[Congressional Record (Bound Edition), Volume 154 (2008), Part 4]
[Senate]
[Pages 5234-5236]
[From the U.S. Government Publishing Office, www.gpo.gov]




                         SUBMITTED RESOLUTIONS

                                 ______
                                 

SENATE RESOLUTION 504--CONDEMNING THE VIOLENCE IN TIBET AND CALLING FOR 
 RESTRAINT BY THE GOVERNMENT OF THE PEOPLE'S REPUBLIC OF CHINA AND THE 
                            PEOPLE OF TIBET

  Mrs. FEINSTEIN (for herself, Mr. Smith, Mr. Biden, Ms. Klobuchar, Mr. 
Brown, Mrs. Dole, Ms. Cantwell, Ms. Snowe, Mr. Menendez, Ms. Collins, 
Mr. Obama, Mr. Byrd, Mr. Voinovich, Mr. Schumer, and Mrs. Murray) 
submitted the following resolution; which was referred to the Committee 
on Foreign Relations:

                              S. Res. 504

       Whereas, beginning on March 10, 2008, Tibetans and Tibetan 
     Buddhist monks began demonstrations in Lhasa, the capital of 
     the Tibet Autonomous Region in the People's Republic of 
     China;
       Whereas those protests spread to elsewhere in the Tibet 
     Autonomous Region and to Tibetan autonomous areas in the 
     Sichuan, Gansu, and Qinghan provinces of China;
       Whereas, long-suppressed resentment prompted violent 
     clashes between demonstrators and government forces in the 
     streets of Lhasa, resulting in innocent civilian casualties, 
     the burning of buildings, and extensive property damage;
       Whereas Chinese and Tibetan sources report dozens of 
     fatalities, and the arrest of more than 1,000 protesters in 
     the Tibet Autonomous Region and surrounding Tibetan areas of 
     China;
       Whereas Tibet is the center of Tibetan Buddhism and the 
     Dalai Lama is the most revered figure in Tibetan Buddhism;
       Whereas, the Government of China continues to restrict the 
     rights of Tibetan Buddhists to practice their religion 
     freely;
       Whereas the Dalai Lama has condemned the violence that 
     began on March 14, 2008, and announced his continuing support 
     for the Olympic Games to be held in Beijing, China;
       Whereas the Dalai Lama has specifically stated that he does 
     not seek independence for Tibet from China and has called for 
     negotiations to bring about meaningful autonomy for Tibet 
     that allows Tibetans to maintain their distinctive identity 
     within China;
       Whereas the Constitution of the People's Republic of China 
     guarantees freedom of religious belief for all citizens, but 
     the 2007 Annual Report on International Religious Freedom of 
     the Department of State states that ``[d]uring the period 
     covered by this report, the Government [of China]'s respect 
     for freedom of religion remained poor''; and
       Whereas, following the demonstrations that began on March 
     10, 2008, the Government of China began severely restricting 
     access to journalists and diplomats and creating a shortage 
     of independent verification of the situation on the ground in 
     Tibet: Now, therefore, be it
       Resolved, That the Senate--
       (1) condemns the violence in Tibet and calls for restraint 
     by the Government of the People's Republic of China and the 
     people of Tibet;
       (2) calls for a dialogue between the leadership of the 
     Government of China and His Holiness the Dalai Lama on 
     meaningful religious and cultural autonomy for Tibet within 
     China and urges that these discussions take place with all 
     deliberate speed;
       (3) calls for the release of individuals who protested in a 
     peaceful manner and for medical care for those injured and 
     wounded in the violence that followed the protests;
       (4) calls on the Government of China to cease its efforts 
     to enter monasteries to ``reeducate'' monks and nuns, to 
     respect the right of the people of Tibet to speak of the 
     Dalai Lama and possess his photograph, and to respect and 
     protect basic human rights, as provided in the Constitution 
     of the People's Republic of China;
       (5) calls on the Government of China to honor its 
     commitment to allow international journalists free access to 
     China from mid-2007 to October 17, 2008;
       (6) calls on the Government of China to provide a full 
     accounting of the March 2008 protests in Tibet, the response 
     of the Government of China, and the manner and number of 
     detentions and deaths that occurred following the protests; 
     and
       (7) both--
       (A) calls on the United States Department of State to fully 
     implement the Tibetan Policy Act of 2002 (22 U.S.C. 6901 
     note), including the stipulation that the Secretary of State 
     ``seek to establish an office in Lhasa, Tibet to monitor 
     political, economic, and cultural developments in Tibet'', 
     and also to provide consular protection and citizen services 
     in emergencies, and
       (B) urges that the agreement to permit China to open 
     further diplomatic missions in the United States should be 
     contingent upon the establishment of a United States 
     Government office in Lhasa, Tibet.

  Mrs. FEINSTEIN. Mr. President, at this time, I send a resolution to 
the desk. Perhaps, rather than do that, I should just speak about it 
and then introduce it separately.
  This resolution is sent on behalf of Senator Gordon Smith of Oregon 
and myself. It is also cosponsored by the chairman of the Foreign 
Relations Committee, Senator Biden, as well as Senators Klobuchar, 
Brown, Cantwell, Dole, Obama, Snowe, Menendez, Voinovich, Schumer, 
Collins, and Byrd. It deals with Tibet.
  It deals with what is happening in Tibet. This is a very difficult 
week because the day after tomorrow the Olympic torch is coming for the 
first time to my city, San Francisco, the only city in the United 
States that the torch will come to. It has created quite a stir.
  This resolution condemns the violence in Tibet, and it calls for 
restraint by the Government of the People's Republic of China and the 
people of Tibet. It does other things as well; that is, to urge the 
Government of China to sit down with His Holiness the Dalai Lama and 
try to work toward meaningful autonomy with respect to the culture and 
religion of the people of Tibet.
  There is an area called the Tibetan Autonomous Region. It has 3 
million Tibetans. There are also 3 million Tibetans in the three 
surrounding provinces of China.
  Starting on March 10, Tibetan monks and others began protesting in 
the autonomous area of western China. The protests were begun 
peacefully by monks who marched in their robes and were an expression 
of these religious people's desire to practice their religion freely 
and without Government interference.
  The protesters took this action at great personal risk. Many monks 
and marchers carried pictures of the Dalai Lama, the most revered 
figure in Tibetan Buddhism. Possession of such a picture is punished in 
China, sometimes severely.
  Unfortunately and tragically, on March 14, the protests in Lhasa, the 
capital of the Tibetan Autonomous Region, turned violent. Long-
suppressed animosity boiled over. Innocent people were killed in the 
violence. Homes and businesses were burned in what appears to have been 
a riot.
  Over the days and weeks that followed, the protests spread. They 
occurred in 42 separate Chinese counties. Most were peaceful. In some 
cases, they were met, though, with brute force by Chinese police. This 
resolution condemns force on both sides. The Chinese Government 
responded to these protests with force and secrecy. The crackdown 
included thousands of paramilitary police and possibly the People's 
Liberation Army, who were sent to Tibet.
  International journalists and official representatives were kept out, 
making accurate information difficult to obtain. But we know dozens of 
people or more have died. We know more than 1,000 people have been 
incarcerated.
  Now, how did all this happen? Over the past decade, China has flooded 
the Tibetan Autonomous Region with Han Chinese. They have built a major 
railroad. Han Chinese have participated in

[[Page 5235]]

a major building boom in the capital city of Lhasa. In fact, there are 
many more hotels and restaurants and businesses there today.
  The majority of Tibetans who live in rural areas benefit very little 
from central government investment in this Tibetan economy. Instead, 
the money has flowed to government-run enterprises, in which Han 
control is dominant.
  The Tibetans lack the skills to compete. According to the Chinese 
Government's 2000 census, the illiteracy rate of ethnic Tibetans in 
China is 48 percent; that is five times higher than the Chinese 
national illiteracy rate.
  Instead of providing educational opportunity to Tibetans, China is 
currently advancing patriotic education in Tibet's monasteries. What 
this means is Chinese reeducation teams go into the monasteries and try 
to reeducate the Tibetan monks. If they do not agree to reeducation, 
they are often punished and often beaten. The bottom line is, few 
Tibetans are prepared to compete for employment and business 
opportunities in the Han-dominated economic environment.
  I first went to China and was the first American mayor to do so in 
June of 1979. I went with a delegation of San Francisco businesspeople 
and civic activists to develop the first friendship city agreement 
between an American city and a Chinese city.
  From that flowed an agreement which at one time was the most active 
sister city relationship in the world. That was between the great 
cities of Shanghai and San Francisco. The Chinese have always had a 
love of San Francisco; it goes back many decades into former centuries 
of Chinese coming to this country and landing in San Francisco first.
  We developed that relationship and good things happened. The first 
Chinese Consulate came to San Francisco and an American Consulate was 
opened in Shanghai. The first COSCO ship came into San Francisco Bay. 
The first chartered air service landed at San Francisco International 
Airport. A special relationship was developed between Guangdong 
Province and San Francisco. The first Bank of China opened in this 
country and on and on and on with many interesting projects.
  It turned out the mayor of Shanghai was, first, Wang Daohan and then 
Jiang Zemin. Jiang Zemin and I met over an ensuing 8-year period every 
year. He then went on to become Secretary General of the party and 
President of the country. In 1992, 1997, and 1998, I, personally, 
carried letters from the Dalai Lama to the President of China. In 1997 
and 1998, I had long discussions with the President of China, President 
Jiang Zemin.
  I would like, if I might, to read parts of these letters. The second 
letter is dated June 12, 1997. It is signed by His Holiness the Dalai 
Lama. Let me read this to you:

       When I met Chairman Mao over forty years ago, I felt very 
     assured by him and the other leaders of the new China. The 
     promises made to me gave the people and government of Tibet 
     considerable optimism and confidence. In the mid-1950s, when 
     we were confronted with new crises, it was Premier Zhou En 
     Lai who was able to play a crucial role in restoring my 
     confidence; we met several times during my pilgrimage in 
     India. Unfortunately, the situation in Tibet did not improve 
     despite his best assurances and I ultimately had to go into 
     exile.
       Despite lost time and opportunities and the turmoil of the 
     recent past, my hopes were renewed in 1979 when Mr. Deng 
     Xiaoping took the initiative to contact me through my brother 
     in Hong Kong, assuring me that short of our demand for 
     separation from the People's Republic of China, all problems 
     could be discussed and resolved. It was a long overdue 
     rapprochement, and within a few years were able to make 
     considerable progress on several fronts.
       Unfortunately, this initiative, started by Mr. Deng and 
     vigorously carried out by Mr. Hu Yaobang, then Party General 
     Secretary, came to a stuttering halt owing to events in Tibet 
     and elsewhere in China that prevented its natural fruition.
       Many of the issues are yet to be resolved, and Tibet now 
     draws the concern of more than just the Tibetan people. The 
     primary responsibility for resolving this matter lies with 
     us, and I believe that now is an opportune moment to tackle 
     these problems without prejudice. I have, for my part, openly 
     and in confidence conveyed to you that I am not demanding 
     independence for Tibet, which I believe is fundamental to the 
     Chinese government.
       I think the issue of Tibet has remained unresolved for too 
     long and any further delay will only complicate the matter. I 
     am also deeply concerned by the growing restlessness among 
     the Tibetan people in recent times. I can fully understand 
     their frustrations. But if a mutually agreeable solution is 
     found, I am confident that I will be able to dispel the 
     Tibetan people's concerns and win their support for my 
     efforts.

  It is signed, ``With my prayers, the Dalai Lama.''
  I delivered this to Jiang Zemin, in China, on June 12, 1997. On May 
16, 1998, the next year, I returned to China and I delivered another 
letter from His Holiness to Jiang Zemin. I would like to quote from 
that.

       It is my fervent and sincere hope that you will provide 
     similar leadership in resolving the Tibetan problem. If we 
     look at the issue positively I really do not see major 
     contradictions between our respective positions. If I 
     understand correctly, the main concern of the Central 
     leadership in China is the unity and stability of the nation. 
     My middle-way approach for resolving the Tibetan issue will 
     in fact contribute towards achieving the same objectives.
       I would like to reiterate here that I am not seeking 
     independence for Tibet. My main concern is for the six 
     million Tibetan people (or whatever the actual figure is of 
     people who consider themselves Tibetans) to be able to enjoy 
     the opportunity to fully preserve their civilisation and the 
     distinct Tibetan culture, religion, and language. I am 
     convinced that this could be achieved through genuine 
     autonomy or self-rule within the framework of the People's 
     Republic of China. Such a situation will also make it 
     possible for the Tibetan people to take full advantage of, 
     and be an integral part of, the socio-economic development, 
     which is taking place in China. It is needless to mention 
     that a solution to the Tibetan problem will gain tremendous 
     international respect for the People's Republic of China as 
     well as for your leadership.
       Mr. President, it has been four decades since I have had 
     the opportunity to sit down personally with the leader of the 
     Chinese people to have a frank and direct dialogue. With your 
     leadership and initiative, I am confident that we can begin 
     the process of resolving the many issues concerning Tibet. I 
     believe that you are privileged to be leading the People's 
     Republic of China at a unique time in history when it's 
     economy is growing vigorously and when you are gaining a new 
     respectability in the world.

  It goes on.

       May I suggest that at our meeting, you and I discuss 
     relations between the Tibetans and the Chinese government. I 
     am also concerned about the maintenance and enhancement of 
     those cultural, civic, and religious institutions that are so 
     important to the Tibetan people and others throughout the 
     world. In addition, we should discuss the fact that economic 
     growth in Tibet has not matched that of the rest of China, 
     and we would be interested in talking about how we can work 
     together towards poverty alleviation and educational and 
     economic growth.

  There are other parts to these letters. But I would ask that the full 
text be incorporated at this point in my remarks in the Record.
  There being no objection, the material was ordered to be printed in 
the Record, as follows:

                                                    June 12, 1997.
       Dear Mr. President: This letter comes to you through our 
     mutual friends Mr. Richard Blum and Senator Dianne Feinstein. 
     Unfortunately, it comes with a shared sense of deep concern, 
     frustration, and great disappointment over the lack of any 
     progress concerning the Tibetan situation.
       When I met Chairman Mao over forty years ago, I felt very 
     assured by him and the other leaders of the new China. The 
     promises made to me gave the people and government of Tibet 
     considerable optimism and confidence. In the mid-1950's, when 
     we were confronted with new crises, it was Premier Zhou En 
     Lai who was able to play a crucial role in reviving my 
     confidence; we met several times during my pilgrimage in 
     India. Unfortunately, the situation in Tibet did not improve 
     despite his best assurances and I ultimately had to go into 
     exile.
       Despite lost time and opportunities and the turmoil of the 
     recent past, my hopes were renewed in 1979 when Mr. Deng 
     Xiaoping took the initiative to contact me through my brother 
     in Hong Kong, assuring me that short of our demand for 
     separation from the People's Republic of China, all problems 
     could be discussed and resolved. It was a long overdue 
     rapprochement, and within a few years were able to make 
     considerable progress on several fronts.
       Unfortunately, this initiative, started by Mr. Deng and 
     vigorously carried out by Mr. Hu Yaobang, then Party General 
     Secretary, came to a stuttering halt owing to events in Tibet 
     and elsewhere in China that prevented its natural fruition.
       Many of the issues are yet to be resolved, and Tibet now 
     draws the concern of more than just the Tibetan people. The 
     primary responsibility for resolving this matter lies

[[Page 5236]]

     with us, and I believe that now is an opportune moment to 
     tackle these problems without prejudice. I have, for my part, 
     openly and in confidence conveyed to you that I am not 
     demanding independence for Tibet, which I believe is 
     fundamental to the Chinese government.
       I think the issue of Tibet has remained unresolved for too 
     long and any further delay will only complicate the matter. I 
     am also deeply concerned by the growing restlessness among 
     the Tibetan people in recent times. I can fully understand 
     their frustrations. But if a mutually agreeable solution is 
     found, I am confident that I will be able to dispel the 
     Tibetan people's concerns and win their support for my 
     efforts .
       I am sure there may be other issues on which clarifications 
     may be needed from both sides in order to create the 
     necessary congenial environment for formal negotiations. My 
     assistants will continue to informally work with your people 
     so that these issues can be clarified to a satisfactory 
     conclusion candidly and in confidence.
           With my prayers,
     The Dalai Lama.
                                  ____

                                                     May 16, 1998.
     His Excellency Jiang Zemin,
     President of People's Republic of China,
     Beijing.
       Dear President Jiang Zemin: I have been closely watching 
     the developments in the People's Republic of China under your 
     leadership and applaud you particularly for the leadership 
     that you have provided both during the 15th Party Congress as 
     well as the National People's Congress session early this 
     year. Under your core leadership China is moving in the right 
     direction and it is my sincere hope that this process will 
     continue in the years to come. I also commend you for the 
     smooth transfer of power in Hong Kong and more importantly 
     for the way the affairs of Hong Kong are handled currently.
       It is my fervent and sincere hope that you will provide a 
     similar leadership in resolving the Tibetan problem. If we 
     look at the issue positively I really do not see major 
     contradictions between our respective positions. If I 
     understand correctly, the main concern of the Central 
     leadership in China is the unity and stability of the nation. 
     My middle-way approach for resolving the Tibetan issue will 
     in fact contribute towards achieving the same objectives.
       I would like to reiterate here that I am not seeking 
     independence for Tibet. My main concern is for the six 
     million Tibetan people (or whatever the actual figure is of 
     people who consider themselves Tibetans) to be able to enjoy 
     the opportunity to fully preserve their civilization and the 
     distinct Tibetan culture, religion, and language. I am 
     convinced that this could be achieved through genuine 
     autonomy or self-rule within the framework of the People's 
     Republic of China. Such a situation will also make it 
     possible for the Tibetan people to take full advantage of, 
     and be an integral part of, the socio-economic development, 
     which is taking place in China. It is needless to mention 
     that a solution to the Tibetan problem will gain tremendous 
     international respect for the People's Republic of China as 
     well as for your leadership.
       Mr. President, it has been 4 decades since I have had the 
     opportunity to sit down personally with the leader of the 
     Chinese people to have a frank and direct dialogue. With your 
     leadership and initiative, I am confident that we can begin 
     the process of resolving the many issues concerning Tibet. I 
     believe that you are privileged to be leading the People's 
     Republic of China at a unique time in history when its 
     economy is growing vigorously and when you are gaining a new 
     respectability in the world.
       May I suggest that at our meeting, you and I discuss 
     relations between the Tibetans and the Chinese government. I 
     am also concerned about the maintenance and enhancement of 
     those cultural, civic, and religious institutions that are so 
     important to the Tibetan People and others throughout the 
     world. In addition, we should discuss the fact that economic 
     growth in Tibet has not matched that of the rest of China, 
     and we would be interested in talking about how we can work 
     together towards poverty alleviation and educational and 
     economic growth.
       I have been often told by our good friends Mr. Richard Blum 
     and Senator Dianne Feinstein, and others, that a meeting 
     between you and me could make important progress in a 
     relatively short period of time on the aforementioned and 
     other pertinent issues.
       In this context, I would hope that it would be possible for 
     you and me to be able to meet face to face some time in the 
     near future. I look forward to your reply.
           Sincerely,
                                                   The Dalai Lama.

  Mrs. FEINSTEIN. This was 1998. It is now 10 years later. And no 
discussion. I have tried my level best but no discussion, no ability 
for the leader of 6 million people, part of China, to be able to sit 
down and discuss them.
  So the events over the last month have been tragic. But if I think of 
the frustration that has built up over 40 years, of a leader who has 
renounced violence, who has proposed a middle way, it is shocking to 
me.
  Since 2002, six sets of talks have occurred between the Dalai Lama's 
representative, namely his special envoy, Lodi Gyari, and the United 
Front Work Department of the Communist Party of China, but no progress 
has resulted.
  Now, to bring this issue to a settlement, the leaders must be 
involved. I deeply believe it is in the interests of both the Chinese 
Government and the Tibetan people for the leaders to sit down and 
negotiate how to bring about meaningful cultural and religious autonomy 
for the Tibetan people and faith.
  This is essentially what this resolution attempts to do in a 
constructive way. I know we called Senator Smith. I hoped he would be 
here. But the floor opened up and I decided to take the opportunity to 
speak briefly about our resolution. We have worked with the chairman of 
the Foreign Relations Committee, with other Senators as well. I believe 
this resolution sets forward in positive terms our concern about what 
is happening with Tibet and with China. I certainly remain open to 
trying to help in any way I possibly can to bring the two sides 
together. I know the frustration I feel, having tried 10 years ago, 11 
years ago, 12 years ago, carrying letters from the Dalai Lama and then, 
in virtually every conversation I have had with Chinese leadership 
since; it has all come to naught.
  What is happening is there is a newer, younger group of Tibetans who 
see the large Tibetan community in exile in Dharamsala who say the 
Dalai Lama, in pursuing this middle way, hasn't achieved anything, and 
therefore we have to take to the streets and we have to show that the 
Communists in China must sit down with us and must talk with us. I 
believe that is the scenario playing out in many provinces and all over 
the world today.
  It can all be stopped by a different kind of scenario. That is one 
that recognizes that the Dalai Lama, a historic and well-respected 
religious leader, should be able to sit down with the leadership of 
China and discuss the problem and come up with a mechanism that can 
provide for the cultural and religious autonomy of the people both in 
the Tibetan autonomous area, as well as in the three surrounding 
provinces.
  I hope this resolution will be heard, and I hope we will pass it 
shortly. If there is no objection, I send the resolution to the desk at 
this time.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The resolution will be received and referred 
appropriately.

                          ____________________