[Congressional Record (Bound Edition), Volume 155 (2009), Part 7]
[House]
[Pages 9068-9071]
[From the U.S. Government Publishing Office, www.gpo.gov]




       RECOGNIZING 30TH ANNIVERSARY OF EGYPT-ISRAEL PEACE TREATY

  Mr. CONNOLLY of Virginia. Madam Speaker, I move to suspend the rules 
and agree to the resolution (H. Res. 282) recognizing the 30th 
anniversary of the peace treaty between Egypt and Israel, as amended.
  The Clerk read the title of the resolution.
  The text of the resolution is as follows:

                              H. Res. 282

       Whereas the peace treaty between Egypt and Israel signed in 
     Washington, DC, on March 26, 1979, set an unprecedented 
     example of reconciliation following decades marked by nearly 
     unremitting tension and confrontation, including the 1948 War 
     of Israeli Independence, the 1956 Suez War, the 1967 Six-Day 
     War, the 1968-70 War of Attrition along the Suez Canal, and 
     the 1973 Yom Kippur War;
       Whereas United States diplomatic efforts and initiatives in 
     the aftermath of the 1973 Arab-Israeli War helped build the 
     foundations of a lasting peace between Egypt and Israel;
       Whereas pursuant to an invitation by Israeli Prime Minister 
     Menachem Begin, President Anwar al-Sadat became the first 
     Arab leader to visit Israel on November 20, 1977, when he 
     delivered a historic address before Israel's Parliament, the 
     Knesset, calling for Egypt and Israel to ``. . . stand 
     together with the . . . boldness of heroes who dedicate 
     themselves to a sublime aim . . . to erect a huge edifice of 
     peace . . . an edifice that . . . serves as a beacon for 
     generations to come'';
       Whereas Prime Minister Menachem Begin and President Sadat 
     demonstrated remarkable character and courage in their 
     willingness to move beyond decades of hostility, bitterness, 
     and mistrust to launch an unprecedented rapprochement without 
     any guarantee as to the potential outcome of their mutual 
     determination to engage in United States-mediated peace 
     talks;
       Whereas successive administrations worked diligently to 
     facilitate intensive discussions in the hope of achieving a 
     historic diplomatic breakthrough on Middle East peace, and 
     President Jimmy Carter invited the two leaders to Camp David 
     for intensive discussions from September 5-17, 1978;
       Whereas, on September 17, 1978, the United States witnessed 
     the signing of two framework agreements between the 
     Governments of Egypt and Israel, ``A Framework for Peace in 
     the Middle East'' and ``A Framework for the Conclusion of a 
     Peace Treaty between Egypt and Israel'';
       Whereas, on March 26, 1979, President Sadat and Prime 
     Minister Begin signed the first treaty between an Arab nation 
     and Israel;
       Whereas the primary features of the peace treaty included 
     the mutual recognition of Egypt and Israel, the end of the 
     state of war between the two nations dating back to the 1948 
     War of Israeli Independence, the complete withdrawal by 
     Israel of its armed forces and civilians from the Sinai 
     Peninsula, freedom of passage for Israeli ships through the 
     Suez Canal, and recognition of the Strait of Tiran and the 
     Gulf of Aqaba as international waterways;
       Whereas United States leadership played a decisive role in 
     enabling Egypt and Israel to set aside longstanding 
     animosities;
       Whereas the conclusion of the treaty between Egypt and 
     Israel set a courageous example of statesmanship;
       Whereas as a direct result of the peace treaty, the Arab 
     League suspended Egypt from its membership from 1979 until 
     1989;
       Whereas, in 1981, President Sadat was assassinated in Cairo 
     by Egyptian soldiers who belonged to the al-Gama`ah al-
     Islamiyah (Islamic Group) and Egyptian Islamic Jihad;
       Whereas, on October 26, 1994, Israeli Prime Minister 
     Yitzhak Rabin and King Hussein of Jordan followed in the path 
     set by President Sadat and Prime Minister Begin, signing the 
     Israel-Jordan Treaty of Peace;
       Whereas, despite the existence of tensions and grievances, 
     the peace treaty between Egypt and Israel continues to 
     challenge presuppositions about the intractability of 
     conflict in the Middle East and provides an enduring 
     framework for facilitating dialogue; and
       Whereas Egypt and Israel continue to collaborate in ongoing 
     efforts to address regional difficulties despite the security 
     challenges facing both nations: Now, therefore, be it
       Resolved, That the House of Representatives--
       (1) recognizes the 30th anniversary of the peace treaty 
     between Egypt and Israel, celebrates the treaty's strength 
     and endurance, and commends the extraordinary diplomatic 
     achievement that the treaty exemplifies;
       (2) recalls the historic sacrifices sustained by Egypt and 
     Israel in the cause of peace and commends the steadfast 
     determination of both nations to sustain their mutual 
     commitment to peace;
       (3) calls for the strengthening of economic, diplomatic, 
     and cultural relations between Egypt and Israel;
       (4) urges the Governments of Egypt and Israel to strengthen 
     the spirit of cooperation that emerged in 1979 as the Middle 
     East faces new challenges;
       (5) seeks to encourage continued United States efforts to 
     foster constructive initiatives to resolve existing conflicts 
     and mitigate current and emerging threats to a just and 
     lasting Middle East peace; and
       (6) calls for recognition of the peace treaty between Egypt 
     and Israel as a model mechanism upon which partner nations 
     may build to overcome longstanding barriers to peace and 
     effective cooperation.


[[Page 9069]]


  The SPEAKER pro tempore. Pursuant to the rule, the gentleman from 
Virginia (Mr. Connolly) and the gentleman from Nebraska (Mr. 
Fortenberry) each will control 20 minutes.
  The Chair recognizes the gentleman from Virginia.


                             General Leave

  Mr. CONNOLLY of Virginia. Madam Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that 
all Members may have 5 legislative days to revise and extend their 
remarks and to include extraneous material on the resolution under 
consideration.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. Is there objection to the request of the 
gentleman from Virginia?
  There was no objection.
  Mr. CONNOLLY of Virginia. I yield myself such time as I may consume.
  Madam Speaker, I rise in strong support of House Resolution 282, 
``Recognizing the 30th Anniversary of the Peace Treaty between Egypt 
and Israel,'' and I commend our good friend Mr. Fortenberry for 
introducing it.
  Last week on March 26, we marked the 30th anniversary of the signing 
of the 1979 peace accord between Israel and Egypt, brokered and 
witnessed by the United States of America. The signing of that treaty 
remains one of the most dramatic and strategically important events of 
our life times.
  It culminated a process of peace-making that Israeli and Egyptian 
diplomats had begun secretly in Morocco in mid-1977. That process, 
Madam Speaker, was most memorably punctuated by the stunning visit of 
Egyptian President Anwar Sadat to Israel in November of 1977 and by the 
signing, subsequently, of the Camp David Peace Accords in September of 
1978, laying the groundwork for the peace treaty signed 6 months later 
that we celebrate today with this resolution.
  The significance of the Egyptian-Israeli peace treaty cannot be 
overstated. With the signing of the treaty, Egypt became the first Arab 
State to recognize the state of Israel. More than that, the treaty 
demonstrated the dream of the Arab-Israeli peace, a dream that most 
experts at that time put in the ``not in my lifetime'' category, and it 
was, indeed, possible.
  In 1994, Jordan became the second Arab State to make peace with the 
state of Israel. Egyptian-Israeli peace has saved countless lives. 
Between 1948 and 1973, Egypt and Israel fought four fierce land wars, 
plus the 1968-1970 War of Attrition, resulting in tens of thousands of 
casualties. Thanks to the 1979 peace treaty, there have been no further 
Egyptian-Israeli wars nor have there been any wars between Israel and 
other Arab States since that time. Although, as we all know, Israel 
continues to be threatened by well-armed, non-state actors like Hamas 
and Hezbollah, who are used as proxies by states such as Syria and 
Iran.
  The 1979 peace treaty also extended the prospect of superpower 
conflict over the Arab-Israeli conflict. In 1973, the U.S. and the 
USSR, at that time, had gone nearly to the brink of war for the sake of 
their allies, Israel and Egypt respectfully. The peace treaty ensured 
that would never happen again, and the central diplomatic role played 
by the United States facilitated Egypt's transition to the pro-Western 
camp. This was truly the age, as one scholar has called it, of heroic 
diplomacy in the Middle East.
  President Sadat risked his career and, ultimately, his life on his 
bold action. Many Arab leaders accused him of treason--the Warsaw Pact 
states as well. Egypt was expelled at that time from the Arab League, 
and was not welcomed back for a decade. Just 2\1/2\ years after signing 
the peace treaty, Anwar Sadat was dead, the victim of an assassin's 
bullet. Although his murderers ascribed their actions to other motives, 
mainly their outlandish claim that Sadat was not a true Muslim, there 
is little doubt, Madam Speaker, that those who supported the assassins 
were deeply outraged by his peace treaty with Israel.
  Israeli Prime Minister Menachem Begin went against the grain of his 
own party by leading the fight for total withdrawal from the Sinai, 
which was the Egyptian price for this peace treaty. When Begin brought 
the treaty to the Knesset vote, he had to rely on his longtime nemesis 
of the Israeli left for votes, as many of his Likud Party colleagues 
refused to support him and the peace treaty at that time.
  Both Sadat and Begin richly earned the Nobel Peace Prize they won in 
1978, probably the easiest decision the Nobel Peace Prize Committee 
ever made. President Carter, whose relentless diplomacy was critical 
for achieving the Camp David Accords and the peace treaty, was 
unquestionably yet another hero of the Egyptian-Israeli peace-making 
process.
  When President Sadat spoke before the Knesset on November 20, 1977, 
he asked, ``Why don't we stand together with the courage of men and the 
boldness of heroes who dedicate themselves to a sublime aim?'' Menachem 
Begin took up that challenge, and 30 years ago, those two leaders 
achieved the seemingly impossible, and their achievement endures yet 
today.
  Today, we honor their remarkable achievement, and we express the 
hopes that others in the Middle East who have not yet embraced peace 
will someday see the wisdom of the path and show the courage of Sadat 
and Begin. Madam Speaker, I strongly support this important resolution, 
and I urge all of my colleagues to do likewise.
  I reserve the balance of my time.
  Mr. FORTENBERRY. I yield myself such time as I may consume.
  Madam Speaker, I am very pleased to come before this House today to 
express support for a resolution I recently introduced to commemorate 
the 30th anniversary of the peace treaty between Egypt and Israel.
  In a world where force and hatred often overcome understanding and 
reconciliation, where individuals can too easily allow conflict and 
strife to mute the call of conscience to peace and concord, this treaty 
stands as an enduring reminder that no conflict can be pervasive 
enough, no animosity strong enough to triumph over the will of men who 
turn to one another in a gesture of goodwill and humility to make a 
decision for peace.

                              {time}  1500

  For peace is a choice. Sometimes hard, sometimes costly, and when we 
look at the recent history of the Middle East, we see layer upon layer 
of suffering and grievance. Innocent lives needlessly destroyed through 
relentless and unforgiving cycles of seemingly uncontrollable anger and 
retribution.
  We can choose to believe that these forces are so powerful that no 
political solution can be brought to bear. Perhaps that is right. 
Perhaps there is no political solution. Perhaps we are seeking a 
political solution when only a solution of the human heart can suffice, 
a solution that recognizes that each person in this world longs for the 
same things and that the bond of our common humanity is stronger than 
the hatred that seeks to divide neighbor from neighbor, Muslim from 
Jew, or Arab from Israeli. A solution that recognizes that peace can 
only be found in treating others with dignity and respect, and that 
regardless of the circumstances, this is always possible unless one 
chooses otherwise.
  The choice for true peace does not demand appeasement of tyranny, 
false sentimentality or warmth that cannot easily be summoned. It is, 
at its most practical, a commonsense choice for self-preservation, and 
at its most noble, a choice to build up rather than to tear down, a 
choice by leaders to bind wounds and heal the past.
  Mr. Speaker, as a young man in 1979, I entered the Sinai Peninsula 
across from the Suez Canal, and in the vastness of the beige sand and 
desert, I came upon a twisted heap of metal and concrete--a scene all 
too familiar now throughout the Middle East--and upon that heap of 
concrete were scrawled in words in both English and Arabic, ``Here was 
the war--here is the peace.''
  The atmosphere at that time and at that place was one of jubilation 
and deep abiding respect for the role that the United States played in 
brokering a compromise for peace.
  Because Menachem Begin, the Prime Minister of Israel, and Anwar 
Sadat, the President of Egypt, at great personal risk to each, chose 
peace on

[[Page 9070]]

March 26, 1979. They opened channels of communication that endure to 
this day and continue to point towards hope in a war-weary region.
  Despite the painful legacy of the 1948 Arab-Israeli War, the Suez 
Crisis of 1956, the Six-Day War of 1967, the War of Attrition along the 
Suez Canal, and the Arab-Israeli War of 1973, these leaders stood 
together to make peace possible. In the poignant words of Prime 
Minister Begin, ``No more wars, no more bloodshed. Peace unto you. 
Shalom, salaam, forever.
  The peace treaty provided for the mutual diplomatic recognition of 
Egypt and Israel and ended the state of war between the two nations 
dating back to the 1948 Arab-Israeli war. Mr. Speaker, this was no easy 
choice. It was a costly choice. The choice these leaders took, to stand 
together ``with the boldness of heroes who dedicate themselves to a 
sublime aim . . . to erect a huge edifice of peace . . . an edifice 
that . . . serves as a beacon for generations to come,'' led to the 
expulsion of Egypt from the Arab League and to the assassination of 
President Sadat himself. Yet to this day, the treaty beckons us to 
``challenge presuppositions about the intransigence and inevitability 
in the Middle East.''
  Perhaps the Israeli-Egyptian Peace Treaty of 1979 is an example that 
can be replicated and modeled throughout the region. Perhaps, Mr. 
Speaker, we will see twisted piles of rubble and concrete from more 
recent conflicts marked with the poignant words, ``Here was the war, 
here is the peace.''
  I urge my colleagues to support this resolution.
  I reserve the balance of my time.
  Mr. CONNOLLY of Virginia. Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the 
gentlelady from Texas.
  Ms. JACKSON-LEE of Texas. I thank the distinguished Speaker and the 
distinguished gentleman from Virginia for his leadership in the 
management of this bill and Mr. Fortenberry for his vision.
  As a member of the Foreign Affairs Committee, I cannot imagine a 
better time to rise to the floor of the House and to speak about long-
lasting peace. This Egyptian-Israeli peace treaty as articulated and 
led by President Jimmy Carter, along with Menachem Begin, and, of 
course, Anwar Sadat, captures the possibilities of the impossibilities. 
We can have peace in the Mideast.
  Having traveled to Israel any number of times and certainly in the 
1980s and now into the 1990s and now in the 21st century, I know the 
people of Israel love peace. Having met with the present president, 
President Mubarak of Egypt, speaking directly to him on the issues of 
peace and the security of the border, I understand the sacrifice that 
Egyptians have made to ensure that peace may be had.
  Therefore, it is a possibility. And as we look at the exact language 
of the features of the peace treaty, which included the mutual 
recognition of Egypt and Israel, the end of the state of war between 
the two nations dating back to the 1948 War of Israeli independence, 
the complete withdrawal by Israel of its armed forces and civilians 
from the Sinai Peninsula, the freedom for passage of Israeli ships 
through the Suez Canal and the recognition of the Strait of Tiran and 
the Gulf of Aqaba as international waterways, that means major 
obstacles of peace can be overcome.
  And the peace and the question of peace between Palestinians and 
Israelis are before us. The envoy that has been appointed by this 
President, President Barack Obama, it is a serious statement in Senator 
Mitchell's position to know that we mean business, good business, for 
peace to happen. I thank Secretary Hillary Rodham Clinton and, of 
course, this new envoy who will capture the peace treaty between Israel 
and Egypt and understand that the American people believe in strength, 
believe in integrity and the security of Israel, and they believe in 
peace. This commemoration of the 30th anniversary of this particular 
agreement says to us that peace is real.
  I thank my colleague for yielding.
  Mr. ACKERMAN. Mr. Speaker, about thirty years ago, when diplomacy did 
not have to be reintroduced as a fresh new approach to our national 
security, the United States helped bring Egypt and Israel together to 
make peace.
  Israel at the time was anything but a regional power. Though it had 
survived wars in 1948, 1956, 1967 and, with enormous U.S. aid, in 1973, 
it was isolated and, frankly, right to be concerned for its continued 
survival. Egypt, the clear leader among the Arab states, had a new 
leadership that was prepared to make a sharp and unmistakable break 
with its past policies and re-align its future toward peace and 
prosperity.
  The wreckage and slaughter of the 1973 Yom Kippur war, unlike all the 
preceding wars, thus produced fertile ground for American diplomacy. 
With bold, strong leaders in both Egypt and Israel who were not only 
ready for peace, but ready to make the sacrifices necessary to achieve 
it, the Camp David Accords were signed on September 17, 1978.
  Since then the Middle East has been a very different place, clearly a 
much better one for ourselves and, I would argue, even more so for 
Egypt and for Israel. From our perspective, the peace made at Camp 
David has linked the two most important militaries in the region to the 
goodwill of the United States; it has prevented any further Arab-
Israeli state-to-state conflicts, though the problem of non-state 
proxies has grown. And, most importantly, the peace between Israel and 
Egypt shifted the political center of gravity in the region toward 
peace with Israel, versus the prior consensus for continual war against 
the Jewish State.
  This point can not be overemphasized. But for the peace between 
Israel and Egypt we might still be fighting against the Arab League's 
``Three No's'': no peace with Israel, no recognition of Israel, and no 
negotiations with Israel. If this policy sounds familiar, it's because 
it is still the policy of Iran and the terrorist groups it supports, 
Hamas and Hizballah.
  The Camp David Accords not only cemented America's role as the 
architect of any future Arab-Israeli peace, but obliterated the ``Three 
No's,'' a defeat that extremists have been struggling to reverse ever 
since.
  For Egypt, the peace made at Camp David freed their nation to pursue 
economic and social development without the continual intrusion and 
disruption of war. Israel, which had never before in its entire 
existence had even one completely peaceful and quiet border, probably 
gained the most. For ourselves, the total cost of 30 years of peace 
forged at Camp David is about $150 billion, which is a lot of money. 
But, by comparison, that same $150 billion buys 1\1/4\ years of war in 
Iraq.
  Unfortunately, over time, Americans, Egyptians and Israelis have all 
lost sight of the singular importance of the peace made at Camp David, 
and the massive strategic benefits each nation has silently accrued as 
a consequence every day since. This oversight is more than just a 
shame, it is a strategic risk.
  Each nation has its complaints with the others, and these are not 
trivial, nor imagined. Over time it is easy for us as human beings to 
take each other for granted, and the same can be said about the 
relationships between nations. But in the Middle East today, the risks 
are too great to allow this pattern to persist in the trilateral 
relationship. The security of all three nations depends on our re-
remembering what made peace so important thirty years ago.
  Ms. JACKSON-LEE of Texas. Mr. Speaker, I rise in support of H. Res. 
282, ``Recognizing the 30th anniversary of the peace treaty between 
Egypt and Israel.'' I want to thank my colleague Congressman Jeff 
Fortenberry of Nebraska for introducing this resolution.
  As we near the 30th anniversary of the Camp David Accords, relations 
between Israel and Egypt, though peaceful, remain cool. In recent days, 
news headlines have proclaimed positive news for a troubled region. 
According to reports, rival Lebanese leaders have agreed on steps to 
end the political crisis which has gripped the country since late 2006.
  The Middle East peace process is a complex and multi-faceted issue, 
requiring the good-faith work and cooperation of a number of countries. 
Egypt has, historically, been a key player in any effort to establish 
peace in the region. While relations between Israel and Egypt have been 
labeled as the ``cold peace'' and truly difficult points of conflict 
remain unresolved, the two nations also have areas of common interest. 
Further, the peace treaty signed in 1979 between Egypt and Israel has 
remained an important foundation for all subsequent efforts to build a 
broader peace in the region.
  The Arab-Israeli peace process is absolutely vital to achieving 
security and stability in a crucial region of the world. An Iraq Study 
Group testified before the Committee on Foreign Affairs, stating that:
  ``You cannot get anything done in the Middle East without addressing 
the Arab-Israeli

[[Page 9071]]

issue. We want these other countries, especially the Sunni Arab 
countries, to help us. When we go to talk to them about Iraq, they will 
want to talk to us about the Arab-Israeli conflict.''
  Mr. Speaker, the United States has played an active role in creating 
and maintaining peaceful relations between Egypt and Israel. In 1978, 
the U.S. played an integral role in the Camp David negotiations, 
helping Israel and Egypt take the risks necessary to sign a peace 
treaty in 1979. Since that time, the peace has been maintained, due in 
no small part to the high amounts of economic and military aid that the 
United States continues to give to both nations. Between FY 1979 and FY 
2008, the United States provided a total of $89.73 billion to Israel, 
and $62.36 billion to Egypt.
  While the peace established in 1979 has been maintained, close 
diplomatic, political, and economic ties between the two neighboring 
nations have never been achieved. Despite some specific initiatives, 
including energy and economic cooperation agreements, relations have 
never truly warmed between Egypt and Israel.
  Part of any successful negotiation between Israel and Egypt must be 
the question of Hamas, a group which poses a threat to the entire 
region. Hamas is an Islamic fundamentalist organization formed in late 
1987 as an outgrowth of the Palestinian branch of the Muslim 
Brotherhood, which became active in the early stages of the intifada, 
operating primarily in the Gaza District. Various Hamas elements have 
used both political and violent means to pursue the goal of 
establishing an Islamic Palestinian state in place of Israel. Loosely 
structured, with some elements working clandestinely and others working 
openly through mosques and social service institutions to recruit 
members, raise money, organize activities, and distribute propaganda.
  Particularly since Hamas's 2007 takeover of Gaza, there is a growing 
need for the Egyptian government to take a strong stand against Hamas. 
In the tense climate of today's Middle East, Egyptian silence on this 
issue will be viewed as tacit approval, and will stand in the way of 
any attempts for lasting peace with Israel.
  Mr. Speaker, the successful resolution of the Israeli-Palestinian 
peace process is essential to any effort to build a positive 
relationship between Israel and Egypt. Currently, decades of mistrust 
coupled with ongoing regional violence are at odds with any attempt to 
secure improved relations.
  President Obama recently stated that the peace agreement between 
Egypt and Israel shows that ``peace is always possible'' even in the 
harshest of conflicts.
  Mr. Speaker, I continue to believe in strong diplomacy and 
multilateralism. The United States has a history of concerted 
leadership on the development of Israeli-Egyptian relations, and I 
believe that we have the opportunity now to continue this legacy.
  I urge my colleagues to support this resolution to commemorate this 
reach for peace.
  Mr. PAUL. Mr. Speaker, I rise in reluctant opposition to this 
resolution. I do so not because I oppose our recognizing peace as 
preferable to, and more productive than, war. On the contrary, too 
seldom do we celebrate and encourage the end of violence and warfare on 
this Floor so I welcome any such endorsement of peace in international 
relations. However, I cannot agree with the final ``resolved'' clause 
of this resolution, which states that:

       . . . the House of Representatives calls for recognition of 
     the peace treaty between Egypt and Israel as a model 
     mechanism upon which partner nations may build to overcome 
     longstanding barriers to peace and effective mutual 
     cooperation.

  What the resolution fails to mention, and the reason we should not 
endorse the treaty as a model, is that at the time the peace was being 
negotiated at Camp David the United States committed itself to an 
enormous financial aid package to both Egypt and Israel in exchange for 
their accession to the treaty. Over the past thirty years, the United 
States taxpayer has transferred to--some might say ``bribed''--Israel 
and Egypt more well over $100 billion as a payoff for their leaders' 
signature on the treaty. Particularly in this time of economic 
hardship, where so many Americans are out of work and facing great 
financial challenges, I hardly believe we should be celebrating that 
which increases the strain on taxpayers. I believe we should cease all 
foreign aid to all countries, as it is a counterproductive and 
unconstitutional transfer of wealth from U.S. taxpayers to governments 
overseas.
  I do believe we should, where possible and without meddling, 
encourage nations and regions at war or in conflict to work toward 
peace. But I also believe we should lead by example: that we should 
demonstrate by our actions the benefits of friendly relations and trade 
with all nations which seek the same. I strongly oppose the idea that 
we should bribe the rest of the world to do what we demand. Therefore, 
while I celebrate the achievement of peace between Egypt and Israel, I 
do not believe this ``model'' to be productive or in the best interests 
of the United States. I urge my colleagues to reject this resolution.
  Mr. FORTENBERRY. Mr. Speaker, I have no further speakers.
  I yield back the balance of my time.
  Mr. CONNOLLY of Virginia. Mr. Speaker, I have no further requests for 
time at this time.
  I yield back the balance of my time.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore (Mr. Jackson of Illinois). The question is on 
the motion offered by the gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Connolly) that 
the House suspend the rules and agree to the resolution, H. Res. 282, 
as amended.
  The question was taken.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. In the opinion of the Chair, two-thirds 
being in the affirmative, the ayes have it.
  Mr. FORTENBERRY. Mr. Speaker, I object to the vote on the ground that 
a quorum is not present and make the point of order that a quorum is 
not present.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. Pursuant to clause 8 of rule XX and the 
Chair's prior announcement, further proceedings on this motion will be 
postponed.
  The point of no quorum is considered withdrawn.

                          ____________________