[Congressional Record (Bound Edition), Volume 155 (2009), Part 1]
[Senate]
[Pages 48-49]
[From the U.S. Government Publishing Office, www.gpo.gov]




                       FIFTY YEARS IN THE SENATE

  Mr. BYRD. Mr. President, in my multivolume history of the Senate, I 
noted that the Senate is ``the anchor of our republic.'' It is, I 
wrote, ``the morning and evening star in the American constitutional 
constellation.'' Today, I recall those words because I am even more 
convinced that the Senate still stands as the great forum of 
constitutional American liberty.
  For five decades--that is a pretty long time--I have seen this Senate 
weather the storms of adversity, withstand the barbs of cynics and the 
attacks of critics as it provided continuous stability and strength to 
our great country during periods of strife and uncertainty. The Senate 
has served our country so well because great and courageous Senators 
have always been willing to stay the course through the continuum and 
to keep the faith. The Senate will continue to do so as long as there 
are Members of the Senate who understand the Senate's constitutional 
role and who zealously guard the Senate's powers.
  It has been said that this institution--meaning the Senate--has a 
life of its own. That may be true. I also know from my 50 years of 
service in this Chamber that the life of the Senate is rooted in the 
character of the men and the women who serve in the Senate. During my 
five decades of service here, I have had the high honor and the great 
privilege of serving with some of the finest and a few of the greatest 
Senators in history. This distinguished list includes my mentors, 
Senator Richard Brevard Russell, Senator Lyndon Baines Johnson, Senator 
John Cornelius Stennis, and Senator Mike Mansfield. It includes the 
great Margaret K. Smith, who never for a moment hesitated to follow her 
conscience. It includes Barry Goldwater, and it includes Phil Gramm, 
both of whom were spear carriers for the Reagan revolution. It includes 
those giants of the Senate, Howard Baker and Mark Hatfield, both of 
whom exemplified stunning political courage. And of course any list of 
greats must include

[[Page 49]]

our own beloved Ted Kennedy, who went from being a bitter adversary in 
the beginning of my years to my dearest friend. It has been an honor 
and a great privilege to have served with these Senators and with so 
many others who have contributed and who still contribute to the Senate 
to make it the great institution it has become. I hope and I pray to 
the Good Lord that in my 50 years here, I have also made a small but 
positive contribution, and I pray that I will continue to do so.
  Because of the good people of West Virginia, my half century--my 50 
years--of service in this Chamber has allowed the foster son of an 
impoverished coal miner from the hills of southern West Virginia--and 
the wife of that coal miner to have a son--to have the opportunity to 
walk with Kings, to meet with Prime Ministers, and to debate with 
Presidents. I have had the privilege not only to witness but also to 
participate in much of America's history. From the beginning and the 
apex of the Cold War to the collapse of the Soviet Union, from my 
opposition to the 1964 Civil Rights Act to my role in securing the 
funds for the building of the memorial to Martin Luther King, from my 
support for the war in Vietnam to my opposition to Mr. Bush's war with 
Iraq, I have served here, and I have loved every second of every 
blessed minute of it.
  My half century of service in the great Senate has also allowed me to 
experience profound changes in this institution. Unfortunately, not all 
of them have been for the best.
  During my tenure, especially in recent years, this Chamber has become 
bitterly partisan. All of us already know this, so I will not belabor 
the point other than to say we should do better. I will point out that 
we should do something about the vitriol before it destroys the Senate 
and the people's faith in the Senate.
  If anyone thinks I am exaggerating, I will give just one example. The 
filibuster is a prime guarantee of the principle of minority rights in 
the Senate. The filibuster is a device by which a single Senator can 
bring the Senate to a halt if that Senator believes his cause is just. 
But our partisan warfare has often transformed this unique, fundamental 
Senate tool into a political weapon which has been abused. As a result, 
there have lately been efforts to abolish it. If this should ever 
happen, a vital and historic protection of the liberties of the 
American people will be lost, and the Senate will cease to function as 
the one institution that has provided protection for the views and the 
prerogatives of a minority.
  I lament the ever-increasing costs of running for a Senate seat. In 
1958, Jennings Randolph and I spent a combined $50,000 to win the two 
Senate seats in West Virginia. Today, Senators can expect to spend 
about $7 million. Too much of a lawmaker's time, too much of a 
lawmaker's energy is now consumed in raising money for the next 
election or to pay off the last one.
  I lament that too many legislators in both parties continue to regard 
the Chief Executive in a roll much more elevated than the Framers of 
the Constitution ever intended. The Framers of the Constitution did not 
envision the Office of the President of the United States as having the 
attributes of royalty. We as legislators have a responsibility to work 
with the Chief Executive, but it was intended for this to be a two-way 
street, not a one-way street. The Senate must again rise and be the 
coequal branch of Government which the Constitution of the United 
States intended it to be.
  I lament the decline of the thoroughness of Senate committee 
hearings. In its classic study, ``Congressional Government,'' Woodrow 
Wilson pointed out that the ``informing function of Congress is its 
most important function.'' This was revealed in 1973 when, after 8 days 
of hearings and after hours upon hours of questioning, L. Patrick Gray, 
President Nixon's nominee to be Director of the FBI, revealed that 
White House counselor John Dean had lied--lied--lied--to FBI 
investigators, thus beginning the unraveling of the Watergate coverup. 
Today, we have the knowledge this could not happen with the time 
restrictions that are in place on the Senate's hearings.
  I am pleased to say that during my half century in the Senate, there 
have also been positive changes in the Senate. I will mention a few. 
The first is the Senate has become more open and the Senate has become 
more constituent friendly. This was highlighted in 1986 when television 
cameras were finally installed and the American people all across this 
country could watch their Senators debate the issues of the day on C-
SPAN. I am proud to have been a part--though a small part--but a part 
of that innovation.
  During my tenure, the Senate has become more open and it has become 
more diverse. When I came here in 1959, there was only one--one female 
Senator. In the 111th Congress, there are 17 women in the Senate. In 
the 50 years prior to my service, not a single--not one African 
American was elected to the Senate. During my 50 years here, three 
African Americans have been elected to the Senate. This is a small 
number, but one of those three has now been elected to the highest 
office in the land--President of the United States. So, my fellow 
colleagues, we have come a very, very, very long way.
  Let me conclude my remarks by simply acknowledging it has been a 
wonderful 50 years serving in this ``great forum of constitutional 
American liberty.'' I only wish my darling wife, who now sings in the 
heavenly choir above, were here today to say with me that I look 
forward--yes, look forward to the next 50 years. Amen. Amen.
  That concludes my remarks.
  I yield the floor and I say good night to the Chair and all the 
people here.
  I suggest the absence of a quorum.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER (Mr. Sanders). The clerk will call the roll.
  The legislative clerk proceeded to call the roll.
  Mr. McCONNELL. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent the order for 
the quorum call be rescinded.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered.

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