status quo on health care, our deficits will go away. 
The problem is, that's what we did for 8 years. That's what helped us 
into this crisis. It's what helped lead to these deficits. We can't do 
it again.
  Rather than fight the same tired battles that have dominated 
Washington for decades, it's time to try something new. Let's invest in 
our people without leaving them a mountain of debt. Let's meet our 
responsibility to the citizens who sent us here. Let's try common 
sense--a novel concept.
  To do that, we have to recognize that we face more than a deficit of 
dollars right now. We face a deficit of trust--deep and corrosive 
doubts about how Washington works that have been growing for years. To 
close that credibility gap, we have to take action on both ends of 
Pennsylvania Avenue to end the outsized influence of lobbyists, to do 
our work openly, to give our people the government they deserve.
  That's what I came to Washington to do. That's why--for the first 
time in history--my administration posts our White House visitors 
online. That's why we've excluded lobbyists from policymaking jobs or 
seats on Federal boards and commissions.
  But we can't stop there. It's time to require lobbyists to disclose 
each contact they make on behalf of a client with my administration or 
with Congress. It's time to put strict limits on the contributions that 
lobbyists give to candidates for Federal office. With all due deference 
to the separation of powers, last week, the Supreme Court reversed a 
century of law that I believe will open the floodgates for special 
interests--including foreign corporations--to spend without limit in 
our elections. I don't think American elections should be bankrolled by 
America's most powerful interests, or worse, by foreign entities. They 
should be decided by the American people. And I would urge Democrats 
and Republicans to pass a bill that helps correct some of these 
problems.
  I'm also calling on Congress to continue down the path of earmark 
reform--Democrats and Republicans. You've trimmed some of this 
spending. You've embraced some meaningful change. But restoring the 
public trust demands more. For example, some Members of Congress post 
some earmark requests online. Tonight, I am calling on Congress to 
publish all earmark requests on a single Web site before there is a 
vote so that the American people can see how their money is being 
spent.
  Of course, none of these reforms will even happen if we don't also 
reform how we work with one another.
  Now, I am not naive. I never thought that the mere fact of my 
election would usher in peace and harmony and some post-partisan era. I 
knew that both parties have fed divisions that are deeply entrenched. 
And on some issues, there are simply philosophical differences that 
will always cause us to part ways. These disagreements about the role 
of government in our lives, about our national priorities and our 
national security, they've been taking place for over 200 years. They 
are the very essence of our democracy.
  But what frustrates the American people is a Washington where every 
day is an election day. We can't wage a perpetual campaign where the 
only goal is to see who can get the most embarrassing headlines about 
the other side--a belief that, if you lose, I win. Neither party should 
delay or obstruct every single bill just because they can. I'm speaking 
to both parties now. The confirmation of well-qualified public servants 
shouldn't be held hostage to the pet projects or grudges of a few 
individual Senators. Washington may think that saying anything about 
the other side--no matter how false, no matter how malicious--is just 
part of the game. But it's precisely such politics that has stopped 
either party from helping the American people. Worse yet, it is sowing 
further division among our citizens, further distrust in our 
government.
  So, no, I will not give up on trying to change the tone of our 
politics. I know it's an election year. And after last week, it's clear 
that campaign fever has come even earlier than usual. But we still need 
to govern. To Democrats, I would remind you that we still have the 
largest majority in decades, and the people expect us to solve 
problems, not run for the hills. And if the Republican leadership is 
going to insist that 60 votes in the Senate are required to do any 
business at all in this town--a super majority--then the responsibility 
to govern is now yours as well. Just saying ``no'' to everything may be 
good short-term politics, but it's not leadership. We were sent here to 
serve our citizens, not our ambitions. So let's show the American 
people that we can do it together. This week, I'll be addressing a 
meeting of the House Republicans. I'd like to begin monthly meetings 
with both the Democratic and Republican leadership. I know you can't 
wait.
  Throughout our history, no issue has united this country more than 
our security. Sadly, some of the unity we felt after 9/11 has 
dissipated. We can argue all we want about who is to blame for this, 
but I'm not interested in relitigating the past. I know that all of us 
love this country. All of us are committed to its defense. So let's put 
aside the schoolyard taunts about who is tough. Let's reject the false 
choice between protecting our people and upholding our values. Let's 
leave behind the fear and division, and do what it takes to defend our 
Nation and forge a more hopeful future--for America and for the world.
  That's the work we began last year. Since the day I took office, 
we've renewed our focus on the terrorists who threaten our Nation. 
We've made substantial investments in our homeland security and 
disrupted plots that threatened to take American lives. We are filling 
unacceptable gaps revealed by the failed Christmas attack, with better 
airline security and swifter action on our intelligence. We've 
prohibited torture and strengthened partnerships from the Pacific to 
South Asia to the Arabian Peninsula. And in the last year, hundreds of 
al Qaeda's fighters and affiliates, including many senior leaders, have 
been captured or killed--far more than in 2008.
  And in Afghanistan, we are increasing our troops and training Afghan 
Security Forces so they can begin to take the lead in July of 2011, and 
our troops can begin to come home. We will reward good governance, work 
to reduce corruption, and support the rights of all Afghans--men and 
women alike. We are joined by allies and partners who have increased 
their own commitments and who will come together tomorrow in London to 
reaffirm our common purpose. There will be difficult days ahead. But I 
am absolutely confident we will succeed.
  As we take the fight to al Qaeda, we are responsibly leaving Iraq to 
its people. As a candidate, I promised that I would end this war, and 
that is what I am doing as President. We will have all of our combat 
troops out of Iraq by the end of this August. We will support the Iraqi 
Government as they hold elections, and we will continue to partner with 
the Iraqi people to promote regional peace and prosperity. But make no 
mistake: this war is ending, and all of our troops are coming home.
  Tonight, all of our men and women in uniform--in Iraq, in 
Afghanistan, and around the world--have to know that they have our 
respect, our gratitude, our full support. And just as they must have 
the resources they need in war, we all have a responsibility to support 
them when they come home. That's why we made the largest increase in 
investments for veterans in decades last year. That's why we're 
building a 21st century VA. And that's why Michelle

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has joined with Jill Biden to forge a national commitment to support 
military families.
  Even as we prosecute two wars, we are also confronting, perhaps, the 
greatest danger to the American people--the threat of nuclear weapons. 
I've embraced the vision of John F. Kennedy and Ronald Reagan through a 
strategy that reverses the spread of these weapons and seeks a world 
without them. To reduce our stockpiles and launchers, while ensuring 
our deterrent, the United States and Russia are completing negotiations 
on the farthest reaching arms control treaty in nearly two decades. And 
at April's Nuclear Security Summit, we will bring 44 nations together, 
here in Washington, D.C., behind a clear goal--securing all vulnerable 
nuclear materials around the world in 4 years so that they never fall 
into the hands of terrorists.
  Now, these diplomatic efforts have also strengthened our hand in 
dealing with those nations that insist on violating international 
agreements in pursuit of these weapons. That is why North Korea now 
faces increased isolation and stronger sanctions--sanctions that are 
being vigorously enforced. That's why the international community is 
more united and the Islamic Republic of Iran is more isolated. And as 
Iran's leaders continue to ignore their obligations, there should be no 
doubt: they, too, will face growing consequences. That is a promise.
  That is the leadership we are providing--engagement that advances the 
common security and prosperity of all people. We are working through 
the G-20 to sustain a lasting global recovery. We are working with 
Muslim communities around the world to promote science and education 
and innovation. We have gone from a bystander to a leader in the fight 
against climate change. We are helping developing countries to feed 
themselves, and continuing the fight against HIV/AIDS. And we are 
launching a new initiative that will give us the capacity to respond 
faster and more effectively to bioterrorism or an infectious disease--a 
plan that will counter threats at home and strengthen public health 
abroad.
  As we have for over 60 years, America takes these actions because our 
destiny is connected to those beyond our shores. But we also do it 
because it is right. That's why, as we meet here tonight, over 10,000 
Americans are working with many nations to help the people of Haiti 
recover and rebuild. That's why we stand with the girl who yearns to go 
to school in Afghanistan, why we support the human rights of the women 
marching through the streets of Iran, why we advocate for the young man 
denied a job by corruption in Guinea. For America must always stand on 
the side of freedom and human dignity. Always.
  Abroad, America's greatest source of strength has always been our 
ideals. The same is true at home. We find unity in our incredible 
diversity, drawing on the promise enshrined in our Constitution: the 
notion that we are all created equal, that no matter who you are or 
what you look like, if you abide by the law, you should be protected by 
it; if you adhere to our common values, you should be treated no 
different than anyone else.
  We must continually renew this promise. My administration has a Civil 
Rights division that is, once again, prosecuting civil rights' 
violations and employment discrimination. We finally strengthened our 
laws to protect against crimes driven by hate. This year, I will work 
with Congress and our military to finally repeal the law that denies 
gay Americans the right to serve the country they love because of who 
they are. It's the right thing to do. We're going to crack down on 
violations of equal pay laws--so that women get equal pay for an equal 
day's work. And we should continue the work of fixing our broken 
immigration system--to secure our borders and enforce our laws and 
ensure that everyone who plays by the rules can contribute to our 
economy and enrich our Nation.
  In the end, it is our ideals, our values, that built America--values 
that allowed us to forge a Nation made up of immigrants from every 
corner of the globe; values that drive our citizens still. Every day, 
Americans meet their responsibilities to their families and their 
employers. Time and again, they lend a hand to their neighbors and give 
back to their country. They take pride in their labor and are generous 
in spirit. These aren't Republican values or Democratic values that 
they're living by; business values or labor values. They are American 
values.
  Unfortunately, too many of our citizens have lost faith that our 
biggest institutions--our corporations, our media and, yes, our 
government--still reflect these same values. Each of these institutions 
are full of honorable men and women doing important work that helps our 
country prosper. But each time a CEO rewards himself for failure or a 
banker puts the rest of us at risk for his own selfish gain, people's 
doubts grow. Each time lobbyists game the system or politicians tear 
each other down instead of lifting this country up, we lose faith. The 
more that TV pundits reduce serious debates to silly arguments, big 
issues into sound bites, our citizens turn away.
  No wonder there's so much cynicism out there.
  No wonder there's so much disappointment.
  I campaigned on the promise of change--change we can believe in, the 
slogan went. And right now, I know there are many Americans who aren't 
sure if they still believe we can change--or that I can deliver.
  But remember this--I never suggested that change would be easy or 
that I could do it alone. Democracy in a Nation of 300 million people 
can be noisy and messy and complicated. And when you try to do big 
things and make big changes, it stirs passions and controversy. That's 
just how it is.
  Those of us in public office can respond to this reality by playing 
it safe and avoid telling hard truths and pointing fingers. We can do 
what's necessary to keep our poll numbers high and get through the next 
election instead of doing what's best for the next generation.
  But I also know this: If people had made that decision 50 years ago 
or 100 years ago or 200 years ago, we wouldn't be here tonight. The 
only reason we are here is because generations of Americans were 
unafraid to do what was hard, to do what was needed even when success 
was uncertain, to do what it took to keep the dream of this Nation 
alive for their children and their grandchildren.
  Our administration has had some political setbacks this year, and 
some of them were deserved. But I wake up every day knowing that they 
are nothing compared to the setbacks that families all across this 
country have faced this year. And what keeps me going--what keeps me 
fighting--is that, despite all these setbacks, that spirit of 
determination and optimism--that fundamental decency that has always 
been at the core of the American people--lives on.
  It lives on in the struggling small business owner who wrote to me of 
his company, ``None of us,'' he said, ``are willing to consider, even 
slightly, that we might fail.''
  It lives on in the woman who said that, even though she and her 
neighbors have felt the pain of recession, ``We are strong. We are 
resilient. We are American.''
  It lives on in the 8-year-old boy in Louisiana, who just sent me his 
allowance, and asked if I would give it to the people of Haiti. And it 
lives on in all the Americans who've dropped everything to go someplace 
they've never been and pull people they've never known from the rubble, 
prompting chants of ``USA! USA! USA!'' when another life was saved.
  The spirit that has sustained this Nation for more than two centuries 
lives on in you, its people.
  We have finished a difficult year. We have come through a difficult 
decade. But a new year has come. A new decade stretches before us. We 
don't quit. I don't quit. Let's seize this moment--to start anew, to 
carry the dream forward, and to strengthen our union once more.
  Thank you. God bless you. And God bless the United States of America.
  (Applause, the Members rising.)
  At 10 o'clock and 26 minutes p.m., the President of the United 
States, accompanied by the committee of escort,

[[Page 795]]

retired from the Hall of the House of Representatives.
  The Majority Floor Services Chief escorted the invited guests from 
the Chamber in the following order:
  The members of the President's Cabinet; the Chief Justice of the 
United States and the Associate Justices of the Supreme Court; the Dean 
of the Diplomatic Corps.

                          ____________________