[Congressional Record (Bound Edition), Volume 155 (2009), Part 13]
[House]
[Pages 17697-17698]
[From the U.S. Government Publishing Office, www.gpo.gov]




                              {time}  1730
                   WE MUST SUPPORT AND DEFEND ISRAEL

  The SPEAKER pro tempore. Under a previous order of the House, the 
gentleman from New York (Mr. McMahon) is recognized for 5 minutes.
  Mr. McMAHON. Late Thursday, Madam Speaker, the House stood in support 
of our friend Israel and the greater global community by providing $2.2 
billion towards Israel's regional security and counterterrorism 
efforts. More importantly, this appropriation bill takes a firm stand 
against the active state sponsorship of terror by Iran by cutting off 
U.S. export credits to foreign companies that help to provide gasoline 
and other refined products to the Islamic Republic of Iran.
  Now I stand by the administration's decision to engage Iran through 
negotiations. However, the United States must have something concrete 
to negotiate with first. For this reason, I have strongly advocated for 
the use of sanctions to wean Iran away from its nuclear ambitions.
  As for Israel, it is our fellow democracy, our tried and true ally. 
Supporting it is essential to the stability and future not only of the 
Middle East, but of the world. And any democratic nation that has 
chosen to treat Israel as a suspect state, to impose on Israel 
embargoes and daunting deadlines for a peace agreement, should know 
that its actions ultimately do damage to the shared values that all 
democracies espouse.
  Our alliance with our European partners should be held in high 
regard--and it is. Yet, we must consistently work to maintain this 
relationship. Yet, a recent decision by the United Kingdom to revoke a 
number of arms export licenses to Israel following the Gaza war may 
trigger similar decisions by other EU nations, and comes at a crucial 
time for Israel's security.
  Following the failed Iranian elections in June, the Iranian regime 
has had its legitimacy wounded and its paranoia increased. Many 
observers expect the regime to take a posture of increased repression 
at home and antagonism abroad. In that dangerous environment, Israel's 
leaders have every right to be concerned for their country's safety.
  While hope still exists for a free Iran, Europe, Israel, and the 
United States must undoubtedly prepare for a more dangerous Iranian 
regime in the near term. We must be ready for the possibility that Iran 
will intensify its pursuit of nuclear weapons to overcome

[[Page 17698]]

the embarrassment of the recent elections.
  Incredibly, there seems to be a certain line of thinking in the 
international community that Iran poses no threat. For example, the day 
after Iran tested a 1,200-mile range Ashura ballistic missile and 
displayed the video footage to the world, a group of experts at the 
East-West Institute released a report on Iranian capabilities that made 
this astounding statement: ``There is no reliable information at 
present on the state of Iran's efforts to develop solid-propellant 
rocket motors and therefore no basis to make this assessment.''
  It is this very shocking failure to prepare that puts Israel and the 
entire international community at risk. In this light, our European 
allies' decision to place an arms embargo on Israel does not merely 
represent a double standard, it is decidedly harmful to a democracy 
faced with the very real prospects of a destructive nuclear neighbor.
  Madam Speaker, I urge this Congress and the United States to make the 
Iranian regime pay a higher cost for its nuclear weapons pursuit. If we 
needed any further reminder, the protests in the streets of Tehran have 
made clear that words and actions mean very little to Ayatollah 
Khamenei. The threat from Iran demands an effective policy response--
and our European allies are well-placed to formulate one with us.
  You see, even though Iran is an oil exporter, its economy is highly 
dependent on imported gasoline and other refined petroleum products. We 
need to embargo this trade. European companies are heavily involved in 
the Iranian gasoline business. Policymakers need to stop this trade to 
end this nuclear threat. If the Iranian regime faced damaging economic 
pressure from a significant reduction in gasoline supplies, it may 
indeed change its course and an ever-present threat to Israel and to 
global security may be alleviated.
  I think we are all encouraged by the joint statement that came from 
the G8 Summit in L'Aquila, Italy, expressing concern over Iran's 
belligerence. And I hope by the next G8 summit in December, the 
deadline set by the world leaders--our European allies included, we 
will see real international collaboration to curb the threats of 
Tehran.
  Nothing endangers peace more than a refusal to face facts. Even as we 
set deadlines for when discussions with Iran might begin, let's 
remember that they continue to enrich uranium and that a deadline with 
real consequences must be considered, along with engagement. Otherwise, 
engagement will be manipulated as a mere tactic for delay.
  I am glad that this House chose to face Iran and support Israel with 
its vote on Thursday, and I have high hopes that the international 
community will do the same. We must support and defend our friend 
Israel and end the nuclear threat of Iran.

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