[Congressional Record (Bound Edition), Volume 154 (2008), Part 6]
[House]
[Pages 7696-7699]
[From the U.S. Government Publishing Office, www.gpo.gov]




         CONDEMNING BURMESE REGIME'S UNDEMOCRATIC CONSTITUTION

  Ms. WATSON. Mr. Speaker, I move to suspend the rules and agree to the 
concurrent resolution (H. Con. Res. 317) condemning the Burmese 
regime's undemocratic constitution and scheduled referendum, as 
amended.
  The Clerk read the title of the concurrent resolution.
  The text of the concurrent resolution is as follows:

                            H. Con. Res. 317

       Whereas in 1974, then-dictator General Ne Win and his 
     regime redrew the 1947 State Constitution and held a 
     referendum for a military-backed constitution, endorsing a 
     civilian front for military rule, known as the Burmese 
     Socialist Program Party;
       Whereas in 1988, the people of Burma came to the streets in 
     a massive popular democracy uprising to call for democracy, 
     human rights, and an end to military rule and a single party 
     system;
       Whereas the current military regime violently crushed the 
     mass democracy uprising in 1988, killing more than 3,000 
     peaceful protesters and taking over power from the previous 
     regime;
       Whereas the current military regime, officially known as 
     the State Peace and Development Council (SPDC), known 
     previously as the State Law and Order Restoration Council 
     (SLORC), held multi-party elections in 1990;
       Whereas despite the threat and pressure by the military 
     regime to vote for the candidates of the military-backed 
     National Unity Party (NUP), the people of Burma voted 82 
     percent of Parliament seats for the candidates of the 
     National League for Democracy (NLD) party, led by detained 
     leader Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and allied ethnic political 
     parties;
       Whereas the military regime refused to honor the election 
     results and arrested and imprisoned both democracy activists 
     and elected members of parliament;
       Whereas the SPDC over a period of 14 years held a National 
     Convention to draft a new constitution in which the process 
     was tightly controlled, repressive and undemocratic;
       Whereas the NLD walked out of the convention in 1995 
     because participants were not allowed to table alternative 
     proposals or voice disagreement with the military regime;
       Whereas in 2005, the leaders of the Shan Nationalities 
     League of Democracy (SNLD) were all arrested on false charges 
     and sentenced to more than 90 years in prison each;
       Whereas the people of Burma, led by democracy activists and 
     Buddhist monks in August and September 2007, took to the 
     streets in nationwide peaceful protests demanding the 
     military regime participate in a meaningful tri-partite 
     dialogue with Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, the elected political 
     parties from the 1990 elections and representatives of the 
     ethnic nationalities for national reconciliation and a 
     transition to democracy;
       Whereas according to the United Nations Special Rapporteur 
     on the Human Rights Situation in Burma, Professor Paulo 
     Sergio Pinheiro, leading human rights groups and foreign 
     diplomats based in Burma estimate the death toll from the 
     August and September 2007 peaceful protests is much higher 
     than reported by the regime;
       Whereas the military regime brutally crushed the peaceful 
     protests, killing at least 31 people, leaving nearly 100 
     missing, and arresting 700 additional political prisoners 
     bringing the number of Burma's political prisoners to 
     approximately 1,800;
       Whereas the United Nations Security Council Presidential 
     Statement, issued by unanimous consent of all members of the 
     Council on October 11, 2007, stated that ``the Security 
     Council strongly deplores the use of violence against 
     peaceful demonstrators in Myanmar, emphasizes the importance 
     of the early release of all political prisoners and remaining 
     detainees''.
       Whereas the United Nations Security Council Presidential 
     Statement also stressed ``the need for the Government of 
     Myanmar to create the necessary conditions for a genuine 
     dialogue with Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and all concerned parties 
     and ethnic groups, in order to achieve an inclusive national 
     reconciliation with the direct support of the United 
     Nations'';
       Whereas the United Nations and governments around the world 
     also repeatedly called for the SPDC to hold a political 
     dialogue with Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, her party, the NLD, and 
     representatives of ethnic nationalities to achieve national 
     reconciliation and democratization and reverse the decades-
     long misrule by the regime which has resulted in a downward 
     spiral of Burma's economic, educational, social, public 
     health and infrastructure sectors;
       Whereas the SPDC has ignored the repeated requests of the 
     United Nations and the international community to release all 
     political prisoners, end attacks against civilians, and 
     engage in a meaningful dialogue with Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, 
     her party, the NLD, and representatives of ethnic 
     nationalities;
       Whereas at the same time, the SPDC assigned a commission to 
     draft a constitution on October 18, 2007, with 54 hand-picked 
     participants, in an attempt to ignore past election results, 
     to lock in a process that excludes representatives of ethnic 
     nationalities and the NLD from political participation, and 
     to legitimize continued military rule;
       Whereas the latest version of the draft constitution seeks 
     to codify military rule by reserving 25 percent of 
     parliamentary seats for military appointees, permits the head 
     of the military to intervene in national politics, and 
     ensures that key government ministries are held by military 
     officers;
       Whereas in October 2007, the SPDC appointed Labor Minister 
     U Aung Kyi as liaison minister to engage with Daw Aung San 
     Suu Kyi for possible talks with Senior General Than Shwe, 
     leader of the SPDC, but there has been no true exchange or 
     tangible result from the few talks that were held;
       Whereas recently, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi expressed through 
     her party leaders that she is unhappy with the SPDC's 
     unwillingness to establish political dialogue and she even 
     urged the people of Burma to be prepared for the worst;
       Whereas on February 9, 2008, the military regime announced 
     that it will hold a constitutional referendum in May 2008 and 
     a general election in 2010;
       Whereas on February 12, 2008, the SPDC extended for another 
     year the house arrest of U Tin Oo, Deputy Chairman of the 
     NLD; and
       Whereas early reports concerning the referendum voting 
     indicate that Burmese voters were instructed how to vote 
     under supervision of officials, sometimes under threat of 
     physical violence and without an opportunity to read the 
     ballot they were forced to cast: Now, therefore, be it
       Resolved by the House of Representatives (the Senate 
     concurring), That Congress--

[[Page 7697]]

       (1) denounces the one-sided, undemocratic, and illegitimate 
     actions of the State Peace and Development Council (SPDC) 
     that seek to legitimize military rule through a flawed 
     referendum process to adopt a new, undemocratic constitution;
       (2) strongly urges that Burma's military regime begin a 
     meaningful tri-partite dialogue with Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, 
     the 1990 election-winning parties and representatives of 
     ethnic nationalities toward national reconciliation, 
     democracy, freedom of assembly, freedom of movement, freedom 
     of speech, freedom of the press, and internationally 
     recognized human rights for all Burmese citizens;
       (3) demands the immediate and unconditional release of Daw 
     Aung San Suu Kyi, detained Buddhist monks, and all other 
     political prisoners and prisoners of conscience;
       (4) denounces the SPDC for its failure to comply with the 
     United Nations' recommendations and engage in a meaningful 
     time-bound tri-partite dialogue with Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, 
     the 1990 election winning parties and representatives of 
     ethnic nationalities;
       (5) calls for the SPDC to comply fully and immediately with 
     the recommendations made by the United Nations Security 
     Council Presidential Statement issued on October 11, 2007;
       (6) urges the President to call for the United Nations 
     Security Council to condemn the undemocratic referendum 
     process and the SPDC's flawed constitution which will be the 
     outcome of the referendum;
       (7) urges the President to call for the United Nations 
     Security Council to pass a binding resolution, which will 
     instruct the regime to fully comply with the recommendations 
     made by United Nations Special Envoy Ibrahim Gambari and the 
     United Nations Security Council Presidential Statement, and 
     strengthen the mandate of Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon to 
     engage in a meaningful and time-bound dialogue with Daw Aung 
     San Suu Kyi, the 1990 election winning parties and ethnic 
     nationality representatives towards an inclusive democratic 
     national reconciliation;
       (8) urges the President to push for a comprehensive arms 
     embargo against the Burmese military regime at the United 
     Nations Security Council so that weapons produced by foreign 
     countries, including Ukraine, China, and Russia, that 
     currently sell weapons to Burma's military regime, can no 
     longer be used by Burma's military regime against civilians; 
     and
       (9) urges the Association of Southeast Asian Nations to 
     involve itself more deeply in reaching out to the Burmese 
     democracy movement and to work with the United Nations 
     Security Council and the Secretary-General to promote 
     meaningful political dialogue.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. Pursuant to the rule, the gentlewoman from 
California (Ms. Watson) and the gentleman from Texas (Mr. Poe) each 
will control 20 minutes.
  The Chair recognizes the gentlewoman from California.


                             General Leave

  Ms. WATSON. Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members may 
have 5 legislative days to revise and extend their remarks and include 
extraneous material on the resolution under consideration.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. Is there objection to the request of the 
gentlewoman from California?
  There was no objection.
  Ms. WATSON. Mr. Speaker, I rise in strong support of this resolution 
and yield myself such time as I may consume.
  I would like to thank my colleague Mr. Rush Holt for offering this 
important measure and for his tireless leadership in promoting human 
rights and democracy in Burma.
  For more than a decade, the military regime in Burma has ignored the 
democratic aspirations of the Burmese people. As we saw in its bloody 
repression of last September's ``Saffron Revolution,'' the regime 
continues to trample on human rights. And it is squandering Burma's 
vast natural resources through spending on the regime and its weapons, 
while leaving the overwhelming majority of Burma's people in poverty.
  Now the regime plans a May 10 referendum to institutionalize these 
policies through a sham constitution. The referendum attempts to give 
democratic legitimacy to a process that was designed by the Burmese 
military, implemented by the Burmese military, and benefits only the 
Burmese military. As such, it is anything but democratic.
  Today, as Burma recovers from a devastating storm that left thousands 
dead and missing, with many more homeless, our sympathies are with the 
Burmese people. But it is not natural disasters but rather the yoke of 
the Burmese military that has left Burma's people impoverished and 
calling for greater political participation for more than 20 years.
  It is especially appropriate that we stand with the Burmese people 
today as they face not only the devastation of the cyclone but also the 
continued devastation caused by this regime. Accordingly, I call on my 
colleagues to join me in condemning the Burmese junta's sham referendum 
and constitution.
  By passing H. Con. Res. 317 today, we call on the administration, the 
United Nations, and the international community to support a 
legitimate, inclusive dialogue between the regime and opposition 
forces. Only such an inclusive tripartite negotiation can put Burma 
back on the path to peace and prosperity, where it rightfully belongs.
  Please join me in support of H. Con. Res. 317 and offering support 
for restoration of real democracy in Burma.
  Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
  Mr. POE. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
  Mr. Speaker, I rise in strong support of this resolution, which 
points out that the smoke screen of a sham constitution and a bogus 
referendum is not a path leading to free Burma.
  It seems a particularly callous decision for the Burmese junta to go 
forward with its planned referendum on May 10, just 1 week after a 
tropical cyclone devastated the people of that nation. The generals, by 
ignoring the almost 4,000 dead and 100,000 homeless, are concerned only 
about their narrow political agenda.
  We in Congress offer our heartfelt condolences to those in Burma who 
lost family and friends in this tragic natural disaster. We urge the 
junta to immediately lift its irrational restrictions on international 
humanitarian organizations operating inside Burma. Only then can they 
provide the emergency relief necessary for the suffering people of this 
country.
  The generals in Rangoon, however, have cynically determined that time 
is on their side. They are convinced that, while the world's attention 
turns away from the bloody events of last fall to other crises in other 
parts of the world, they can carry on business as usual oppressing 
their people. That business includes implementing plans for the May 10 
referendum on their undemocratic constitution. This constitution 
ignores the will of the people of Burma as expressed in the streets of 
Rangoon and other cities last fall. This one-sided constitution seeks 
to legitimize military dictatorship rule. The current junta seized 
power by crushing a mass democracy uprising over two decades ago. We 
and the people of Burma will commemorate the 20th anniversary of that 
uprising on August 8, the very date the Beijing Olympics begins. On 
that date, advocates of a free Burma will hold activities around the 
world to remind the Burmese generals and their Beijing allies that the 
torch of Miss Liberty shines brighter than any Olympic torch.
  The generals have turned to a sham constitutional provision in an 
effort to ignore the international call for a genuine dialogue with 
Aung San Suu Kyi and members of the opposition and minority groups. The 
goal of that dialogue is to achieve ``inclusive national 
reconciliation.'' This call for dialogue was contained in the statement 
released by the U.N. Security Council President on October 11, 2007, 
with the unanimous consent of all members of the council.
  Instead of heeding the urgings of the international community, 
however, these generals have brazenly continued their roundup of those 
involved in the Saffron Revolution last fall, including Buddhist monks, 
and they have put them in jail. They have also refused to release Aung 
San Suu Kyi and other political prisoners.
  The Burmese junta treated the U.N. special envoy to Burma with 
disdain during his last visit. They refused him access to the top 
leadership and flatly rejected his offer of independent monitoring of 
the referendum vote. The

[[Page 7698]]

U.N. envoy himself has admitted the visit did not yield any tangible 
results.
  The junta's attitude of brazen indifference following its bloody 
suppression of the Saffron Revolution cannot stand unchallenged by the 
world community.

                              {time}  1500

  This Congress must raise strong objection to the junta's cynical plan 
to try to maintain rule through a sham constitution.
  I urge that my colleagues stand for a free Burma by voicing vigorous 
support of this resolution.
  I reserve the balance of my time.
  Ms. WATSON. Mr. Speaker, I yield as much time as he might consume to 
the gentleman from New Jersey, Representative Rush Holt.
  Mr. HOLT. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentlelady.
  Today all of our thoughts and prayers are with the people of Burma. 
The deaths and destruction caused by the cyclone Nargis which hit Burma 
over the weekend are still being discovered. Recent reports indicate 
that maybe 10,000 were killed and hundreds of thousands left without 
shelter and clean water. Yet despite this horrific natural disaster, 
the Burmese junta has announced it will go ahead with the scheduled 
sham constitutional referendum this Saturday.
  Today, we are considering our resolution to condemn the Burmese 
regime's undemocratic constitution and the scheduled sham referendum to 
legitimize that constitution. As the sponsor of H. Con. Res. 317, I 
want to thank Chairman Berman and Ranking Member Ros-Lehtinen, who are 
both lead sponsors of the resolution, for their support in helping to 
move this.
  We sometimes ask, and our constituents sometimes ask, whether 
governments are relevant to our daily lives, to their daily lives. 
Well, certainly here we see a negative example of what a difference a 
government can make. The ruling junta did not warn the people, so I 
understand, of the oncoming cyclone. They have done little to provide 
humanitarian assistance.
  I strongly encourage our State Department to heed the calls of the 
international community and provide whatever emergency humanitarian 
assistance the Government of Burma will accept. I do recall visiting 
Burma several decades ago following an earthquake that devastated 
Pagan, and the willful unwillingness of the military dictatorship then 
to accept international help.
  I have long been interested in Burma and the future of the Burmese 
people. I first traveled there some decades ago, and I was struck by 
the amazing damage and destruction that a despotic antidemocratic 
government can inflict on an economy, on a country and on the people.
  Under military rule since 1962, Burma was once called the ``rice bowl 
of Asia'' because of its rich resources, its fertile land and its 
productive people. But with the ruling junta, its promise and its 
potential have steadily declined. This promising country's resources 
have been channeled into supporting the military, and it is now one of 
the most impoverished countries in the world.
  Prior to this week's scheduled sham constitutional referendum, the 
junta has allowed an election once before. In 1990 the National League 
For Democracy, the NLD, led by Aung San Suu Kyi, won an election 
landslide. Yet despite the NLD winning four out of every five 
parliamentary seats, the regime locked up the NLD winners, and to this 
day Aung San Suu Kyi remains under arrest. For her bravery, courage and 
her fight for true democracy in her home country, she has been awarded 
the Nobel Prize for Peace. Yet 18 years later, this Nobel laureate 
remains locked away.
  Those are among the reasons that this House today is considering, and 
should pass, this resolution to condemn the Burmese regime's 
undemocratic constitution and the sham referendum to legitimize it.
  The Burmese people are determined to enjoy the same rights and 
freedoms that so many across the world, take for granted. The heroic 
efforts of the opposition leader and Peace Prize winner and others have 
given hope to victims of terrible oppression, and they deserve our 
support. This resolution sends a strong signal to the people of Burma 
that we stand with them in their struggle for democracy. The resolution 
denounces the one-sided totalitarian and illegal act by the junta to 
try to legitimize military rule through their unilaterally drafted 
constitution.
  The monks who were detained following the September Saffron 
Revolution and all other political prisoners and prisoners of 
conscience should be released. The resolution urges President Bush to 
call on the world community not to accept or recognize the junta's 
constitution.
  When several of us Members of Congress held a meeting here of the 
Human Rights Caucus on the Saffron Revolution to hear testimony from 
the monks who stood up in a nonviolent way to one of the most despotic 
regimes in the world, the monks told a gripping and heart-rending tale. 
They called on Congress to approve this resolution as soon as possible, 
and today the House answers that call.
  Earlier this year, for a joint session of Congress, I invited a young 
man, Richard Chio, a refugee from Burma and a resident of my 
congressional district, to sit as my guest here in the gallery of this 
House. He sat and watched the State of the Union address, having 
resettled only months before in the United States with the help of 
Lutheran Social Services of New Jersey. He told me that this day in 
Washington ``was like living in a dream.'' It was the most amazing day 
in his life to see that a government like ours could exist, because he 
knew nothing like that in Burma.
  Richard's story and the countless others remind us of why now, more 
than ever, especially following the devastation of this cyclone in 
Burma, the people of the United States need to stand with the people of 
Burma and oppose the junta.
  This referendum later this week would be a sham, a fake, pretend; it 
would be bogus, fraudulent, spurious, phony. Use whatever word you 
want. But it would not be democratic. It would not be to the benefit of 
the people of Burma who want a true democracy.
  I thank the chairman and the ranking member for their support and the 
many cosponsors of this resolution. I also want to thank Eric 
Richardson with Mr. Berman and Dennis Halpin with the ranking member 
for their assistance in preparing this resolution. I also want to thank 
the U.S. Campaign for Burma and Jen Quigley for the excellent work they 
do every day and have done year in and year out to promote democracy in 
Burma.
  I urge passage of this resolution.
  Ms. WATSON. I reserve the balance of my time.
  Mr. POE. Mr. Speaker, it should be well noted that China continues to 
support this military dictatorship in Burma. And as we approach the 
Chinese Olympics this year, we should remember that China does not burn 
the torch for liberty and freedom throughout the world, but they 
continue to support dictatorships like those in North Korea, Darfur and 
Burma.
  Mr. SOUDER. Mr. Speaker, as the representative in Congress of Fort 
Wayne, Indiana--home to an estimated 3,000 to 3,500 people from Burma, 
the greatest population of Burmese in the United States--I rise today 
in support of H. Con. Res. 317.
  Over the last year, Indiana's Third Congressional District has seen a 
marked increase in the number of refugees from Burma, although Burmese 
have lived in northeast Indiana for some time. To help them immerse as 
quickly as possible into our community, my office has been working with 
Federal and State agencies, as well as local resettlement 
organizations. Over the years, I've had an opportunity to learn about 
this Southeast Asian country and its diverse, proud, and resilient 
people.
  More than anything, the refugees tell me about the brutal oppression 
they endured under the military junta in Burma, known as the State 
Peace and Development Council. Many of these refugees still have loved 
ones living in destitute, overseas refugee camps, or relatives who have 
been unable to escape Burma, and they worry greatly about their plight.
  They also tell me about Aung San Suu Kyi, the Nobel laureate and 
democratically elected leader of Burma, who has been under house

[[Page 7699]]

arrest for years, barred from assuming the Prime Ministerial post to 
which she was rightly elected. Her consistent advocacy of nonviolent 
resistance against the military junta is inspiring, and it was for her 
strong leadership that the Nobel Committee awarded her its Peace Prize. 
The United States must unequivocally support Aung San Suu Kyi as the 
legitimate leader of Burma.
  Despite international recognition of its gross human rights 
violations, Burma's regime continues to use violence and murder to 
terrorize its own people, most recently during last September's 
demonstrations. I have spoken in opposition to Burma's military junta 
for a number of years, and today I am once again condemning it for 
forcing a referendum that seeks to lend false credibility to an 
undemocratic constitution. As a cosponsor of H. Con. Res. 317, I am 
deeply concerned by what the regime will do to retain its tight grip on 
power.
  Today, as the House considers this concurrent resolution, I also join 
my colleagues in being mindful of the terrible devastation caused by a 
cyclone that ripped through Burma over the weekend. I offer my 
condolences to the families of those who lost loved ones in this 
staggering disaster, and I earnestly hope that the regime in Burma will 
accept international assistance to help Burma's people recover from 
this tragedy.
  Ms. JACKSON-LEE of Texas. Mr. Speaker, I rise today in strong support 
of H. Con. Res. 317: Condemning Burma's Undemocratic Constitutional 
Referendum, introduced by my colleague Congressman Holt, which I am 
proud to cosponsor. I would like to thank the Chairman of the Committee 
on Foreign Affairs for bringing this important legislation to the floor 
today, as well as his ongoing leadership on this issue.
  Last year, we witnessed the biggest protests in Burma since the 
popular uprising in 1988. Initially triggered by a sharp and unexpected 
increase in fuel, last September's protests, known as the Saffron 
Resolution, became a statement against the government attacks on 
Buddhist monks attending a peaceful protest in early September. 
Following the government's failure to apologize for these appalling 
actions, Burma's spiritual and nonviolent monks began protesting in 
large numbers. Burma's monks are highly revered, and have historically 
played a prominent role in political protests within the country. They 
form the social foundation of their nation, and it is extremely 
significant that tens of thousands of monks participated in the recent 
demonstrations.
  The events of last September illustrated the Burmese military 
regime's ongoing repression of basic human rights. The military has, 
for many years, ignored the democratic aspirations of the Burmese 
people, perhaps best seen in the ongoing restrictions on prominent pro-
democracy leader and Nobel Peace Prize winner Aung San Suu Kyi, whose 
party won a landslide electoral victory in 1990 but has never been 
allowed to govern. In addition, the regime is squandering Burma's 
natural resources, with proceeds going to the military and its weapons, 
instead of to the people of Burma, the overwhelming majority of whom 
live in poverty.
  Military-run enterprises continue to control key sectors of the 
Burmese economy, which, in general, is plagued by corruption, severe 
mismanagement, and a flourishing black market. Burma is the world's 
largest exporter of teak, as well as a principal source of jade, 
pearls, rubies, and sapphires. These resources, combined with extremely 
fertile soil and offshore oil and gas deposits, are spent in ways that 
only benefit the military elite why the vast bulk of the Burmese people 
are increasingly destitute.
  Mr. Speaker, this repressive government is now planning a May 10th 
referendum, which will have the effect of institutionalizing these 
policies through a sham constitution. The military regime in Burma is 
attempting to give democratic legitimacy to a process, controlled from 
start to finish by the Burmese military, which is anything but 
democratic. A true democracy benefits the people; this referendum will 
only benefit the Burmese military.
  The legislation that we are considering today, H. Con. Res. 317, 
calls on the Administration, the United Nations, and the international 
community to support legitimate, inclusive dialogue between the regime 
and opposition forces. It denounces the regime's one-sided, 
undemocratic attempt to legalize military rule with the constitution 
and its related referendum, and insists that Burma's military regime 
begin a meaningful tri-partite dialogue with Aung San Suu Kyi, winners 
of the 1990 election, and ethnic nationality representatives toward 
full restoration of democracy and internationally recognized human 
rights for all Burmese citizens. Further, it urges the President to 
call for the U.N. Security Council not to recognize the constitution 
and to pass a resolution instructing the Burmese regime to enter into 
meaningful dialogue, and to push for a comprehensive U.N. Security 
Council arms embargo against the Burmese military regime.
  Mr. Speaker, this legislation is an unambiguous call for truly 
inclusive, tripartite dialogue. Burma possesses one of the most 
ancient, rich, and ethnically and religiously diverse cultures on 
earth. Like the indomitable Aung San Suu Kyi, the opposition leader 
democratically elected to lead the nation in 1990 but who instead has 
been imprisoned for 12 of the last 18 years, the people of Burma are 
resilient and draw strength from their convictions and the diversity of 
their nation. Only through such international negotiation can we hope 
to put Burma back on the path to peace and prosperity. I strongly urge 
my colleagues to join me in supporting this important and timely 
legislation.
  Mr. POE. I yield back the balance of my time.
  Ms. WATSON. Mr. Speaker, I have no further requests for time, and I 
yield back the balance of my time.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. The question is on the motion offered by the 
gentlewoman from California (Ms. Watson) that the House suspend the 
rules and agree to the resolution, H. Con. Res. 317, as amended.
  The question was taken.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. In the opinion of the Chair, two-thirds 
being in the affirmative, the ayes have it.
  Mr. LEWIS of California. Mr. Speaker, I object to the vote on the 
ground that a quorum is not present and make the point of order that a 
quorum is not present.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. Pursuant to clause 8 of rule XX and the 
Chair's prior announcement, further proceedings on this motion will be 
postponed.
  The point of no quorum is considered withdrawn.

                          ____________________