[Congressional Record (Bound Edition), Volume 155 (2009), Part 14]
[Senate]
[Page 19090]
[From the U.S. Government Publishing Office, www.gpo.gov]




            RENEWAL OF THE BURMESE FREEDOM AND DEMOCRACY ACT

  Mr. McCONNELL. Mr. President, I rise today to acknowledge passage of 
H.J. Res. 56, the Burmese Freedom and Democracy Act, which is now on 
its way to the President's desk for his signature.
  As in years past, this resolution will extend import sanctions for 
another year against Burmese goods in order to maintain economic 
pressure on the ruling State Peace and Development Council--SPDC. It 
also continues the Tom Lantos Block Burmese JADE Act, which was enacted 
last year and further increased sanctions against the junta.
  In some circles the value of sanctions has been questioned and, at 
some point, greater engagement with the regime may be in order. 
However, by passing this measure, Congress has clearly concluded that 
such a change in policy would be premature, and for good reason. The 
very fact that Nobel Peace Prize laureate Aung San Suu Kyi has been put 
on trial by the regime for trumped-up charges reflects how essential it 
is to continue these measures against the SPDC. To do otherwise would 
implicitly condone the junta's actions in trying her. It also would 
turn a blind eye to the regime having imprisoned Suu Kyi for 13 of the 
past 20 years, to say nothing of the scores of less well-known 
political prisoners who currently languish in Burmese prisons.
  UN Secretary General Ban Ki-moon's recent trip to Burma, I think, 
demonstrates yet again the true nature of this regime. During his 
visit, he was denied access to Suu Kyi and apparently received no 
concessions from the junta. This reflects that it is the SPDC that does 
not want to engage meaningfully with the international community, not 
the other way around. Therefore, my colleagues and I believe that 
sanctions against the junta should remain in place until such time as 
the regime truly commits itself to a course of democratization and 
reconciliation.
  Nor should anyone be fooled by the junta's transparent efforts to 
legitimize its rule through the scheduled 2010 elections. By excluding 
Suu Kyi from participating in the elections and by including provisions 
that would permanently entrench military rule, the new Burmese charter 
is no more legitimate than the regime that sponsored it. More than 
halfway through 2009, it is hard to see how next year's elections in 
Burma are redeemable.
  Congress's posture toward the Burmese regime is not just borne out of 
humanitarian concerns; it also involves important national security 
considerations. Just this week, Secretary of State Hillary Clinton 
publicly raised questions about alleged military links between the 
junta and North Korea. The details of the Burmese-North Korean 
relationship are murky but, according to the Washington Post, concern 
has been raised among U.S. officials about a possible budding nuclear 
relationship between the two autocracies.
  Finally, I note that this resolution has brought together 66 Members 
of this Chamber as cosponsors, more cosponsors than any previous year. 
This showing reflects yet again the genuine bipartisan support for the 
people of Burma and opposition to the junta's rule. In this effort, I 
was pleased to work closely again with my friend Senator Dianne 
Feinstein, who has long been a vigorous advocate for the Burmese 
people. Senators McCain and Durbin have also been stalwarts in their 
support for freedom in Burma, and they once again were at the vanguard 
of this legislative undertaking. I would close by thanking Brandi White 
and Ally Bird of my staff for their hard work on this bill.
  Mr. LEVIN. I ask unanimous consent that the joint resolution be read 
a third time and passed, the motion to reconsider be laid upon the 
table, and that any statements relating thereto be printed in the 
Record.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered.
  The joint resolution (H.J. Res. 56) was ordered to a third reading, 
was read the third time, and passed.
  Mr. LEVIN. I suggest the absence of a quorum.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The clerk will call the roll.
  The legislative clerk proceeded to call the roll.
  Mr. LEVIN. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order for 
the quorum call be rescinded.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered.

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