[Congressional Record (Bound Edition), Volume 155 (2009), Part 6]
[House]
[Pages 7098-7107]
[From the U.S. Government Publishing Office, www.gpo.gov]




 RECOGNIZING PLIGHT OF TIBETAN PEOPLE ON 50TH ANNIVERSARY OF THE DALAI 
                              LAMA'S EXILE

  Mr. BERMAN. Mr. Speaker, I move to suspend the rules and agree to the 
resolution (H. Res. 226) recognizing the plight of the Tibetan people 
on the 50th anniversary of His Holiness the Dalai Lama being forced 
into exile and calling for a sustained multilateral effort to bring 
about a durable and peaceful solution to the Tibet issue.
  The Clerk read the title of the resolution.
  The text of the resolution is as follows:

                              H. Res. 226

       Whereas for more than 2,000 years the people of Tibet have 
     maintained a distinct cultural identity, language, and 
     religion;
       Whereas in 1949, the armed forces of the People's Republic 
     of China took over the eastern areas of the traditional 
     Tibetan homeland, and by March 1951 occupied the Tibetan 
     capital of Lhasa and laid siege to Tibetan government 
     buildings;
       Whereas in April 1951, under duress of military occupation, 
     Tibetan government officials signed the Seventeen Point 
     agreement which provided for the preservation of the 
     institution of the Dalai Lama, local self government and 
     continuation of the Tibetan political system, and the 
     autonomy for Tibetans within the People's Republic of China;
       Whereas on March 10, 1959, the Tibetan people rose up in 
     Lhasa against Chinese rule in response to Chinese actions to 
     undermine self-government and to rumors that Chinese 
     authorities planned to detain Tenzin Gyatso, His Holiness the 
     14th Dalai Lama, the spiritual and temporal leader of the 
     Tibetan people;
       Whereas on March 17, 1959, with the People's Liberation 
     Army commencing an assault on his residence, the Dalai Lama, 
     in fear of his safety and his ability to lead the Tibetan 
     people, fled Lhasa;
       Whereas upon his arrival in India, the Dalai Lama declared 
     that he could do more in exile to champion the rights and 
     self-determination of Tibetans than he could inside territory 
     controlled by the armed forces of the People's Republic of 
     China;
       Whereas the Dalai Lama was welcomed by the Government and 
     people of India, a testament to the close cultural and 
     religious links between India and Tibet and a mutual 
     admiration for the philosophies of non-violence espoused by 
     Mahatma Gandhi and the 14th Dalai Lama;
       Whereas under the leadership of the Dalai Lama, Tibetans 
     overcame adversity and hardship to establish vibrant exile 
     communities in India, the United States, Europe, and 
     elsewhere in order to preserve Tibetan cultural identity, 
     language, and religion;
       Whereas the Dalai Lama set out to instill democracy in the 
     exile community, which has led to the Central Tibetan 
     Administration with its democratically elected Executive and 
     Legislative Branches, as well as a Judicial Branch;
       Whereas on March 10 every year Tibetans commemorate the 
     circumstances that led to the separation of the Dalai Lama 
     from Tibet and the struggle of Tibetans to preserve their 
     identity in the face of the assimilationist policies of the 
     People's Republic of China;
       Whereas over the years the United States Congress has sent 
     strong and clear messages condemning the Chinese Government's 
     repression of the human rights of Tibetans, including 
     restrictions on the free practice of religion, detention of 
     political prisoners, and the disappearance of Gedhun Choekyi 
     Nyima, the 11th Panchen Lama;
       Whereas in October 2007, Tenzin Gyatso, the 14th Dalai Lama 
     received the Congressional Gold Medal in recognition of his 
     lifetime efforts to promote peace worldwide and a non-violent 
     resolution to the Tibet issue;
       Whereas it is the objective of the United States 
     Government, consistent across administrations of different 
     political parties, to promote a substantive dialogue between 
     the Government of the People's Republic of China and the 
     Dalai Lama or his representatives in order to secure genuine 
     autonomy for the Tibetan people;
       Whereas eight rounds of dialogue between the envoys of the 
     Dalai Lama and representatives of the Government of the 
     People's Republic of China have failed to achieve any 
     concrete and substantive results;
       Whereas the 2008 United States Department of State's 
     Country Report on Human Rights states that ``The [Chinese] 
     government's human rights record in Tibetan areas of China 
     deteriorated severely during the year. Authorities continued 
     to commit serious human rights abuses, including torture, 
     arbitrary arrest, extrajudicial detention, and house arrest. 
     Official repression of freedoms of speech, religion, 
     association, and movement increased significantly following 
     the outbreak of protests across the Tibetan plateau in the 
     spring. The preservation and development of Tibet's unique 
     religious, cultural, and linguistic heritage continued to be 
     of concern.''; and
       Whereas the envoys of the Dalai Lama presented in November 
     2008, at the request of Chinese officials, a Memorandum on 
     Genuine Autonomy for the Tibetan People outlining a plan for 
     autonomy intended to be consistent with the constitution of 
     the People's Republic of China: Now, therefore, be it
       Resolved, That the House of Representatives--
       (1) recognizes the Tibetan people for their perseverance in 
     face of hardship and adversity in Tibet and for creating a 
     vibrant and democratic community in exile that sustains the 
     Tibetan identity;
       (2) recognizes the Government and people of India for their 
     generosity toward the Tibetan refugee population for the last 
     50 years;

[[Page 7099]]

       (3) calls upon the Government of the People's Republic of 
     China to respond to the Dalai Lama's initiatives to find a 
     lasting solution to the Tibetan issue, cease its repression 
     of the Tibetan people, and to lift immediately the harsh 
     policies imposed on Tibetans, including patriotic education 
     campaigns, detention and abuses of those freely expressing 
     political views or relaying news about local conditions, and 
     limitations on travel and communications; and
       (4) calls upon the Administration to recommit to a 
     sustained effort consistent with the Tibetan Policy Act of 
     2002, that employs diplomatic, programmatic, and multilateral 
     resources to press the People's Republic of China to respect 
     the Tibetans' identity and the human rights of the Tibetan 
     people.

  The SPEAKER pro tempore. Pursuant to the rule, the gentleman from 
California (Mr. Berman) and the gentlewoman from Florida (Ms. Ros-
Lehtinen) each will control 20 minutes.
  The Chair recognizes the gentleman from California.


                             General Leave

  Mr. BERMAN. Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members may 
have 5 legislative days to revise and extend their remarks and include 
extraneous material on the resolution under consideration.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. Is there objection to the request of the 
gentleman from California?
  There was no objection.
  Mr. BERMAN. Mr. Speaker, I rise in strong support of this resolution 
and yield myself as much time as I may consume.
  This resolution recognizes the plight of the Tibetan people on the 
50th anniversary of His Holiness the Dalai Lama's exile and calls for a 
sustained multilateral effort toward a peaceful resolution to the Tibet 
issue.
  The resolution is introduced by my good friends, the gentleman from 
New Jersey (Mr. Holt) and our ranking member, Ileana Ros-Lehtinen of 
Florida. I thank them for their leadership in ensuring that the House 
commemorates this important date.
  In 1949, the People's Liberation Army of China entered the eastern 
areas of the traditional Tibetan territory. In 1951, they occupied the 
Tibetan capital of Lhasa. Fifty years ago this month, the Tibetan 
people rose up in Lhasa against Chinese rule.
  On March 17, 1959, His Holiness the Dalai Lama fled Tibet after the 
People's Liberation Army commenced an assault on his residence. He was 
followed into exile by some 80,000 Tibetans. Tens of thousands of 
Tibetans who remained were killed or imprisoned.
  Under the leadership of the Dalai Lama, Tibetans have sought to 
overcome adversity and hardship. Exiled communities have been 
established in India, the United States, Europe, and elsewhere, to 
preserve Tibetan cultural identity, language and religion. They have 
succeeded abroad, but at home, the uniqueness of the Tibetan people 
remains threatened by Chinese policies.
  Over the years, the Congress has repeatedly championed the rights of 
Tibetans, applauded efforts by the Dalai Lama to seek a peaceful 
resolution to the dispute between China and Tibet, and funded programs 
to assist Tibetan refugees.
  In 2002, Congress passed the Tibetan Policy Act, the cornerstone of 
U.S. policy toward Tibet. This legislation codified the position of 
Special Coordinator for Tibetan Issues and emphasized that it should be 
U.S. policy to promote a dialogue between the Chinese Government and 
representatives of the Dalai Lama in order to achieve a settlement 
based on meaningful and genuine autonomy for the Tibetan people.
  In 2007, Congress awarded the Congressional Gold Medal to His 
Holiness the Dalai Lama in recognition of his life-long dedication to 
the causes of peace and non-violent resolution to the Tibet issue.
  I know that many of our friends in China are distressed by the 
continued congressional focus on Tibet. To them I say this resolution 
is not anti-Chinese. We have deep respect for both peoples. But after 
eight rounds of fruitless meetings between the Chinese Government and 
representatives of the Dalai Lama, it appears to many of us that China 
is not serious about achieving resolution of this difficult issue.
  It's time for China to negotiate in good faith. I urge the Chinese 
Government to re-examine their policies in Tibet and to provide the 
Tibetan people genuine autonomy in their traditional homeland.
  Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
  Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may 
consume.
  I thank our esteemed chairman of the committee, Mr. Berman from 
California.
  Mr. Speaker, I rise in enthusiastic support of this House resolution 
because it conveys a continued deep concern of both the Congress and 
the American people for the plight of the people of Tibet, a concern 
first demonstrated by our late committee chairman, Tom Lantos. Our 
chairman, Mr. Berman, continues this human rights legacy. I'm honored 
to join with my colleague, Congressman Holt, in cosponsoring this 
important resolution commemorating the 50th anniversary of the uprising 
in Tibet against Chinese Communist rule.
  The history of the people of Tibet for the past half century has been 
one of grace under fire and of courage in the face of extreme 
adversity. Beijing's Communist overseers displayed once again their 
calloused hostility to the cultural, religious and linguistic rights of 
the Tibetan people by their harsh and bloody crackdown in Tibet exactly 
1 year ago. The iron grip of Beijing, however, cannot silence, cannot 
repress, cannot extinguish the resilient Buddhist spirit of the people 
who occupy the land known as the ``Rooftop of the World.''
  The forced exile of His Holiness the Dalai Lama and his flight into 
India 50 years ago is a continuing source of profound sorrow for the 
people of Tibet. This resolution, therefore, Mr. Speaker, also takes 
note of the warmth and the support with which the government and the 
people of India have greeted the Dalai Lama and other exiles from 
Tibet.
  Tibet's tragic loss of its spiritual leader, however, has proven to 
be the world's gain. No steadier voice on the issues of religious 
freedom and human rights has been heard in the corridors of power than 
that of the quiet, but determined, voice of the Dalai Lama. He has 
risen from being a humble refugee to becoming both a Nobel Peace Prize 
recipient and the conscience of the civilized world.
  The Chinese Foreign Minister is in Washington this very week for an 
official visit, the very week that we commemorate the uprising in 
Tibet. Just prior to his departure from Beijing to Washington, the 
Chinese Foreign Minister stated, ``The Dalai side still insists on 
establishing a so-called greater Tibet on a quarter of China's 
territory; you call this person a religious figure?''
  Mr. Speaker, this resolution can serve as a response to the foreign 
minister. The U.S. Congress has a message for the Foreign Minister of 
China's Communist regime, and that is that the Dalai Lama is not only a 
religious figure, but a person of such renown that he was granted the 
Congressional Gold Medal. I was honored to serve as one of the sponsors 
for this legislation awarding the Dalai Lama the Congressional Gold 
Medal during the last Congress.
  Our message to the Chinese regime is contained in the forceful 
language of this resolution calling for the preservation of the 
religious and human rights of the people of Tibet. The U.S. Government 
must keep faith with the people of Tibet. We must press the Chinese 
regime on issues of human rights and religious freedom in Tibet. The 
U.S. Congress will not fail in our commitment to Tibet and to its 
people.
  Now is the time for all of us to reflect on the enormous resilience 
of a captive Tibet and its suffering people over the past five decades. 
Now is the time to call on the Communist leaders in Beijing--sitting 
behind the walls of their enclosed compound--to hear the cries from the 
international community for justice in Tibet. Now is the time for our 
colleagues to reconfirm their support for the Dalai Lama and for his 
oppressed people.
  Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

[[Page 7100]]



                              {time}  1415

  Mr. BERMAN. Mr. Speaker, at this point I yield 5 minutes to the 
gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Holt), the sponsor of the resolution.
  Mr. HOLT. Mr. Speaker, I thank the distinguished chairman for 
yielding.
  Yesterday marked the passage of 50 years since the Tibetan people in 
Lhasa first rose in protest against the harsh actions of the People's 
Republic of China to undermine the Tibetan self-government. I am 
honored to introduce this resolution recognizing the long hardship 
borne by the Tibetan people, a great people, who continue to labor 
peacefully for freedom in Tibet and maintain a Tibetan cultural 
identity and democratic community, even in exile. Importantly, this 
resolution also recognizes the government and the people of India, who 
generously have hosted the exiled government and people of Tibet in the 
city of Dharamsala since 1960. The perseverance and charity exhibited 
by these peoples should be a model for all.
  For 50 years the situation in Tibet has deteriorated with too little 
attention from the outside world. Tibetan culture has been eradicated 
systematically and relentlessly. Basic freedoms, like freedoms of 
speech and religion and association and movement, have been repressed. 
Human rights abuses have been all too common and continue to occur. At 
this time last year, the Chinese Government was engaged in a fierce 
crackdown on nonviolent Tibetan protesters that resulted in serious 
injuries to civilians and an undetermined but significant number of 
deaths. Even today reports indicate that the Chinese Government has 
imposed a virtual state of martial law in the Tibetan plateau.
  Over the same 50 years and in the face of such adversity, the Dalai 
Lama has sought to bring wisdom to human affairs and has used his 
position and leadership to promote compassion and nonviolence in the 
search for a lasting solution to this issue.
  Last year I had the opportunity to travel to India with a 
congressional delegation led by Speaker Pelosi. We witnessed firsthand 
the dedicated Tibetans who crossed the rugged Himalayas to escape 
oppression, including young children. We also had lengthy meetings with 
the Dalai Lama, whose commitment to peaceful, steady progress is a 
powerful beacon of hope to all people seeking freedom and equality. It 
is long past time for this commitment to be reciprocated by the Chinese 
Government.
  The so-called ``Seventeen Point Agreement'' that was signed by 
Chinese authorities in 1951 provided that ``the central authorities 
will not alter the existing political system in Tibet. The central 
authorities also will not alter the established status, functions, and 
powers of the Dalai Lama. Officials of various ranks shall hold office 
as usual.'' A few years later, in March of 1959, just days after the 
Dalai Lama's flight from Lhasa, the Chinese Government abolished the 
local Tibetan governing structure. The agreement also explicitly stated 
that ``when the people raise demands for reform, they must be settled 
through consultation with the leading personnel of Tibet.'' Clearly the 
terms of this agreement have not been upheld. Tibetans and the 
international community are asking that the Chinese Government 
implement autonomy as promised but never granted genuinely.
  In this spirit the resolution before us calls for an immediate 
cessation of the repression and abuses being imposed upon the people of 
Tibet. We urge the Chinese Government to engage in a constructive 
dialogue with the Dalai Lama in a sustained effort to craft a permanent 
and just solution that protects the rights and dignity of all Tibetans. 
The distinctive culture of Tibet must be preserved, and we throughout 
the world should want it preserved, and a vibrant future must be 
guaranteed. I'm hopeful that the new administration will answer the 
call of this resolution to use all of the diplomatic, programmatic, and 
multilateral tools at its disposal to encourage China to adopt such a 
course.
  Last year this body agreed to a resolution introduced by Speaker 
Pelosi that addressed the rights of the Tibetan people. Today we 
reiterate that message and recommit ourselves to a sustained effort. 
Today is a day when this body once again brings a national spotlight to 
the plight of the Tibetan people, honors those who struggle 
nonviolently against brutal suppression, and reaffirms our commitment 
to freedom around the world. It is a day when we recognize, in the 
words of the Dalai Lama, ``the importance of universal responsibility, 
nonviolence, and interreligious understanding.''
  I would like to thank Chairman Berman and the House Foreign Affairs 
Committee for their leadership and action on this issue. I appreciate 
the support of Ranking Member Ros-Lehtinen and the hard work of Mr. 
Halpin of the minority staff as well as Mr. Hans Hogrefe of the Tom 
Lantos Human Rights Commission. The immense contributions of Todd Stein 
and the International Campaign for Tibet should also be acknowledged. 
And I would like to pay special tribute to Speaker Pelosi, who has long 
been a strong champion of human rights in Tibet and around the world, 
and to thank her for her help with this resolution.
  We call on the leaders of China for justice and freedom.
  Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN. Mr. Speaker, at this time I would like to yield 4 
minutes to the gentleman from California (Mr. Rohrabacher), who is the 
ranking member of the Subcommittee on International Organizations, 
Human Rights and Oversight.
  Mr. ROHRABACHER. I thank the co-chairman of the Tibet Caucus.
  I rise in strong support of this resolution, and I would like to 
thank both leaders of both parties here, Howard Berman and, of course, 
Ranking Member Ros-Lehtinen for all of the hard work they've done over 
the years to support the cause of the people of Tibet. But also I would 
like to point out that Nancy Pelosi, our esteemed Speaker, has over her 
career put out enormous efforts on this issue, and it's an issue of the 
heart and the soul. And that's why you see people in both parties who 
have committed themselves to this noble endeavor of supporting a people 
in a distant land somewhere on the top of the world on the other side 
of the Earth, supporting them in their call for recognition of their 
human rights and for us to recognize that, instead of dealing with 
tyrants and bullies and gangsters in Beijing, a regime in Beijing that 
oppresses their own people. They are also the world's worst human 
rights abuser, and the regime in Beijing is the oppressor of this 
actually peace-loving people on the other side of the world, the 
Tibetan people.
  One-sixth of the population of Tibet have lost their lives in this 
five decades of suppression. Thousands of their monasteries have been 
looted and destroyed. Their national treasure, the gold from their 
religious artifacts, robbed from them. And, yes, we would tell the 
Foreign Minister of that dictatorship in Beijing, yes, one-fourth of 
the territory now claimed by that dictatorship is actually the 
ancestral home of the Tibetan people. And we know that over these five 
decades of suppression that the regime in Beijing has tried their best 
to send other people into Tibet to steal their country. Not only to 
steal their artifacts and close their monasteries, but to actually rob 
from them their very country. And, yes, we, as honest people, should 
recognize this is Tibet when we talk about that area on the map. The 
Tibetan people, as the other people in China, have suffered because the 
United States and other free countries have treated Beijing as if it is 
a moral equivalent to the other countries that we deal with in the 
world. We must differentiate between the vicious dictators who 
obliterate their opposition and repress their own people. We must 
differentiate between them and the democratic forces of the world. Our 
job as Americans, as set forth by George Washington, whose picture we 
see now overseeing these proceedings, we were given the task to ensure 
that the light of democracy will shine bright. It does not shine bright 
on governments that turn their back on the oppression that we have seen 
by Beijing, the suppression of the people of Tibet, which we recognize 
today in these five decades of suppression.

[[Page 7101]]

  So today let us recognize that the Dalai Lama has been a force for 
peace and freedom and justice in this world. We wish him all the best. 
We wish the people of Tibet the best. And we are on their side. This 
resolution says the American people, of whatever political party is not 
important, that we are on the side of the people of Tibet, and they 
should have no doubts about this and the government in Beijing that 
suppresses them should have no doubts about that as well.
  Mr. BERMAN. Mr. Speaker, it's my privilege to now recognize really 
the leader in this institution on human rights generally and most 
particularly on the issue of what has happened to the Tibetan people 
and to His Holiness the Dalai Lama, the Speaker of the House (Ms. 
Pelosi).
  Ms. PELOSI. I thank the gentleman for yielding. I thank him and 
Congresswoman Ileana Ros-Lehtinen for bringing this important 
legislation to the floor, not only in Congresswoman Ros-Lehtinen's 
situation as the ranking member but as a cosponsor of the legislation.
  Thank you, Mr. Berman, for carrying on a proud tradition of Mr. 
Lantos as ranking member on Foreign Affairs and then as chairman. He 
also served, as you know, as Chair of the Human Rights Task Caucus in 
the Congress of the United States.
  It is with great sadness, Mr. Speaker, that I rise in support of this 
resolution. I so had wished decades ago that we wouldn't be standing 
here now still pleading the case for the people of Tibet. I thank Rush 
Holt for giving us this opportunity again, with Congresswoman Ros-
Lehtinen, sponsoring this legislation; Howard Berman, as I mentioned, 
the chairman; Frank Wolf, and Mr. McGovern, the co-Chairs of the Human 
Rights Caucus in the Congress carrying on a strong tradition, Jim 
McGovern's carrying on that tradition.
  But as Mr. Rohrabacher mentioned, and I see Mr. Smith there, we have 
been fighting this fight for a very long time.
  My colleagues, going back a generation when the Dalai Lama first came 
to the Congress with his proposal for autonomy, back in 1987, would we 
have ever thought then that over 20 years later we would still be 
making this case? Remember after Tiananmen Square, which will be 20 
years in June, and we've talked about human rights in China and Tibet. 
They said peaceful coexistence, peaceful engagement, this is going to 
lead to the improvement of human rights in China and Tibet. A 
generation has gone by, 20 years later, and what do we have? A more 
repressive situation in Tibet. A situation so bad it moved His Holiness 
in the statement he released on the occasion of the 50th anniversary to 
say that life for the Tibetans under the repression of the Chinese 
regime is ``hell on Earth.'' His Holiness used those terms. A man of 
nonviolence and gentle nature would be moved to use those words.
  So I thank all who are responsible for bringing this resolution to 
the floor because, as we know, this week marks the 50th, five decades, 
of waiting for this peaceful evolution to take place, this peaceful 
evolution that was going to lead to more democratic freedoms. This was 
against a peaceful uprising against the Chinese Government and then led 
to the exiling of His Holiness out of Tibet.
  With this resolution we remember that day and honor the many brave 
Tibetans who sacrificed their lives for freedom. Thousands of them did. 
With this resolution we recognize the hospitality of India for 
receiving the Tibetans into that great nation. His Holiness and the 
nation of India share a tradition of nonviolence and compassion, and we 
salute India for extending that to the people of Tibet as they escaped.

                              {time}  1430

  For the last year, Tibet has been under martial law, and the human 
rights situation has severely worsened, according to the State 
Department report. There has been no progress in the discussions with 
the Chinese government. It is long past time, 50 years, for Beijing to 
respect the human rights of every Tibetan, indeed, of every Chinese. 
The United States Congress continues to be a bedrock of support for the 
Tibetan people, and we do so in a strong, bipartisan way.
  As I mentioned, in 1987, His Holiness the Dalai Lama, spoke in the 
Capitol at the Congressional Human Rights Caucus. I was a brand-new 
Member and invited there by Congressman Lantos. It was there that he 
outlined his ``Middle Way Approach'' that calls for autonomy for Tibet.
  On Capitol Hill, over 20 years ago, His Holiness declared a statement 
of autonomy for Tibet. Twenty years later, we were all proud to stand 
with President Bush as he presented the Congressional Gold Medal to His 
Holiness the Dalai Lama, in the words of the President, for his ``many 
enduring and outstanding contributions to peace, nonviolence, human 
rights and religious understanding.''
  Last year, as Mr. Holt mentioned, we had a congressional delegation 
that visited India, where we were able to meet with His Holiness. This 
visit, either by coincidence or karma, took place only a matter of 
weeks after a protest that swept across the Tibetan plateau and the 
crackdown by the Chinese authorities.
  So when we were in India, and seeing all of these people who were 
escaping from Tibet and prisoners who had been tortured in prisons in 
Tibet telling us their stories, they were stories that were fresh and 
current and tragic, and we were hopeless and helpless in how we could 
help them in a very real way.
  What we can do is put the moral authority of the Congress of the 
United States in the form of this resolution, with a broad bipartisan 
vote, down as a marker to say that we understand the situation there, 
that we encourage it to be different and, as Mr. Rohrabacher said, that 
we are on the side of the Tibetan people. But it shouldn't be a 
question of taking sides, it should be a question of resolution, 
resolving a difference, and that's what we hope the Chinese government 
will do.
  Just on a lighter note, when we were there, in addition to visiting 
the prisoners, and those who had escaped over the mountains only a 
matter of days before, we visited the children in their schools. They 
were adorable. They had made flags that were Tibetan flags on one side 
and American flags on the other. They had flags of the country of 
India.
  The children were so appreciative of the hospitality of India, so 
grateful to the American people for speaking out on behalf of them, and 
so proud of their Tibetan heritage. They are beautiful.
  The preservation of the culture of Tibet is, of course, a very 
important part of our enthusiasm for change. But, as I say, on the 
lighter side, as we were traveling through the streets, our delegation, 
our bipartisan delegation with Mr. Sensenbrenner, who is the most 
senior Republican who came on the trip and was very powerful in his 
statements there, but as we were traveling through the roads, the roads 
were lined with people and they were waving flags, American, as I said, 
American, Tibetan, Indian flags along the way.
  One sign caught my eye. It said ``Thank you for everything that you 
have done for us--so far.'' So far. So, in any event, more is expected. 
More will come.
  I told you about His Holiness' speech and about his statement that he 
put out, and he called the situation there, the Tibetans who are in the 
depths of suffering and hardship, that they are literally experiencing 
hell on Earth.
  Mr. Speaker, I would like to submit His Holiness' statement for the 
Record.

     The Statement of His Holiness the Dalai Lama on the Fiftieth 
            Anniversary of the Tibetan National Uprising Day

                  (Embargoed until 10th March, 9 a.m.)

       Today is the fiftieth anniversary of the Tibetan people's 
     peaceful uprising against Communist China's repression in 
     Tibet. Since last March, widespread peaceful protests have 
     erupted across the whole of Tibet. Most of the participants 
     were youths born and brought up after 1959, who have not seen 
     or experienced a free Tibet. However, the fact that they were 
     driven by a firm conviction to serve the cause of Tibet that 
     has continued from generation to generation is indeed a 
     matter of pride. It will serve as a source of inspiration for 
     those in the international community who take keen interest

[[Page 7102]]

     in the issue of Tibet. We pay tribute and offer our prayers 
     for all those who died, were tortured and suffered tremendous 
     hardships during the crisis last year, as well as those who 
     have suffered and died for the cause of Tibet since our 
     struggle began.
       Around 1949, Communist forces began to enter north-eastern 
     and eastern Tibet (Kham and Amdo) and by 1950, more than 5000 
     Tibetan soldiers had been killed. Taking the prevailing 
     situation into account, the Chinese government chose a policy 
     of peaceful liberation, which in 1951, led to the signing of 
     the 17-Point Agreement and its annexure. Since then, Tibet 
     has come under the control of the People's Republic of China. 
     However, the Agreement clearly mentions that Tibet's distinct 
     religion, culture and traditional values would be protected.
       Between 1954 and 1955, I met with most of the senior 
     Chinese leaders in the Communist Party, government and 
     military, led by Chairman Mao Zedong, in Beijing. When we 
     discussed ways of achieving the social and economic 
     development of Tibet, as well as maintaining Tibet's 
     religious and cultural heritage, Mao Zedong and all the other 
     leaders agreed to establish a preparatory committee to pave 
     the way for the implementation of the autonomous region, as 
     stipulated in the Agreement, rather than establishing a 
     military administrative commission. From about 1956 onwards, 
     however, the situation took a turn for the worse with the 
     imposition of ultra-leftist policies in Tibet. Consequently, 
     the assurances given by higher authorities were not 
     implemented on the ground. The forceful implementation of the 
     so-called ``democratic reforms'' in the Kham and Amdo regions 
     of Tibet, which did not accord with prevailing conditions, 
     resulted in immense chaos and destruction. In Central Tibet, 
     Chinese officials forcibly and deliberately violated the 
     terms of the 17-Point Agreement, and their heavy-handed 
     tactics increased day by day. These desperate developments 
     left the Tibetan people no alternative but to launch a 
     peaceful uprising on 10 March 1959. The Chinese authorities 
     responded with unprecedented force that led to the killing of 
     tens of thousands of Tibetans in the following months. 
     Thousands were arrested and imprisoned. Consequently, nearly 
     a hundred thousand Tibetans fled into exile in India, Nepal 
     and Bhutan. During the escape and the months that followed 
     they faced unimaginable hardship, which is still fresh in 
     Tibetan memory. At that time, I too, accompanied by a small 
     party of Tibetan government officials including some Kalons 
     (Cabinet Ministers), escaped into exile in India.
       Having occupied Tibet, the Chinese Communist government 
     carried out a series of repressive and violent campaigns that 
     have included ``democratic reforms'', class struggle, 
     collectivisation, the Cultural Revolution, the imposition of 
     martial law, and more recently the patriotic re-education and 
     the strike hard campaigns. These thrust Tibetans into such 
     depths of suffering and hardship that they literally 
     experienced hell on earth. The immediate result of these 
     campaigns was the deaths of hundreds and thousands of 
     Tibetans. The lineage of the Buddha Dharma was severed. 
     Thousands of religious and cultural centres such as 
     monasteries, nunneries and temples were razed to the ground. 
     Historical buildings and monuments were demolished. Natural 
     resources have been indiscriminately exploited. Today, 
     Tibet's fragile environment has been polluted, massive 
     deforestation has been carried out and wildlife, such as wild 
     yaks and Tibetan antelopes, are being driven to extinction.
       These 50 years have brought untold suffering and 
     destruction to the land and people of Tibet. Even today, 
     Tibetans in Tibet live in constant fear and the Chinese 
     authorities remain constantly suspicious of them. Today, the 
     religion, culture, language and identity, which successive 
     generations of Tibetans have considered more precious than 
     their lives, are nearing extinction; in short, the Tibetan 
     people are regarded like criminals deserving to be put to 
     death. The Tibetan people's tragedy was set out in the late 
     Panchen Rinpoche's 70,000-character petition to the Chinese 
     government in 1962. He raised it again in his speech in 
     Shigatse in 1989 shortly before he died, when he said that 
     what we have lost under Chinese communist rule far outweighs 
     what we have gained. Many concerned and unbiased Tibetans 
     have also spoken out about the hardships of the Tibetan 
     people. Even Hu Yaobang, the Communist Party Secretary, when 
     he arrived in Lhasa in 1980, clearly acknowledged these 
     mistakes and asked the Tibetans for their forgiveness. Many 
     infrastructural developments such as roads, airports, 
     railways, and so forth, which seem to have brought progress 
     to Tibetan areas, were really done with the political 
     objective of sinicising Tibet at the huge cost of devastating 
     the Tibetan environment and way of life.
       As for the Tibetan refugees, although we initially faced 
     many problems such as great differences of climate and 
     language and difficulties earning our livelihood, we have 
     been successful in re-establishing ourselves in exile. Due to 
     the great generosity of our host countries, especially India, 
     Tibetans have been able to live in freedom without fear. We 
     have been able to earn a livelihood and uphold our religion 
     and culture. We have been able to provide our children with 
     both traditional and modern education, as well as engaging in 
     efforts to resolve the Tibet issue. There have been other 
     positive results too. Greater understanding of Tibetan 
     Buddhism with its emphasis on compassion has made a positive 
     contribution in many parts of the world.
       Immediately after our arrival in exile I began to work on 
     the promotion of democracy in the Tibetan community with the 
     election of the Tibetan Parliament-in-Exile in 1960. Since 
     then, we have taken gradual steps on the path to democracy 
     and today our exile administration has evolved into a fully 
     functioning democracy with a written charter of its own and a 
     legislative body. This is indeed something we can all be 
     proud of.
       Since 2001, we have instituted a system by which the 
     political leadership of Tibetan exiles is directly elected 
     through procedures similar to those in other democratic 
     systems. Currently, the directly-elected Kalon Tripa's 
     (Cabinet Chairperson) second term is underway. Consequently, 
     my daily administrative responsibilities have reduced and 
     today I am in a state of semi-retirement. However, to work 
     for the just cause of Tibet is the responsibility of every 
     Tibetan, and as long as I live I will uphold this 
     responsibility.
       As a human being, my main commitment is in the promotion of 
     human values; this is what I consider the key factor for a 
     happy life at the individual, family and community level. As 
     a religious practitioner, my second commitment is the 
     promotion of inter-religious harmony. My third commitment is 
     of course due to my being a Tibetan with the name of ``Dalai 
     Lama'', but more importantly it is due to the trust that 
     Tibetans both inside and outside Tibet have placed in me. 
     These are the three important commitments, which I always 
     keep in mind.
       In addition to looking after the well being of the exiled 
     Tibetan community, which they have done quite well, the 
     principal task of the Central Tibetan Administration has been 
     to work towards the resolution of the issue of Tibet. Having 
     laid out the mutually beneficial Middle-Way policy in 1974, 
     we were ready to respond to Deng Xiaoping when he proposed 
     talks in 1979. Many talks were conducted and fact-finding 
     delegations dispatched. These however, did not bear any 
     concrete results and formal contacts eventually broke off in 
     1993.
       Subsequently, in 1996-97, we conducted an opinion poll of 
     the Tibetans in exile, and collected suggestions from Tibet 
     wherever possible, on a proposed referendum, by which the 
     Tibetan people were to determine the future course of our 
     freedom struggle to their full satisfaction. Based on the 
     outcome of the poll and the suggestions from Tibet, we 
     decided to continue the policy of the Middle-Way.
       Since the re-establishment of contacts in 2002, we have 
     followed a policy of one official channel and one agenda and 
     have held eight rounds of talks with the Chinese authorities. 
     As a consequence, we presented a Memorandum on Genuine 
     Autonomy for the Tibetan People, explaining how the 
     conditions for national regional autonomy as set forth in the 
     Chinese constitution would be met by the full implementation 
     of its laws on autonomy. The Chinese insistence that we 
     accept Tibet as having been a part of China since ancient 
     times is not only inaccurate, but also unreasonable. We 
     cannot change the past no matter whether it was good or bad. 
     Distorting history for political purposes is incorrect.
       We need to look to the future and work for our mutual 
     benefit. We Tibetans are looking for a legitimate and 
     meaningful autonomy, an arrangement that would enable 
     Tibetans to live within the framework of the People's 
     Republic of China. Fulfilling the aspirations of the Tibetan 
     people will enable China to achieve stability and unity. From 
     our side, we are not making any demands based on history. 
     Looking back at history, there is no country in the world 
     today, including China, whose territorial status has remained 
     forever unchanged, nor can it remain unchanged.
       Our aspiration that all Tibetans be brought under a single 
     autonomous administration is in keeping with the very 
     objective of the principle of national regional autonomy. It 
     also fulfills the fundamental requirements of the Tibetan and 
     Chinese peoples. The Chinese constitution and other related 
     laws and regulations do not pose any obstacle to this and 
     many leaders of the Chinese Central Government have accepted 
     this genuine aspiration. When signing the 17-Point Agreement, 
     Premier Zhou Enlai acknowledged that this was a reasonable 
     demand, but not the right time to implement it. In 1956, when 
     establishing the Preparatory Committee for the ``Tibet 
     Autonomous Region'', Vice-Premier Chen Yi pointing at a map 
     said, if Lhasa could be made the capital of the Tibet 
     Autonomous Region, which included the Tibetan areas within 
     the other provinces, it would contribute to the development 
     of Tibet and friendship between the Tibetan and Chinese 
     nationalities, a view shared by the Panchen Rinpoche and many 
     Tibetan cadres and scholars. If Chinese leaders had any 
     objections to our proposals, they could have provided reasons 
     for them and suggested alternatives for our consideration,

[[Page 7103]]

     but they did not. I am disappointed that the Chinese 
     authorities have not responded appropriately to our sincere 
     efforts to implement the principle of meaningful national 
     regional autonomy for all Tibetans, as set forth in the 
     constitution of the People's Republic of China.
       Quite apart from the current process of Sino-Tibetan 
     dialogue having achieved no concrete results, there has been 
     a brutal crackdown on the Tibetan protests that have shaken 
     the whole of Tibet since March last year. Therefore, in order 
     to solicit public opinion as to what future course of action 
     we should take, the Special Meeting of Tibetan exiles was 
     convened in November 2008. Efforts were made to collect 
     suggestions, as far as possible, from the Tibetans in Tibet 
     as well. The outcome of this whole process was that a 
     majority of Tibetans strongly supported the continuation of 
     the Middle-Way policy. Therefore, we are now pursuing this 
     policy with greater confidence and will continue our efforts 
     towards achieving a meaningful national regional autonomy for 
     all Tibetans.
       From time immemorial, the Tibetan and Chinese peoples have 
     been neighbours. In future too, we will have to live 
     together. Therefore, it is most important for us to co-exist 
     in friendship with each other.
       During the Kuomintang period, and particularly since the 
     occupation of Tibet, the Communist Chinese have been 
     publishing distorted propaganda about Tibet and its people. 
     Consequently, there are, among the Chinese populace, very few 
     people who have a true understanding about Tibet. It is, in 
     fact, very difficult for them to find the truth. There are 
     also ultra-leftist Chinese leaders who have, since last 
     March, been undertaking a huge propaganda effort with the 
     intention of setting the Tibetan and Chinese peoples apart 
     and creating animosity between them. Sadly, as a result, a 
     negative impression of Tibetans has arisen in the minds of 
     some of our Chinese brothers and sisters. Therefore, as I 
     have repeatedly appealed before, I would like once again to 
     urge out Chinese brothers and sisters not to be swayed by 
     such propaganda, but, instead, to try to discover the facts 
     about Tibet impartially, so as to prevent divisions among us. 
     Tibetans should also continue to work for friendship with the 
     Chinese people.
       Looking back on 50 years in exile, we have witnessed many 
     ups and downs. However, the fact that the Tibet issue is 
     alive and the international community is taking growing 
     interest in it is indeed an achievement. Seen from this 
     perspective, I have no doubt that the justice of Tibet's 
     cause will prevail, if we continue to tread the path of truth 
     and non-violence.
       As we commemorate 50 years in exile, it is most important 
     that we express our deep gratitude to the governments and 
     peoples of the various host countries in which we live. Not 
     only do we abide by the laws of these host countries, but we 
     also conduct ourselves in a way that we become an asset to 
     these countries. Similarly, in our efforts to realise the 
     cause of Tibet and uphold its religion and culture, we should 
     craft our future vision and strategy by learning from our 
     past experience.
       I always say that we should hope for the best, and prepare 
     for the worst. Whether we look at it from the global 
     perspective or in the context of events in China, there are 
     reasons for us to hope for a quick resolution of the issue of 
     Tibet. However, we must also prepare ourselves well in case 
     the Tibetan struggle goes on for a long time. For this, we 
     must focus primarily on the education of our children and the 
     nurturing of professionals in various fields. We should also 
     raise awareness about the environment and health, and improve 
     understanding and practice of non-violent methods among the 
     general Tibetan population.
       I would like to take this opportunity to express my 
     heartfelt gratitude to the leaders and people of India, as 
     well as its Central and State Governments, who despite 
     whatever problems and obstacles they face, have provided 
     invaluable support and assistance over the past 50 years to 
     Tibetans in exile. Their kindness and generosity are 
     immeasurable. I would also like to express my gratitude to 
     the leaders, governments and people of the international 
     community, as well as the various Tibet Support Groups, for 
     their unstinting support.
       May all sentient beings live in peace and happiness.
                                                   The Dalai Lama,
                                                    10 March 2009.

  I would also like to quote from the statement put out by the State 
Department last night. In part it says ``We urge China to reconsider 
its policies in Tibet that have created tensions due to their harmful 
impact on Tibetan religion, culture, and livelihoods. We believe that 
substantive dialogue with the Dalai Lama's representatives, consistent 
with the Dalai Lama's commitment to disclaiming any intention to seek 
sovereignty or independence for Tibet, can lead to progress in bringing 
about solutions and can help achieve true and lasting stability in 
Tibet.''
  I am very pleased with the statement from the State Department.
  Mr. Speaker, the situation in Tibet challenges the conscience of the 
world. If freedom-loving people around the world do not speak out for 
human rights in China and Tibet, then we lose moral authority to talk 
about it in any other place in the world.
  On the 15th anniversary of the Dalai Lama being forced into exile, we 
must heed his guidance and his transcendent message of peace, and we 
must never forget the people of Tibet in their ongoing struggle.
  That is why I urge my colleagues to support this resolution and thank 
my colleagues for giving us this opportunity to do so today.
  Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN. Mr. Speaker, I am proud to yield 4 minutes to my 
good friend from New Jersey (Mr. Smith), the ranking member on the 
Subcommittee on Africa and Global Health.
  Mr. SMITH of New Jersey. I thank the distinguished gentlelady for 
yielding and thank her for her leadership.
  I would especially like to thank Tom Lantos, our revered and great 
and honorable former chairman of the committee who did pioneering work 
on Tibet and really helped bring the Dalai Lama here in the first place 
and made that very important connection many, many years ago.
  Mr. Speaker, 50 years ago today the Tibetan people rose up against 
the tyranny that the Chinese communist party was imposing on it. The 
outnumbered Tibetans fought stubbornly but did not succeed in 
overthrowing the tyranny. Sadly, the Chinese forces killed over 86,000 
Tibetans, and the Dalai Lama had to leave Tibet to lead a government in 
exile.
  But I think the Tibetans succeeded in doing something else 50 years 
ago. They put down a spiritual marker. They decided that, materially 
free or not, persecuted or not, the Tibetan people were going to remain 
Tibetan and were not going to forsake their religious heritage for the 
mess of ideological and atheistic nonsense the communists offered them.
  They would preserve their spiritual freedom, even in the Laogai. And 
since 1959 every generation of Tibetans have taken up that decision and 
reaffirmed it. We cannot speak about 1959 without remembering 2008, 
when the Chinese government brutally crushed Tibetans' largely peaceful 
marking of the 1959 uprising.
  Last year Lodi Gyari, His Holiness' Special Envoy, told me and others 
on the Congressional Human Rights Caucus that Tibet had ``become, 
particularly, in the last few weeks, in every sense an occupied nation, 
brutally occupied by Armed Forces.'' This week, as our distinguished 
Speaker of the House just mentioned, the Dalai Lama has described the 
situation in Tibet as hell on Earth.
  Shockingly and almost laughingly, the Chinese government shot back 
today and said Tibet is paradise on Earth. Well, it was, Mr. Speaker. 
Now it's paradise lost.
  Just as it did in 1959, last year the Chinese government ordered its 
soldiers and police to shoot. The death toll is well over 100. We don't 
even have any idea how many were wounded, how many were left wounded or 
dying in attics and cellars because they knew if they went to a 
hospital they would simply disappear into the Chinese Laogai.
  As in 1959, last year the Chinese government subjected Tibetans to 
mass arrests. They searched whole sections of cities house by house. 
Chinese officials admit to over 4,000 arrests. Even today, thousands of 
monks are still held under house arrest or lockdown.
  Mr. Speaker, in 1995 I chaired a congressional hearing in which we 
heard from six survivors of the Laogai. One of them was Palden Gyatso, 
a Tibetan monk who spent 24 years in prison. When we invited him to 
come and speak, he brought with him some of the instruments of torture 
that are routinely employed and used in a horrific manner against men 
and women in Chinese concentration camps.
  He told us that many people die of starvation. But when he brought 
those instruments, he couldn't even bring them past our Capitol Police, 
they stopped him. I had to go down to the entrance and escort him 
through.

[[Page 7104]]

  At the hearing, he held up those electric batons that are used in the 
mouth and elsewhere in order to provide electric shocks. And while he 
was giving his testimony, he broke down.
  He held it up and said this is what went into my mouth, as a Buddhist 
monk, and into the mouths of other people, to shock and to deface. He 
has trouble swallowing to this day.
  He told us about self-tightening handcuffs and held up his wrists and 
showed us the scars on his body. Not just on his wrists, but elsewhere 
as well. He told us how the guards pierce people with bayonets, and he 
also told us that every bit of this was routine and almost mundane.
  Yet in the face of this, he and so many others like him persevered, 
and the Tibetan people at large continue on, keeping faith, including 
their admirable principle of nonviolence.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore (Mr. Ross). The time of the gentleman has 
expired.
  Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN. I would like to yield an additional minute to the 
gentleman.
  Mr. SMITH of New Jersey. I appreciate that.
  They are determined to endure, Mr. Speaker, and to overcome hate with 
kindness and benevolence and charity.
  Mr. BERMAN. Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to yield 3 minutes to the 
gentlelady from Illinois (Ms. Schakowsky).
  Ms. SCHAKOWSKY. I thank you, Mr. Chairman, for yielding to me.
  Mr. Speaker, as a member of the Human Rights Commission, I am proud 
to rise today in support of this resolution on behalf of the people of 
Tibet.
  I also want to take this opportunity, because I just returned from 
the White House, where the President of the United States created a 
White House Council on Women and Girls and acknowledged the recent 
March 8 passage of International Women's Day.
  And while I was there, I am very grateful to you, Mr. Chairman and to 
the House of Representatives, for passing the resolution in support of 
International Women's Day and would like to take this opportunity to 
speak to it for just a couple of minutes.
  I want to thank Representative Mary Fallin, the lead Republican 
cosponsor and the Republican co-chair of the Women's Caucus, for her 
tireless support and work to bring this resolution to the floor. It's 
been my pleasure to work with her on this bill, and I am sure it's the 
first of many that we will work together through the caucus, where I am 
the Democratic co-chair, to advance the goals of women.
  Also, I would like to acknowledge the caucus vice-Chairs, 
Representative Gwen Moore, Representative Kay Granger, and I am honored 
to have this resolution be the first of the must-pass legislative 
agenda items to make it to the House floor with such remarkable 
bipartisan support.
  Each year countries around the world mark March 8 as International 
Women's Day, as a day to recognize the contributions and impact that 
women have made to our world's history, to recognize those women who 
have worked together for gender equality and to acknowledge the work 
that is yet to be done. Over the years, women have made significant 
strides.
  All over the world and throughout history we have, they have 
consistently contributed to their economies, participated in their 
governments and improved the quality of life of their families and of 
their nations.
  In 2007 Congresswoman Nancy Pelosi was elected the first woman 
Speaker of the U.S. House of Representatives. In 2006 I attended the 
inauguration of Michelle Bachelet, the first woman President of Chile, 
and visited the Liberian President, Ellen Johnson-Sirleaf, the first 
woman president in Africa's history.
  In the 111th Congress, we have an all-time high of 74 women in 
Congress, a 35 percent increase from just 8 years ago. But women still 
only make up about 16 percent of the House of Representatives.
  In the U.S., we have made significant strides in education. Women now 
graduate from high school at higher rates and earn bachelor's or higher 
degrees at greater rates than men.
  While American women earn more high school and bachelor's degrees 
than men, two-thirds of the 876 million illiterate individuals in the 
world are women. Two-thirds of the 125 million school-age children not 
attending school worldwide are girls. Girls are less likely to complete 
school than boys elsewhere around the globe.
  Women are making progress in business and make up 12 percent of the 
current CEOs of the Fortune 500 companies, but, still, a long way to 
go.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. The time of the gentlewoman has expired.
  Mr. BERMAN. I would be pleased to yield an additional minute to the 
gentlelady.
  Ms. SCHAKOWSKY. Globally, women work two-thirds of the world's 
working hours and produce half of the world's food, and still we earn 
only 1 percent of the world's income and own less than 1 percent of the 
world's property.
  Of the 300 million people living in poverty, 70 percent are girls and 
women. Millions of women and girls are trafficked, physically abused, 
sexually abused, or face the threat of violence every day.

                              {time}  1445

  Although Congress passed the PROTECT Act to prevent trafficking in 
Iraq, Darfur, Afghanistan and many other places around the world, we 
still see that women and girls tend to be the targets of extreme 
violence, brutality, and intimidation.
  So, Mr. Speaker, it's important that Congress recognize the 
importance of March 8. I am so glad that we passed this resolution. I 
am grateful to the Congress for recognizing International Women's Day, 
which we just celebrated on March 8.
  Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN. Mr. Speaker, I'd like to yield 3 minutes to a 
member of the Committee on Foreign Affairs--and they are all gentle 
people in South Carolina--the gentleman from South Carolina (Mr. 
Inglis.)
  Mr. INGLIS. I thank the distinguished ranking member for that glowing 
recommendation of my great State. We are here today to recognize the 
plight of the Tibetan people. Several speakers have already mentioned 
incredible stories of the indomitable human spirit.
  One story was told to me earlier today by a staff member who was 
visiting in China, and tells a story of going to a Tibetan temple 
where, during the Cultural Revolution, the people of that town took 
their food rations and the grain that would have been food for them and 
put it in a temple in order to hide a statue of a Buddha so as to 
protect it from desecration by the Chinese Communists. Many of those 
townspeople starved to death as a result of giving up those food 
rations.
  That is a story of the indomitable power of the human conscience and 
the tragedy that comes when nations try to defy that basic human right. 
So we are here today to celebrate the spirit of the Tibetan people and 
to call on the Communist Chinese to give greater political rights and 
economic opportunities and respect the dignity of the Tibetan people.
  As we consider this resolution right now, the Chinese government has 
forbidden foreign journalists and tourists from entering Tibetan areas 
under their control. A massive crackdown is underway that involves 
beefed-up paramilitary forces deployed throughout the area and a 
deliberate disruption of normal cell phone service to prevent reports 
from leaking out.
  For all practical purposes, as we have heard here earlier today, 
Tibet is under an unofficial state of martial law, 50 years after the 
Dalai Lama fled into exile. From March 2008 to June 2008, Chinese 
officials disclosed that authorities detained more than 4,400 Tibetans 
for allegedly rioting, the vast majority of whom are known to have 
engaged in peaceful protests.
  A Tibetan NGO reported that a total of more than 65,000 Tibetans have 
been detained in 2008, and over a thousand of whose whereabouts and 
well-being remains unknown, many of whom are monks and nuns.
  According to an August 21 report from the Tibetan government-in-
exile, at least 218 Tibetans died between

[[Page 7105]]

March and June of 2008 as a result of the Chinese police using lethal 
force against protesters or from severe abuse, including torture while 
in detention.
  Mr. Speaker, we in this Congress should rise in unanimous support of 
the people of Tibet and present a unified force of the Congress and the 
Obama administration to unambiguously condemn the Chinese government's 
ongoing crackdown in Tibet. We must also convey a clear and consistent 
message to Beijing that says this: Progress in talks with the Dalai 
Lama and bringing meaningful autonomy and religious freedom to Tibet is 
an essential benchmark that China must meet in order to advance 
relations with the United States.
  I thank the gentlelady for yielding.
  Mr. BERMAN. Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to yield 3 minutes to the 
chairman of the Human Rights Commission, the gentleman from 
Massachusetts (Mr. McGovern).
  Mr. McGOVERN. Thank you. Mr. Speaker, I rise today in strong support 
of this important resolution, and I want to thank my friend, 
Congressman Rush Holt, Speaker Nancy Pelosi, and the chairman and 
ranking member of the House Foreign Affairs Committee for their 
leadership in the long struggle for freedom, dignity, and human rights 
in Tibet.
  Mr. Speaker, for six decades the history of Tibet has been marked by 
violence. Even before 1949, the People's Liberation Army of China 
entered the eastern areas of Tibet during the Long March. In 1959, they 
finally occupied the capital of Lhasa.
  Fifty years ago, on March 10, the Tibetan people rose up in Lhasa 
against Chinese rule. The backlash was furious and brutal. On March 17, 
the Dalai Lama fled Lhasa for his own safety, joined by some 80,000 
Tibetans, for life in exile. Tens of thousands who remained were kill 
or imprisoned.
  Thanks to the thriving exile communities in India, Europe, and the 
United States, Tibetan cultural identity, language, and religion have 
survived. They have focused world attention on the Tibetan struggle. 
But each and every year, the situation inside Tibet grows worse, with 
more repression, more arrests, more displacement, more deliberate 
destruction of the Tibetan language, culture, and religion.
  One year ago, new protests rose up in Tibet. They were the result of 
greater controls over religious and cultural activity, development that 
mainly benefited Chinese migrants, and forced resettlement of farmers 
and nomads. Thousands and thousands were arrested. To date, there has 
been no full accounting by Chinese authorities of those arrested, 
detained, tried, sentenced, or released, and no access to those 
detained by the International Committee of the Red Cross or other 
international observers, and all the time the Tibetan people daily 
become more of a minority in their own land.
  Mr. Speaker, as the new cochair of the Tom Lantos Human Rights 
Commission, it is humbling to follow in the footsteps of Thomas Lantos. 
The Congressional Human Rights Caucus, which he founded, was the very 
first to give the Dalai Lama a voice on Capitol Hill in 1987.
  On this 50th anniversary, let's be very, very clear that the American 
people in this House stand with His Holiness. We will not rest until 
meaningful and full autonomy for the Tibetan people is achieved--and 
the Dalai Lama and his people can fulfill their dream of returning home 
to Tibet.
  I thank the chairman of the Foreign Affairs Committee for generously 
giving me this time.
  Mr. Speaker, I rise today in strong support of this important 
resolution, which recognizes the plight of the Tibetan people on the 
50th Anniversary of His Holiness the Dalai Lama's exile and calls for a 
sustained multilateral effort toward a peaceful solution to the Tibet 
issue. I thank my friend Rush Holt, and the distinguished Ranking 
Member of the House Committee on Foreign Affairs, as well the Chairman 
of the Foreign Affairs Committee, for their leadership on human rights 
and for bringing this resolution expeditiously to the floor.
  Mr. Speaker, last Friday my friend and distinguished colleague, Frank 
Wolf and I were formally reappointed Co-Chairs of the Tom Lantos Human 
Rights Commission, the successor body of the Congressional Human Rights 
Caucus, which I had the honor to co-chair with Frank Wolf after our 
former colleague Tom Lantos passed away.
  I mention this because of the historic significance of the 
Congressional Human Rights Caucus in getting the voice of the Tibetan 
people heard in the United States.
  In 1987, it was Congressman Tom Lantos who had invited His Holiness 
the Dalai Lama to attend a meeting of the Congressional Human Rights 
Caucus as the first official government entity in the United States, 
despite stiff opposition from many quarters including the U.S. 
Administration to do so. Many were fearful what such an invitation 
would do to our bilateral relations with the People's Republic of 
China, and the PRC used every conceivable tool to prevent this historic 
meeting from happening.
  Those voices of those critics in the United States soon fell quiet 
after the meeting took place, as the moral authority of his Holiness 
and his perstintly peaceful way to fight for meaningful autonomy of the 
Tibetan people attracted more and more support and with the American 
people and in Congress.
  Twenty years later, it was this body that awarded His Holiness the 
Congressional Gold Medal in recognition of his life-long dedication to 
the causes of peace and non-violent resolution to the Tibet issue.
  Mr. Speaker, the history of Tibet has long been marked by violence. 
Even before 1949, the People's Liberation Army of China entered the 
eastern areas of the traditional Tibetan territory on The Long March. 
In 1951, they finally occupied the Tibetan capital of Lhasa.
  On this day fifty years ago, the Tibetan people rose up in Lhasa 
against Chinese rule, and the backlash was furious and brutal. As a 
consequence, His Holiness the Dalai Lama fled Lhasa on March 17, 1959, 
for his own safety. He was joined by some 80,000 Tibetans in exile. 
Tens of thousands of Tibetans who remained were either killed or 
imprisoned.
  The human rights situation became so dire that in 1959, 1961 and 1965 
(before China became a member of the United Nations), the UN General 
Assembly passed resolutions condemning the human rights violations in 
Tibet and affirming Tibetans' right to self-determination.
  Supported by thriving exile communities in India, the United States, 
Europe, Tibetan cultural identity, language and religion has survived 
and the world is paying attention to the Tibetan struggle.
  In 2002 Congress passed the Tibetan Policy Act, the cornerstone of 
U.S. policy toward Tibet. The legislation codified the position of 
Special Coordinator for Tibetan Issues in our State Department, to 
ensure that U.S. policy promotes a dialogue between the Chinese 
government and the representatives of the Dalai Lama, and this Act and 
its policies must remain the cornerstone of our policy regarding Tibet 
also under this Administration.
  The policy of the United States Government has to be to continue 
promoting substantive dialogue between the Government of the People's 
Republic of China and the Dalai Lama or his representatives to resolve 
peacefully the dispute and to allow for the return of the Dalai Lama.
  However, the United States cannot stand as a mere neutral facilitator 
in this dialogue, when the Chinese government time and time again uses 
these proceedings to hold out hope, only to drag out negotiations with 
His Holiness without ever making any progress or without ever achieving 
any concrete results. All this, while the Tibetan people become a 
minority in their own territory because of government-controlled 
migration, and the Tibetan culture is further eroded.
  We cannot stand by neutrally, when the Chinese government kidnaps a 
six-year-old child, Gedhun Choekyi Nyima, whom His Holiness has 
recognized as Panchen Lama, and allow the Chinese government to replace 
him with a more convenient Panchem Lama of their own choice.
  On this 50th anniversary, let's be very clear that the American 
people and this Congress will always stand unwaveringly with His 
Holiness in this peaceful endeavors, and will not rest until meaningful 
and full autonomy for the Tibetan people is achieved, and His Holiness 
can fulfill his dream of returning to Tibet.
  Mr. Speaker, Tom Lantos' voice has fallen silent, but we cannot let 
our voices to fall silent too. We always need to speak out for the 
Tibetan people.

                 [From the Boston Globe, Mar. 10, 2009]

                       Sad Anniversaries in Tibet

       The authorities in Beijing are nervous today, fearful that 
     remembrance of things past will incite new disorder. They 
     have good reason: On this date two tragic anniversaries are 
     commemorated. First, of the massacres

[[Page 7106]]

     Chinese troops perpetrated 50 years ago, killing 86,000 
     Tibetans, to crush a Tibetan revolt against harsh Chinese 
     rule. And March 10 is also the one-year anniversary of 
     China's violent crackdown on Tibetans protesting for cultural 
     and religious freedom.
       China's attempts to expunge Tibet's separate identity cast 
     doubt on Beijing's claim to be a rising power with benign 
     intentions. There is a whiff of colonialism in China's 
     treatment of Tibet and Tibetans.
       Chinese policymakers are not content to deny Tibet's 
     distinct identity. They demean the ethical and spiritual 
     values of Tibetan Buddhism, and they refuse to grant Tibetans 
     even the limited autonomy proposed by their leader-in-exile, 
     the Dalai Lama. The core objective of Beijing's Tibet policy 
     is to submerge the Tibetan population under waves of Han 
     Chinese migrants who receive special incentives to settle in 
     Tibetan areas.
       Given China's efforts toward a demographic smothering of 
     Tibetans in their homeland, it is no wonder that Chinese 
     officials feel compelled to lie, brazenly, about the 
     temperate program for reconciliation proposed by the Dalai 
     Lama. In talks last fall with Chinese representatives, the 
     Dalai Lama's envoys presented 11 proposals for limited 
     Tibetan autonomy. The Chinese refused to discuss a single one 
     of the 11 ideas, pretending that all 11 were thinly disguised 
     demands for independence.
       Beijing takes this rigid position--repeating the 
     transparent falsehood that the Dalai Lama really wants 
     political independence for Tibet--because Chinese policy is 
     to make no concessions to the Tibetan government-in-exile and 
     instead to wait for the spiritual leader of Tibetan Buddhists 
     to die. The flawed premise of this policy is that Tibetan 
     resistance to Chinese dominance will evaporate after the 
     Dalai Lama is gone. But as the clashes last March in Tibetan 
     regions demonstrated, younger Tibetans are likely to be less 
     patient, and less devoted to nonviolence, than the Dalai Lama 
     and his government-in-exile in Dharamsala, India.
       China's rulers are fortunate to have the chance to come to 
     terms with the Dalai Lama on Tibetan autonomy within China. 
     Few other governments confronting oppressed ethnic or 
     religious groups have been so lucky.
       President Obama should appoint a special envoy for Tibet, 
     someone who can help China's leaders see that it is in their 
     own interest to give Tibetans the cultural and religious 
     autonomy the Dalai Lama has proposed.

  Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN. To wrap up our side of the aisle on this important 
resolution, I yield such time as he may consume to the co-Chair of the 
Tom Lantos Congressional Human Rights Commission, the gentleman from 
Virginia (Mr. Wolf).
  Mr. WOLF. I want to thank the ranking member and also the chairman 
for their leadership on this issue, and also thank Speaker Pelosi for 
her comments here today and also for the comments that she made 
yesterday.
  In August of 1997, I traveled to Tibet, making it known to no one 
that I was a Member of Congress. I spoke to Buddhist monks and nuns on 
the street and in monasteries who have been brutally tortured in the 
infamous Drapchi prison. We drove by the Drapchi prison and they told 
us of the torture of pulling out fingernails and everything else, just 
simply for professing allegiance to the Dalai Lama.
  The Chinese government sends Tibetan children to China for education 
to learn Chinese ways. The Chinese government forbids faithful 
Buddhists from displaying pictures of the Dalai Lama. There was one 
person in a Buddhist monastery who showed me the picture and then put 
it away quickly.
  What the Chinese government is doing to Tibet is cultural genocide--
and I hope the foreign minister, who's in town today, hears it. It is 
cultural genocide--systematically destroying the fabric of the Tibetan 
society.
  Last March, the Tibetan people took to the streets to protest the 
iron-fisted rule of the Chinese government over Tibet; a harsh 
crackdown, violent repression, and a year later, 1,200 Tibetans remain 
unaccounted for. Where are they? Let's ask the foreign minister when he 
goes to the State Department, Where are they?
  For over a decade, the United States has asked China for a consulate 
in Lhasa, the capital of Tibet, and China has refused. Yet we continue 
to allow the Chinese government to build new consulates across the 
United States. We should not allow China to build any new consulates in 
the United States until China allows the U.S. to build a consulate in 
Lhasa, period, end of story.
  It is with a heavy heart that we commemorate the Dalai Lama's flight 
to Dharmasala. I believe one day we will stand here--and, if this 
debate had taken place before, Tom Lantos would be here, whereby people 
would give Tom Lantos the credit for leading the effort whereby Tibet 
will be, basically--not basically, but Tibet will be free.
  Ms. JACKSON-LEE of Texas. Mr. Speaker, I rise in support of H. Res. 
226, recognizing the Tibetan People on the anniversary of the Dalai 
Lama's exile. As a member of the House Committee on Foreign Affairs I 
am pleased to join my colleague Rush Holt in his sponsorship of this 
important resolution. As we move to engage the government in Beijing I 
would only hope that the United States' foreign policy once again 
becomes a policy of peace and goodwill and not a harbinger to 
international hostilities.
  It is no accident that the first foreign trip of our new Secretary of 
State Hillary Clinton, was to Asia. China is integral to the re-
establishment of American foreign policy in Asia. As we engage the 
Chinese it is important that we address human rights issues as well.
  The Dalai Lama has emerged on the international scene as a force for 
human rights around the world. He has exhibited a grace and sense of 
compassion throughout the strife that has visited his homeland.
  For more than 2,000 years Tibet maintained a sovereign national 
identity distinct from the national identity of China. In 1949, 
however, Chinese troops invaded and occupied Tibet and have remained 
ever since.
  According to the State Department and numerous international human 
rights organizations, the Chinese government continues to commit 
widespread and well-documented human rights abuses in both China and 
Tibet. China also has yet to demonstrate its willingness to abide by 
internationally accepted norms of freedom of belief, expression, and 
association by repealing or amending laws and decrees that restrict 
those freedoms. We urge the Chinese government to seek conciliation 
with its many different groups, as opposed to employing further 
government restrictions.
  In addition, while China is a signatory to the International Covenant 
on Civil and Political Rights, the United Nations Convention Relating 
to Refugees, and the United Nations Convention Against Torture and 
Other Forms of Cruel, Inhuman, or Degrading Treatment or Punishment, in 
practice, the Chinese government has often not followed the treaties.
  March 10th marks the 50th anniversary of an uprising against Chinese 
rule by the Tibetan people--an uprising that forced the 14th Dalai Lama 
into exile in India. On the anniversary last year, Tibetan Buddhist 
monks and nuns in and around Lhasa were blocked by Chinese authorities 
from staging demonstrations and were met with force by the Chinese 
authorities. Protests then spread inside the Tibet Autonomous Region 
and other Tibetan areas of China.
  Over the years, talks between envoys of the Dalai Lama and 
representatives of the Chinese government have failed to achieve any 
concrete and substantive results.
  This resolution recognizes the Tibetan people for their perseverance 
and endurance in face of hardship and adversity in Tibet and for 
creating a vibrant and democratic community in exile that sustains the 
Tibetan identity.
  The measure recognizes the government and people of India for their 
generosity toward the Tibetan refugee population for the last 50 years. 
It calls upon the Chinese government to respond to the Dalai Lama's 
initiatives to find a lasting solution to the Tibetan issue, cease its 
repression of the Tibetan people, and to lift immediately the policies 
imposed on Tibetans, including patriotic education campaigns, detention 
and abuses of those freely expressing political views or relaying news 
about local conditions, and limitations on travel and communications.
  Finally, Mr. Speaker, the resolution calls upon the administration to 
recommit to a sustained effort consistent with the Tibetan Policy Act 
of 2002, that employs diplomatic, programmatic, and multilateral 
resources to press the Chinese government to respect the Tibetans' 
identity and the human rights of the Tibetan people. Mr. Speaker, we 
must continue to engage the government in Beijing at all levels and 
Tibet must be at the top of the list. Again, I wish to thank my 
colleagues for their work on this matter.
  Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN. I yield back the balance of my time.
  Mr. LEVIN. Mr. Speaker, one year ago, a wave of protests began in 
Lhasa and swept across the Tibetan Plateau. In the time since, the 
Chinese government has pursued policies that demonstrate a failure to 
live up to its commitments to its ethnic minority citizens--commitments 
that are well-documented and unmistakable. Chinese law includes 
protections

[[Page 7107]]

for the distinctive culture, language and identity of ethnic minority 
citizens. China's Regional Ethnic Autonomy Law, for example, guarantees 
ethnic minorities the ``right to administer their internal affairs.'' 
Specifically, the term ``regional ethnic autonomy,'' as the law itself 
defines it, ``reflects the state's full respect for ethnic minorities' 
right to administer their internal affairs.'' Over the past year, the 
actions of the Chinese government have reflected neither ``the state's 
full respect'' of ethnic minority rights, nor of human rights standards 
recognized in both Chinese and international law.
  On January 19, 2009, the People's Congress of the Tibet Autonomous 
Region established a new holiday called ``Serfs'' Emancipation Day.'' 
As the Congressional-Executive Commission on China has reported, this 
new holiday commemorates the March 28, 1959, Chinese government decree 
that dissolved the Dalai Lama's Lhasa-based Tibetan government. The 
Chairman of the Standing Committee of the Tibet Autonomous Region 
People's Congress said the new holiday would ``strengthen Tibetans' 
patriotism.'' He also said that officials had met to ``ensure that all 
people mark the occasion with festivities.'' Chinese officials have 
required Tibetans to celebrate the end of the Dalai Lama's government, 
and, by implication, his departure from Tibet fifty years ago. This is 
how the Chinese government demonstrates its commitment to ``the state's 
full respect for ethnic minorities' right to administer their internal 
affairs.''
  For the last several weeks, international media organizations have 
reported that Chinese authorities have been closing Tibetan areas to 
foreign reporters and travelers. Last month, China's Central Propaganda 
Bureau and State Ethnic Affairs Commission publicized a document titled 
``An Outline Concerning Propaganda Education on the Party and State's 
Ethnic Policy.'' As the Congressional-Executive Commission on China has 
reported, this document calls for resisting ``international hostile 
forces raising the banner of such things as `ethnicity,' `religion,' 
and `human rights' to carry out westernization and separatist 
activities toward our country.'' Let us be absolutely clear: Tibetan 
grievances exist not as a result of foreign influence. Tibetan 
grievances exist for one reason and one reason only: in spite of what 
the Chinese government has written in its laws, in practice it has 
created an ethnic autonomy system that denies fundamental rights to 
ethnic minorities. This could not be clearer than it has become over 
the last year.
  The time for change is now. I repeat today what I stated in this 
chamber nearly one year ago: protest activity that results in the 
destruction of property or death of anyone, whether Tibetan or non-
Tibetan, is unacceptable in any context. But the harshness with which 
the Chinese government has handled affairs over the last year across 
the Tibetan plateau and in other ethnic minority regions of China--
harshness that Chinese officials have sought to justify as being 
necessary to preserve stability--has revealed instead a level of 
hostility toward China's ethnic minority citizens not seen in decades, 
and has heightened fears for Tibetans, Uyghurs, and other ethnic 
minority peoples in China.
  The Congressional-Executive Commission on China has tracked policies 
that undercut protections for ethnic minority languages that are 
stipulated in Chinese law. Measures to promote Mandarin-focused 
``bilingual'' education in schools in the Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous 
Region, for example, have resulted in language requirements that 
disadvantage ethnic minority teachers. These and other job hiring and 
labor practices are part of a broader set of policies that restrict 
ethnic minority rights, and that illustrate the Chinese government's 
failure to abide by commitments as set forth in China's own 
Constitution and laws. Article 4 of the Chinese Constitution and 
Article 9 of China's Regional Ethnic Autonomy Law, for example, both 
forbid discrimination based on ethnicity. Article 12 of China's Labor 
Law and Article 3 of China's new Employment Promotion Law state that 
job applicants shall not face discrimination in job hiring based on 
factors including ethnicity, and Article 28 of China's new Employment 
Contract Law states that all ethnicities enjoy equal labor rights.
  The Chinese government seems to protect some aspects of ethnic 
minority rights in communities that are not perceived to challenge 
state policies. But shortcomings in both the substance and the 
implementation of Chinese policies toward ethnic minorities prevent 
ethnic minority citizens from fully enjoying the rights that the 
Chinese government itself plainly and openly has said are guaranteed 
under China's own laws, and under international legal standards. A wide 
range of public policy areas today present challenges that are pressing 
and real, but concerns in other policy areas do not eclipse the Chinese 
government's abuses of law and its ongoing violations of the 
fundamental rights of Tibetans, Uyghurs and other ethnic minority 
citizens of China, and of Han Chinese citizens as well.
  I would urge all of my colleagues to take full advantage of the 
resources available to the public on the web site of the Congressional-
Executive Commission on China--www.cecc.gov--and to make use of the 
Commission's analysis of developments as they unfold in Tibetan areas, 
and across China. The Commission monitors and reports continuously on 
human rights and the rule of law in China, and I encourage all to check 
the Commission's web site regularly for updates, to subscribe to the 
on-line newsletter, and to rely on the Commission's published reports 
to keep up with developments in China.
  Finally, the resolution of Tibetan grievances can occur only with 
direct talks between the Chinese government and the Dalai Lama. As 
China plays an increasingly important role in the international 
community, other countries will appropriately assess China's 
fulfillment of the commitments it has made in both Chinese and 
international law, including legal and constitutional commitments to 
ethnic minorities. The international spotlight remains on China. We 
hope that the Chinese government will welcome such attention with a 
full commitment to openness, and to the implementation of basic human 
rights.
  Mr. BERMAN. Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time, and 
urge a ``yea'' vote.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. The question is on the motion offered by the 
gentleman from California (Mr. Berman) that the House suspend the rules 
and agree to the resolution, H. Res. 226.
  The question was taken.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. In the opinion of the Chair, two-thirds 
being in the affirmative, the ayes have it.
  Mr. BERMAN. Mr. Speaker, on that I demand the yeas and nays.
  The yeas and nays were ordered.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. Pursuant to clause 8 of rule XX and the 
Chair's prior announcement, further proceedings on this motion will be 
postponed.

                          ____________________