[Congressional Record (Bound Edition), Volume 155 (2009), Part 4]
[House]
[Pages 5413-5417]
[From the U.S. Government Publishing Office, www.gpo.gov]




JOINT SESSION OF CONGRESS PURSUANT TO HOUSE CONCURRENT RESOLUTION 41 TO 
                  RECEIVE A MESSAGE FROM THE PRESIDENT

  The Speaker of the House presided.
  The Majority Floor Services Chief, Mr. Barry Sullivan, announced the 
Vice President and Members of the U.S. Senate, who entered the Hall of 
the House of Representatives, the Vice President taking the chair at 
the right of the Speaker, and the Members of the Senate the seats 
reserved for them.
  The SPEAKER. The Chair appoints as members of the committee on the 
part of the House to escort the President of the United States into the 
Chamber:
  The gentleman from Maryland (Mr. Hoyer);
  The gentleman from South Carolina (Mr. Clyburn);
  The gentleman from Connecticut (Mr. Larson);
  The gentleman from California (Mr. Becerra);
  The gentleman from Maryland (Mr. Van Hollen);
  The gentleman from California (Mr. George Miller);
  The gentlewoman from Connecticut (Ms. DeLauro);
  The gentlewoman from Illinois (Ms. Schakowsky);
  The gentleman from Ohio (Mr. Boehner);
  The gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Cantor);
  The gentleman from Indiana (Mr. Pence);
  The gentleman from Michigan (Mr. McCotter);
  The gentlewoman from Washington (Mrs. McMorris Rogers);
  The gentleman from Texas (Mr. Carter);
  The gentleman from Texas (Mr. Sessions); and
  The gentleman from California (Mr. McCarthy).
  The VICE PRESIDENT. The President of the Senate, at the direction of 
that body, appoints the following Senators as members of the committee 
on the part of the Senate to escort the President of the United States 
into the House Chamber:
  The Senator from Nevada (Mr. Reid);
  The Senator from Illinois (Mr. Durbin);
  The Senator from New York (Mr. Schumer);
  The Senator from Washington (Mrs. Murray);
  The Senator from New Jersey (Mr. Menendez);
  The Senator from North Dakota (Mr. Dorgan);
  The Senator from Michigan (Ms. Stabenow);
  The Senator from Vermont (Mr. Leahy);
  The Senator from Kentucky (Mr. McConnell);
  The Senator from Arizona (Mr. Kyl);
  The Senator from Tennessee (Mr. Alexander);
  The Senator from South Dakota (Mr. Thune);
  The Senator from Nevada (Mr. Ensign); and
  The Senator from Texas (Mr. Cornyn).
  The SPEAKER. I would like to acknowledge the presence and express 
appreciation to the captain of Flight 1549, Captain ``Sully'' 
Sullenberger.
  The Majority Floor Services Chief announced the Dean of the 
Diplomatic Corps, His Excellency Roble Olhaye, Ambassador from the 
Republic of Djibouti.
  The Dean of the Diplomatic Corps entered the Hall of the House of 
Representatives and took the seat reserved for him.
  The Majority Floor Services Chief announced the Chief Justice of the 
United States and the Associate Justices of the Supreme Court.
  The Chief Justice of the United States and the Associate Justices of 
the Supreme Court entered the Hall of the House of Representatives and 
took the seats reserved for them in front of the Speaker's rostrum.
  The Majority Floor Services Chief announced the Cabinet of the 
President of the United States.
  The members of the Cabinet of the President of the United States 
entered the Hall of the House of Representatives and took the seats 
reserved for them in front of the Speaker's rostrum.
  At 9 o'clock and 7 minutes p.m., the Majority Floor Services Chief 
and the Sergeant at Arms, the Honorable Wilson Livingood, announced the 
President of the United States.
  The President of the United States, escorted by the committee of 
Senators and Representatives, entered the Hall of the House of 
Representatives and stood at the Clerk's desk.
  (Applause, the Members rising.)
  The SPEAKER. Members of the Congress, I have the high privilege and 
the distinct honor of presenting to you the President of the United 
States.
  (Applause, the Members rising.)
  The PRESIDENT. Madam Speaker, Mr. Vice President, Members of 
Congress, the First Lady of the United States:
  I have come here tonight not only to address the distinguished men 
and women in this great Chamber, but to speak frankly and directly to 
the men and women who sent us here.
  I know that for many Americans watching right now, the state of our 
economy is a concern that rises above all others. And rightly so. If 
you haven't been personally affected by this recession, you probably 
know someone who has--a friend; a neighbor; a member of your family. 
You don't need to hear another list of statistics to know that our 
economy is in crisis, because you live it every day. It's the worry you 
wake up with and the source of sleepless nights. It's the job you 
thought you'd retire from but now have lost; the business you built 
your dreams upon that's now hanging by a thread; the college acceptance 
letter your child had to put back in the envelope. The impact of this 
recession is real, and it is everywhere.
  But while our economy may be weakened and our confidence shaken, 
though we are living through difficult and uncertain times, tonight I 
want every American to know this:
  We will rebuild, we will recover, and the United States of America 
will emerge stronger than before.
  The weight of this crisis will not determine the destiny of this 
nation. The answers to our problems don't lie beyond our reach. They 
exist in our laboratories and our universities, in our fields and our 
factories; in the imaginations of our entrepreneurs and the pride of 
the hardest working people on Earth. Those qualities that have made 
America the greatest force of progress and prosperity in human history 
we still possess in ample measure. What is required now is for this 
country to pull together, confront boldly the challenges we face, and 
take responsibility for our future once more.
  Now, if we're honest with ourselves, we'll admit that for too long, 
we have not always met these responsibilities--as a government or as a 
people. I say this not to lay blame or to look backwards, but because 
it is only by understanding how we arrived at this moment that we'll be 
able to lift ourselves out of this predicament.
  The fact is, our economy did not fall into decline overnight. Nor did 
all of our problems begin when the housing market collapsed or the 
stock market sank. We have known for decades that our survival depends 
on finding new sources of energy. Yet we import more oil today than 
ever before. The cost of health care eats up more and more of our 
savings each year, yet we keep delaying reform. Our children will 
compete for jobs in a global economy that too many of our schools do 
not prepare them for. And though all of these challenges went unsolved, 
we still managed to spend more money and pile up more debt, both as 
individuals and through our government, than ever before.
  In other words, we have lived through an era where too often, short-
term gains were prized over long-term prosperity; where we failed to 
look beyond the next payment, the next quarter, or the next election. A 
surplus became an excuse to transfer wealth to the wealthy instead of 
an opportunity to invest in our future. Regulations were gutted for the 
sake of a quick profit at the expense of a healthy market. People 
bought homes they knew they couldn't afford from banks and lenders who 
pushed those bad loans

[[Page 5414]]

anyway. And all the while, critical debates and difficult decisions 
were put off for some other time on some other day.
  Well, that day of reckoning has arrived, and the time to take charge 
of our future is here.
  Now is the time to act boldly and wisely--to not only revive this 
economy, but to build a new foundation for lasting prosperity. Now is 
the time to jump-start job creation, restart lending, and invest in 
areas like energy, health care and education that will grow our 
economy, even as we make hard choices to bring our deficit down. That 
is what my economic agenda is designed to do, and that is what I'd like 
to talk to you about tonight.
  It's an agenda that begins with jobs.
  As soon as I took office, I asked this Congress to send me a recovery 
plan by President's Day that would put people back to work and put 
money in their pockets. Not because I believe in bigger government--I 
don't. Not because I'm not mindful of the massive debt we've 
inherited--I am. I called for action because the failure to do so would 
have cost more jobs and caused more hardship. In fact, a failure to act 
would have worsened our long-term deficit by assuring weak economic 
growth for years. That's why I pushed for quick action. And tonight, I 
am grateful that this Congress delivered, and pleased to say that the 
American Recovery and Reinvestment Act is now law.
  Over the next 2 years, this plan will save or create 3.5 million 
jobs. More than 90 percent of these jobs will be in the private 
sector--jobs rebuilding our roads and bridges; constructing wind 
turbines and solar panels; laying broadband and expanding mass transit.
  Because of this plan, there are now teachers who can now keep their 
jobs and educate our kids. Health care professionals can continue 
caring for our sick. There are 57 police officers who are still on the 
streets of Minneapolis tonight because this plan prevented the layoffs 
their department was about to make.
  Because of this plan, 95 percent of the working households in America 
will receive a tax cut--a tax cut that you will see in your paychecks 
beginning on April 1st.
  Because of this plan, families who are struggling to pay tuition 
costs will receive a $2,500 tax credit for all 4 years of college. And 
Americans who have lost their jobs in this recession will be able to 
receive extended unemployment benefits and continued health care 
coverage to help them weather this storm.
  I know there are some in this Chamber and watching at home who are 
skeptical of whether this plan will work. I understand that skepticism. 
Here in Washington, we've all seen how quickly good intentions can turn 
into broken promises and wasteful spending. And with a plan of this 
scale comes enormous responsibility to get it right.
  That is why I've asked Vice President Biden to lead a tough, 
unprecedented oversight effort--because nobody messes with Joe. I have 
told each member of my Cabinet as well as mayors and governors across 
the country that they will be held accountable by me and the American 
people for every dollar they spend. I've appointed a proven and 
aggressive Inspector General to ferret out any and all cases of waste 
and fraud. And we have created a new Web site called recovery.gov so 
that every American can find out how and where their money is being 
spent.
  So the recovery plan we passed is the first step in getting our 
economy back on track. But it is just the first step. Because even if 
we manage this plan flawlessly, there will be no real recovery unless 
we clean up the credit crisis that has severely weakened our financial 
system.
  I want to speak plainly and candidly about this issue tonight, 
because every American should know that it directly affects you and 
your family's well-being. You should also know that the money you've 
deposited in banks across the country is safe; your insurance is 
secure; and you can rely on the continued operation of our financial 
system. That's not the source of concern.
  The concern is that if we do not restart lending in this country, our 
recovery will be choked off before it even begins.
  You see, the flow of credit is the lifeblood of our economy. The 
ability to get a loan is how you finance the purchase of everything 
from a home to a car to a college education; how stores stock their 
shelves, farms buy equipment, and businesses make payroll.
  But credit has stopped flowing the way it should. Too many bad loans 
from the housing crisis have made their way onto the books of too many 
banks. And with so much debt and so little confidence, these banks are 
now fearful of lending out any more money to households, to businesses, 
or even to each other. When there is no lending, families can't afford 
to buy homes or cars. So businesses are forced to make layoffs. Our 
economy suffers even more, and credit dries up even further.
  That is why this administration is moving swiftly and aggressively to 
break this destructive cycle, to restore confidence, and restart 
lending.
  We will do so in several ways. First, we are creating a new lending 
fund that represents the largest effort ever to help provide auto 
loans, college loans, and small business loans to the consumers and 
entrepreneurs who keep this economy running.
  Second, we have launched a housing plan that will help responsible 
families facing the threat of foreclosure lower their monthly payments 
and refinance their mortgages. It's a plan that won't help speculators 
or that neighbor down the street who bought a house he could never hope 
to afford, but it will help millions of Americans who are struggling 
with declining home values--Americans who will now be able to take 
advantage of the lower interest rates that this plan has already helped 
to bring about. In fact, the average family who refinances today can 
save nearly $2,000 per year on their mortgage.
  Third, we will act with the full force of the Federal Government to 
ensure that the major banks that Americans depend on have enough 
confidence and enough money to lend even in more difficult times. And 
when we learn that a major bank has serious problems, we will hold 
accountable those responsible, force the necessary adjustments, provide 
the support to clean up their balance sheets, and assure the continuity 
of a strong, viable institution that can serve our people and our 
economy.
  I understand that on any given day, Wall Street may be more comforted 
by an approach that gives banks bailouts with no strings attached, and 
that holds nobody accountable for their reckless decisions. But such an 
approach won't solve the problem. And our goal is to quicken the day 
when we restart lending to the American people and American business 
and end this crisis once and for all.
  I intend to hold these banks fully accountable for the assistance 
they receive, and this time, they will have to clearly demonstrate how 
taxpayer dollars result in more lending for the American taxpayer. This 
time, CEOs won't be able to use taxpayer money to pad their paychecks 
or buy fancy drapes or disappear on a private jet. Those days are over.
  Still, this plan will require significant resources from the Federal 
Government--and, yes, probably more than we've already set aside. But 
while the cost of action will be great, I can assure you that the cost 
of inaction will be far greater, for it could result in an economy that 
sputters along for not months or years, but perhaps a decade. That 
would be worse for our deficit, worse for business, worse for you, and 
worse for the next generation. And I refuse to let that happen.
  I understand that when the last administration asked this Congress to 
provide assistance for struggling banks, Democrats and Republicans 
alike were infuriated by the mismanagement and results that followed. 
So were the American taxpayers. So was I.
  So I know how unpopular it is to be seen as helping banks right now, 
especially when everyone is suffering in part from their bad decisions. 
I promise you--I get it.

[[Page 5415]]

  But I also know that in time of crisis, we cannot afford to govern 
out of anger, or yield to the politics of the moment. My job--our job--
is to solve the problem. Our job is to govern with a sense of 
responsibility. I will not spend a single penny for the purpose of 
rewarding a single Wall Street executive, but I will do whatever it 
takes to help the small business that can't pay its workers or the 
family that has saved and still can't get a mortgage.
  That's what this is about. It's not about helping banks--it's about 
helping people. Because when credit is available again, that young 
family can finally buy a new home. And then some company will hire 
workers to build it. And then those workers will have money to spend, 
and if they can get a loan, too, maybe they'll finally buy that car, or 
open their own business. Investors will return to the market, and 
American families will see their retirement secured once more. Slowly, 
but surely, confidence will return, and our economy will recover.
  So I ask this Congress to join me in doing whatever proves necessary. 
Because we cannot consign our nation to an open-ended recession. And to 
ensure that a crisis of this magnitude never happens again, I ask 
Congress to move quickly on legislation that will finally reform our 
outdated regulatory system. It is time to put in place tough, new 
commonsense rules of the road so that our financial market rewards 
drive and innovation, and punishes shortcuts and abuse.
  The recovery plan and the financial stability plan are the immediate 
steps we're taking to revive our economy in the short term. But the 
only way to fully restore America's economic strength is to make the 
long-term investments that will lead to new jobs, new industries, and a 
renewed ability to compete with the rest of the world. The only way 
this century will be another American century is if we confront at last 
the price of our dependence on oil and the high cost of health care; 
the schools that aren't preparing our children and the mountain of debt 
they stand to inherit. That is our responsibility.
  In the next few days, I will submit a budget to Congress. So often, 
we've come to view these documents as simply numbers on a page, or a 
laundry list of programs. I see this document differently. I see it as 
a vision for America--as a blueprint for our future.
  My budget does not attempt to solve every problem or address every 
issue. It reflects the stark reality of what we've inherited--a 
trillion-dollar deficit, a financial crisis, and a costly recession.
  Given these realities, everyone in this Chamber--Democrats and 
Republicans--will have to sacrifice some worthy priorities for which 
there are no dollars. And that includes me.
  But that does not mean we can afford to ignore our long-term 
challenges. I reject the view that says our problems will simply take 
care of themselves; that says government has no role in laying the 
foundation for our common prosperity.
  For history tells a different story. History reminds us that at every 
moment of economic upheaval and transformation, this nation has 
responded with bold action and big ideas. In the midst of civil war, we 
laid railroad tracks from one coast to another that spurred commerce 
and industry. From the turmoil of the Industrial Revolution came a 
system of public high schools that prepared our citizens for a new age. 
In the wake of war and depression, the GI Bill sent a generation to 
college and created the largest middle class in history. And a twilight 
struggle for freedom led to a nation of highways, an American on the 
Moon, and an explosion of technology that still shapes our world.
  In each case, government didn't supplant private enterprise; it 
catalyzed private enterprise. It created the conditions for thousands 
of entrepreneurs and new businesses to adapt and to thrive.
  We are a nation that has seen promise amid peril, and claimed 
opportunity from ordeal. Now we must be that nation again. That is why, 
even as it cuts back on the programs we don't need, the budget I submit 
will invest in the three areas that are absolutely critical to our 
economic future: energy, health care, and education.
  It begins with energy. We know the country that harnesses the power 
of clean, renewable energy will lead the 21st century. And yet it is 
China that has launched the largest effort in history to make their 
economy energy efficient. We invented solar technology, but we've 
fallen behind countries like Germany and Japan in producing it. New 
plug-in hybrids roll off our assembly lines, but they will run on 
batteries made in Korea.
  Well, I do not accept a future where the jobs and industries of 
tomorrow take root beyond our borders--and I know you don't either. It 
is time for America to lead again.
  Thanks to our recovery plan, we will double this nation's supply of 
renewable energy in the next 3 years. We've also made the largest 
investment in basic research funding in American history--an investment 
that will spur not only new discoveries in energy, but breakthroughs in 
medicine, science, and technology.
  We will soon lay down thousands of miles of power lines that can 
carry new energy to cities and towns across this country. And we will 
put Americans to work, making our homes and buildings more efficient so 
that we can save billions of dollars on our energy bills.
  But to truly transform our economy, to protect our security, and save 
our planet from the ravages of climate change, we need to ultimately 
make clean, renewable energy the profitable kind of energy. So I ask 
this Congress to send me legislation that places a market-based cap on 
carbon pollution and drives the production of more renewable energy in 
America. That's what we need. And to support that innovation, we will 
invest $15 billion a year to develop technologies like wind power and 
solar power; advanced biofuels, clean coal, and more fuel-efficient 
cars and trucks built right here in America.
  Speaking of our auto industry, everyone recognizes that years of bad 
decision-making and a global recession have pushed our automakers to 
the brink. We should not, and will not, protect them from their own bad 
practices. But we are committed to the goal of a retooled, re-imagined 
auto industry that can compete and win. Millions of jobs depend on it. 
Scores of communities depend on it. And I believe the nation that 
invented the automobile cannot walk away from it.
  None of this will come without cost, nor will it be easy. But this is 
America. We don't do what's easy. We do what's necessary to move this 
country forward.
  And for that same reason, we must also address the crushing cost of 
health care.
  This is a cost that now causes a bankruptcy in America every 30 
seconds. By the end of the year, it could cause 1.5 million Americans 
to lose their homes. In the last 8 years, premiums have grown four 
times faster than wages. And in each of these years, 1 million more 
Americans have lost their health insurance. It is one of the major 
reasons why small businesses close their doors and corporations ship 
jobs overseas. And it is one of the largest and fastest growing parts 
of our budget.
  Given these facts, we can no longer afford to put health care reform 
on hold. We can't afford to do it. It's time.
  Already, we've done more to advance the cause of health care reform 
in the last 30 days than we've done in the last decade. When it was 
days old, this Congress passed a law to provide and protect health 
insurance for 11 million American children whose parents work full 
time. Our recovery plan will invest in electronic health records and 
new technology that will reduce errors, bring down costs, ensure 
privacy, and save lives. It will launch a new effort to conquer a 
disease that has touched the life of nearly every American, including 
me, by seeking a cure for cancer in our time. And it makes the largest 
investment ever in preventive care, because that's one of the best ways 
to keep our people healthy and our costs under control.
  This budget builds on these reforms. It includes an historic 
commitment to

[[Page 5416]]

comprehensive health care reform--a down payment on the principle that 
we must have quality, affordable health care for every American. It's a 
commitment that's paid for in part by efficiencies in our system that 
are long overdue. And it's a step we must take if we hope to bring down 
our deficit in the years to come.
  Now, there will be many different opinions and ideas about how to 
achieve reform, and that's why I'm bringing together businesses and 
workers, doctors and health care providers, Democrats and Republicans, 
to begin work on this issue next week.
  I suffer no illusions that this will be an easy process. Once again, 
it will be hard. But I also know that nearly a century after Teddy 
Roosevelt first called for reform, the cost of our health care has 
weighed down our economy and the conscience of our nation long enough. 
So let there be no doubt: health care reform cannot wait, it must not 
wait, and it will not wait another year.
  The third challenge we must address is the urgent need to expand the 
promise of education in America.
  In a global economy where the most valuable skill you can sell is 
your knowledge, a good education is no longer just a pathway to 
opportunity--it is a prerequisite.
  Right now, three-quarters of the fastest growing occupations require 
more than a high school diploma. And yet just over half of our citizens 
have that level of education. We have one of the highest high school 
dropout rates of any industrialized nation. And half of the students 
who begin college never finish.
  This is a prescription for economic decline, because we know the 
countries that out-teach us today will out-compete us tomorrow. That is 
why it will be the goal of this administration to ensure that every 
child has access to a complete and competitive education--from the day 
they are born to the day they begin a career. That is a promise we have 
to make to the children of America.
  Already, we've made an historic investment in education through the 
economic recovery plan. We have dramatically expanded early childhood 
education and will continue to improve its quality, because we know 
that the most formative learning comes in those first years of life. 
We've made college affordable for nearly 7 million more students--7 
million. And we have provided the resources necessary to prevent 
painful cuts and teacher layoffs that would set back our children's 
progress.
  But we know that our schools don't just need more resources. They 
need more reform. That is why this budget creates new incentives for 
teacher performance; pathways for advancement, and rewards for success. 
We'll invest in innovative programs that are already helping schools 
meet high standards and close achievement gaps. And we will expand our 
commitment to charter schools.
  It is our responsibility as lawmakers and as educators to make this 
system work. But it is the responsibility of every citizen to 
participate in it. And so tonight, I ask every American to commit to at 
least one year or more of higher education or career training. This can 
be community college or a 4-year school; vocational training or an 
apprenticeship. But whatever the training may be, every American will 
need to get more than a high school diploma. And dropping out of high 
school is no longer an option. It's not just quitting on yourself, it's 
quitting on your country--and this country needs and values the talents 
of every American. That is why we will provide the support necessary 
for all young Americans to complete college and meet a new goal: by 
2020, America will once again have the highest proportion of college 
graduates in the world. That is a goal we can meet.
  I know that the price of tuition is higher than ever, which is why if 
you are willing to volunteer in your neighborhood or give back to your 
community or serve your country, we will make sure that you can afford 
a higher education. And to encourage a renewed spirit of national 
service for this and future generations, I ask Congress to send me the 
bipartisan legislation that bears the name of Senator Orrin Hatch as 
well as an American who has never stopped asking what he can do for his 
country--Senator Edward Kennedy.
  These education policies will open the doors of opportunity for our 
children. But it is up to us to ensure they walk through them. In the 
end, there is no program or policy that can substitute for a parent, 
for a mother or father who will attend those parent-teacher 
conferences, or help with homework, or turn off the TV, put away the 
video games, and read to their child. I speak to you not just as a 
President but as a father when I say that responsibility for our 
children's education must begin at home. That is not a Democratic issue 
or a Republican issue. That's an American issue.
  There is, of course, another responsibility we have to our children. 
And that's the responsibility to ensure that we do not pass on to them 
a debt they cannot pay. That is critical. With the deficit we 
inherited, the cost of the crisis we face, and the long-term challenges 
we must meet, it has never been more important to ensure that as our 
economy recovers, we do what it takes to bring this deficit down. That 
is critical.
  I'm proud that we passed a recovery plan free of earmarks, and I want 
to pass a budget next year that ensures that each dollar we spend 
reflects only our most important national priorities.
  Yesterday, I held a fiscal summit where I pledged to cut the deficit 
in half by the end of my first term in office. My administration has 
also begun to go line by line through the Federal budget in order to 
eliminate wasteful and ineffective programs. As you can imagine, this 
is a process that will take some time. But we have already identified 
$2 trillion in savings over the next decade.
  In this budget, we will end education programs that don't work and 
end direct payments to large agribusinesses that don't need them. We'll 
eliminate the no-bid contracts that have wasted billions in Iraq, and 
reform our defense budget so that we're not paying for Cold War-era 
weapons systems we don't use. We will root out the waste, fraud, and 
abuse in our Medicare program that doesn't make our seniors any 
healthier, and we will restore a sense of fairness and balance to our 
Tax Code by finally ending the tax breaks for corporations that ship 
our jobs overseas.
  In order to save our children from a future of debt, we will also end 
the tax breaks for the wealthiest 2 percent of Americans. Let me be 
absolutely clear, because I know you'll end up hearing some of the same 
old claims that rolling back these tax breaks means a massive tax 
increase on the American people: if your family earns less than 
$250,000 a year, a quarter of a million dollars a year, you will not 
see your taxes increased a single dime. I repeat: not one single dime. 
In fact, the recovery plan provides a tax cut--that's right, a tax 
cut--for 95 percent of working families. And, by the way, these checks 
are on the way.
  To preserve our long-term fiscal health, we must also address the 
growing costs in Medicare and Social Security. Comprehensive health 
care reform is the best way to strengthen Medicare for years to come. 
And we must also begin a conversation on how to do the same for Social 
Security, while creating tax-free universal savings accounts for all 
Americans.
  Finally, because we're also suffering from a deficit of trust, I am 
committed to restoring a sense of honesty and accountability to our 
budget. That is why this budget looks ahead 10 years and accounts for 
spending that was left out under the old rules--and for the first time 
that includes the full cost of fighting in Iraq and Afghanistan. For 7 
years, we've been a nation at war. No longer will we hide its price.
  Along with our outstanding national security team, I am now carefully 
reviewing our policies in both wars, and I will soon announce a way 
forward in Iraq that leaves Iraq to its people and responsibly ends 
this war.
  And with our friends and allies, we will forge a new and 
comprehensive

[[Page 5417]]

 strategy for Afghanistan and Pakistan to defeat al Qaeda and combat 
extremism. Because I will not allow terrorists to plot against the 
American people from safe havens halfway around the world. We will not 
allow it.
  As we meet here tonight, our men and women in uniform stand watch 
abroad and more are readying to deploy. To each and every one of them, 
and to the families who bear the quiet burden of their absence, 
Americans are united in sending one message: we honor your service, we 
are inspired by your sacrifice, and you have our unyielding support. To 
relieve the strain on our forces, my budget increases the number of our 
soldiers and marines. And to keep our sacred trust with those who 
serve, we will raise their pay, and give our veterans the expanded 
health care and benefits that they have earned.
  To overcome extremism, we must also be vigilant in upholding the 
values our troops defend--because there is no force in the world more 
powerful than the example of America. And that is why I have ordered 
the closing of the detention center at Guantanamo Bay, and will seek 
swift and certain justice for captured terrorists--because living our 
values doesn't make us weaker, it makes us safer and it makes us 
stronger. And that is why I can stand here tonight and say without 
exception or equivocation that the United States of America does not 
torture. We can make that commitment here tonight.
  In words and deeds, we are showing the world that a new era of 
engagement has begun. For we know that America cannot meet the threats 
of this century alone, but the world cannot meet them without America. 
We cannot shun the negotiating table, nor ignore the foes or forces 
that could do us harm. We are instead called to move forward with the 
sense of confidence and candor that serious times demand.
  To seek progress toward a secure and lasting peace between Israel and 
her neighbors, we have appointed an envoy to sustain our effort. To 
meet the challenges of the 21st century--from terrorism to nuclear 
proliferation; from pandemic disease to cyber threats to crushing 
poverty--we will strengthen old alliances, forge new ones, and use all 
elements of our national power.
  And to respond to an economic crisis that is global in scope, we are 
working with the nations of the G-20 to restore confidence in our 
financial system, avoid the possibility of escalating protectionism, 
and spur demand for American goods in markets across the globe. For the 
world depends on us to have a strong economy, just as our economy 
depends on the strength of the world's.
  As we stand at this crossroads of history, the eyes of all people in 
all nations are once again upon us--watching to see what we do with 
this moment; waiting for us to lead.
  Those of us gathered here tonight have been called to govern in 
extraordinary times. It is a tremendous burden, but also a great 
privilege--one that has been entrusted to few generations of Americans. 
For in our hands lies the ability to shape our world for good or for 
ill.
  I know that it's easy to lose sight of this truth--to become cynical 
and doubtful; consumed with the petty and the trivial.
  But in my life, I've also learned that hope is found in unlikely 
places; that inspiration often comes not from those with the most power 
or celebrity, but from the dreams and aspirations of ordinary Americans 
who are anything but ordinary.
  I think of Leonard Abess, a bank president from Miami who reportedly 
cashed out of his company, took a $60 million bonus, and gave it out to 
all 399 people who worked for him, plus another 72 who used to work for 
him. He didn't tell anyone, but when the local newspaper found out, he 
simply said, ``I knew some of these people since I was 7 years old. I 
didn't feel right getting the money myself.''
  I think about Greensburg, Kansas, a town that was completely 
destroyed by a tornado, but is being rebuilt by its residents as a 
global example of how clean energy can power an entire community--how 
it can bring jobs and businesses to a place where piles of bricks and 
rubble once lay. ``The tragedy was terrible,'' said one of the men who 
helped them rebuild. ``But the folks here know that it also provided an 
incredible opportunity.''
  I think about Ty'Sheoma Bethea, the young girl from that school I 
visited in Dillon, South Carolina--a place where the ceilings leak; the 
paint peels off the walls, and they have to stop teaching six times a 
day because the train barrels by their classroom. She has been told 
that her school is hopeless, but the other day after class she went to 
the public library and typed up a letter to the people sitting in this 
Chamber. She even asked her principal for the money to buy a stamp. The 
letter asks us for help and says, ``We are just students trying to 
become lawyers, doctors, congressmen like yourself and one day 
President, so we can make a change to not just the State of South 
Carolina but also the world. We are not quitters.'' That's what she 
said.
  We are not quitters.
  These words and these stories tell us something about the spirit of 
the people who sent us here. They tell us that even in the most trying 
times, amid the most difficult circumstances, there is a generosity, a 
resilience, a decency, and a determination that perseveres; a 
willingness to take responsibility for our future and for posterity.
  Their resolve must be our inspiration. Their concerns must be our 
cause. And we must show them and all our people that we are equal to 
the task before us.
  I know that we haven't agreed on every issue thus far, and there are 
surely times in the future when we will part ways. But I also know that 
every American who is sitting here tonight loves this country and wants 
it to succeed. I know that. That must be the starting point for every 
debate we have in the coming months, and where we return after those 
debates are done. That is the foundation on which the American people 
expect us to build common ground.
  And if we do--if we come together and lift this nation from the 
depths of this crisis; if we put our people back to work and restart 
the engine of our prosperity; if we confront without fear the 
challenges of our time and summon that enduring spirit of an America 
that does not quit, then someday years from now our children can tell 
their children that this was the time when we performed, in the words 
that are carved into this very Chamber, ``something worthy to be 
remembered.''
  Thank you, God bless you, and may God bless the United States of 
America.
  (Applause, the Members rising.)
  At 10 o'clock and 15 minutes p.m., the President of the United 
States, accompanied by the committee of escort, retired from the Hall 
of the House of Representatives.
  The Majority Floor Services Chief escorted the invited guests from 
the Chamber in the following order:
  The members of the President's Cabinet;
  The Chief Justice of the United States and Associate Justices of the 
Supreme Court;
  The Dean of the Diplomatic Corps.

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