[Congressional Record (Bound Edition), Volume 154 (2008), Part 4]
[House]
[Pages 4645-4649]
[From the U.S. Government Publishing Office, www.gpo.gov]




                  GEORGIA AND UKRAINE NATO MEMBERSHIP

  Mr. BERMAN. Madam Speaker, I move to suspend the rules and agree to 
the resolution (H. Res. 997) expressing the strong support of the House 
of Representatives for the North Atlantic Treaty Organization to enter 
into a Membership Action Plan with Georgia and Ukraine, as amended.
  The Clerk read the title of the resolution.
  The text of the resolution is as follows:

                              H. Res. 997

       Whereas the sustained commitment of the North Atlantic 
     Treaty Organization (NATO) to mutual defense has made 
     possible the democratic transformation of Central and Eastern 
     Europe and Eurasia;
       Whereas NATO members can and should play a critical role in 
     addressing the security challenges of the post-Cold War era 
     in creating the stable environment needed for emerging 
     democracies in Europe and Eurasia;
       Whereas lasting stability and security in Europe and 
     Eurasia require the military, economic, and political 
     integration of emerging democracies into existing European 
     structures;
       Whereas, in an era of threats from terrorism and the 
     proliferation of weapons of mass destruction, NATO is 
     increasingly contributing to security in the face of global 
     security challenges for the protection and interests of its 
     member States;
       Whereas the Government of Georgia and the Government of 
     Ukraine have each expressed a desire to join the Euro-
     Atlantic community, and Georgia and Ukraine are working 
     closely with NATO and its members to meet criteria for 
     eventual NATO membership;
       Whereas, at the NATO-Ukraine Commission Foreign Ministerial 
     meeting in Vilnius in April 2005, NATO and Ukraine launched 
     an Intensified Dialogue on membership between the Alliance 
     and Ukraine;
       Whereas, following a meeting of NATO Foreign Ministers in 
     New York on September 21, 2006, NATO Secretary General Jaap 
     de Hoop Scheffer announced the launching of an Intensified 
     Dialogue on membership between NATO and Georgia;
       Whereas the Riga Summit Declaration, issued by the heads of 
     state and government participating in the meeting of the 
     North Atlantic Council in November 2006, reaffirms that 
     NATO's door remains open to new members and that NATO will 
     continue to review the process for new membership, stating 
     ``We reaffirm that the Alliance will continue with Georgia 
     and Ukraine its Intensified Dialogues which cover the full 
     range of political, military, financial, and security issues 
     relating to those countries' aspirations to membership, 
     without prejudice to any eventual Alliance decision. We 
     reaffirm the importance of the NATO-Ukraine Distinctive 
     Partnership, which has its 10th anniversary next year and 
     welcome the progress that has been made in the framework of 
     our Intensified Dialogue. We appreciate Ukraine's substantial 
     contributions to our common security, including through 
     participation in NATO-led operations and efforts to promote 
     regional cooperation. We encourage Ukraine to continue to 
     contribute to regional security. We are determined to 
     continue to assist, through practical cooperation, in the

[[Page 4646]]

     implementation of far-reaching reform efforts, notably in the 
     fields of national security, defense, reform of the defense-
     industrial sector and fighting corruption. We welcome the 
     commencement of an Intensified Dialogue with Georgia as well 
     as Georgia's contribution to international peacekeeping and 
     security operations. We will continue to engage actively with 
     Georgia in support of its reform process. We encourage 
     Georgia to continue progress on political, economic and 
     military reforms, including strengthening judicial reform, as 
     well as the peaceful resolution of outstanding conflicts on 
     its territory. We reaffirm that it is of great importance 
     that all parties in the region should engage constructively 
     to promote regional peace and stability.'';
       Whereas, in January 2008, Ukraine forwarded to NATO 
     Secretary General Jaap de Hoop Scheffer a letter, signed by 
     President Victor Yushchenko, Prime Minister Yulia Tymoshenko, 
     and Verkhovna Rada Speaker Arseniy Yatsenyuk, requesting that 
     NATO integrate Ukraine into the Membership Action Plan;
       Whereas, in January 2008, Georgia held a referendum on NATO 
     and 76.22 percent of the votes supported membership;
       Whereas in February 2008, Georgia forwarded a letter signed 
     by President Mikhail Saakashvili to NATO Secretary General 
     Jaap de Hoop Scheffer requesting that NATO integrate Georgia 
     into the Membership Action Plan;
       Whereas participation in a Membership Action Plan does not 
     guarantee future membership in the NATO Alliance;
       Whereas United States support for the approval of 
     Membership Action Plans for Georgia and Ukraine demonstrates 
     support for the development of democratic institutions in 
     those countries, the process of defense reform and respect 
     for human rights, and does not represent a hostile attempt to 
     expand the Alliance at the expense of the security of any 
     country; and
       Whereas NATO membership requires significant national and 
     international commitments and sacrifices and is not possible 
     without the support of the populations of the NATO member 
     states: Now, therefore, be it
       Resolved, That it is the sense of the House of 
     Representatives that--
       (1) the House of Representatives--
       (A) reaffirms its previous expressions of support for 
     continued enlargement of the North Atlantic Treaty 
     Organization (NATO) to include qualified candidates; and
       (B) supports the commitment to further enlargement of NATO 
     to include democratic governments that are able and willing 
     to meet the responsibilities of membership;
       (2) the expansion of NATO contributes to NATO's continued 
     effectiveness and relevance;
       (3) Georgia and Ukraine are strong allies that have made 
     important progress in the areas of defense, democratic, and 
     human rights reform;
       (4) a stronger, deeper relationship among the Government of 
     Georgia, the Government of Ukraine, and NATO will be mutually 
     beneficial to those countries and to NATO member states; and
       (5) the United States should take the lead in supporting 
     the awarding of a Membership Action Plan to Georgia and 
     Ukraine as soon as possible.

  The SPEAKER pro tempore. Pursuant to the rule, the gentleman from 
California (Mr. Berman) and the gentlewoman from Florida (Ms. Ros-
Lehtinen) each will control 20 minutes.
  The Chair recognizes the gentleman from California.


                             General Leave

  Mr. BERMAN. Madam Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members 
may have 5 legislative days to revise and extend their remarks and 
include extraneous material on the resolution under consideration.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. Is there objection to the request of the 
gentleman from California?
  There was no objection.
  Mr. BERMAN. Madam Speaker, I rise in strong support of this 
resolution, and yield myself such time as I may consume.
  I am pleased to support this resolution that expresses the House's 
backing for the North Atlantic Treaty Organization to enter into a 
Membership Action Plan with Ukraine and Georgia at the NATO summit 
later this week. This resolution was originally introduced as Senate 
Resolution 439 by Senators Biden and Lugar, and was passed unanimously 
on February 14.
  I am grateful to my distinguished colleagues on the European 
Subcommittee, Chairman Wexler and Ranking Member Gallegly, for enabling 
the House to add its voice to the growing consensus in favor of 
extending MAP to two of our key allies, and particularly to Congressman 
Wexler, who, without his prodding, this resolution might not have 
appeared on the floor at this particular time.
  From April 2 to April 4, heads of state or governments from the 26 
member countries of NATO will gather in Bucharest for the largest 
summit ever. Indeed, NATO has more than doubled in size since its 
founding by 12 states in 1949. The seven post-Communist countries that 
became members 3 years ago are now making significant contributions to 
the work of the Alliance.
  In addition to the crucial discussions about the future of NATO 
operations in Kosovo and Afghanistan, the Bucharest summit will address 
further enlargement of the Alliance. Decisions on full membership will 
be made about three Adriatic countries, Albania, Croatia, and 
Macedonia. Judgments will also be made about the extension of 
Membership Action Plans to Ukraine and Georgia. This resolution 
reaffirms that this is the right decision at the right time.
  It is important to note that Ukraine and Georgia both have taken the 
initiative of formally asking the NATO Secretary General for 
integration into the Membership Action Plan. Both countries have made 
considerable political, economic, legal, and defense reforms in the two 
decades since the collapse of the Soviet Union. Ukraine and Georgia 
have also been active participants in international efforts to preserve 
peace and stability, contributing to numerous peacekeeping missions 
around the world. Their continued democratic development and military 
initiative should be supported.
  While it is true that Ukraine and Georgia experienced domestic 
political crisis last year that raised some doubts about their 
readiness for MAP, it is equally true that both countries firmly 
maintained their commitment to pursuing a democratic path and 
strengthening their political institutions. We must continue to 
encourage them in this vitally important journey.
  Secondly, it is important to recognize that MAP does not confer NATO 
membership. Rather, it provides a structured reform program that offers 
support in a broad range of political and technical areas in order to 
prepare applicant countries for the responsibilities of membership.
  It is clear that both countries must complete significant reforms 
before they can be considered for membership. They, like all countries 
who have joined the Alliance before them, must be judged to have met 
all necessary criteria. Even then, all member countries must 
unanimously support their accession.
  In closing, I would like to briefly address the concern about the 
potential reaction of Russia to the extension of MAP to Georgia and 
Ukraine. While NATO was originally established as a military alliance 
to counter potential aggression by the Soviet Union, it now deals with 
a variety of security threats in Kosovo, Afghanistan, and elsewhere. 
The Alliance is clearly no longer aimed at Russia. In 1997, NATO and 
Russia agreed to work together to build a stable, secure, and undivided 
continent. This partnership was strengthened in 2002, with the creation 
of the NATO-Russia Council as a vehicle to facilitate joint action. 
Indeed, President Putin is expected to participate in this week's 
summit.
  While the Alliance is right to be cognizant of the geopolitical 
impact of its actions, it should focus its assessment about the 
extension of MAP on the merits of the countries concerned. The U.S. and 
our allies should continue to nurture and strengthen their 
relationships with Russia. No one, President Putin nor anyone in 
Russia, should have a veto power over potential NATO applicants.
  Madam Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
  Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN. Madam Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may 
consume.
  I rise today in support of House Resolution 997, which expresses the 
strong support of the House of Representatives for the NATO Alliance 
decision to enter into a Membership Action Plan, or MAP, with the 
countries of Georgia and Ukraine.
  NATO has expanded its membership and its partnerships across Europe 
in recent years, making the Alliance not just stronger but an 
instrument for spreading democratic values.
  The MAP process was created in 1999 to help those countries aspiring 
to join

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NATO to prepare to become members by providing guidance and practical 
support. The decision to admit a country into the MAP process is a 
serious one, exceeded only by the decision to admit a country into the 
Alliance. Countries need to demonstrate that they are sincerely 
consolidating their democracy, that they are willing to take on the 
requirements of the MAP process, and that they are willing to 
participate in missions that go beyond their own borders and direct 
interests.
  Looking at Georgia and Ukraine, Madam Speaker, we recognize that 
these two countries have made important progress in introducing the 
systems and the institutions that support democracy. Democratic changes 
in these two countries have certainly not been easy, and at times the 
progress of democracy has been confused and uncertain.
  Under very difficult circumstances and in the midst of wrenching 
changing times since they gained their independence, both Ukraine and 
Georgia have moved ahead with their political reforms, with their 
democratic institutions of governance, and the conduct of elections. 
The steps taken by these two countries compare favorably with trends in 
several nearby states, such as Russia, where true democracy is being 
steadily and comprehensively suppressed.
  Both Georgia and Ukraine have also made great strides in the reform 
of their defense forces and in the commitment of their forces to 
peacekeeping and multilateral missions in other regions. Georgia is 
currently participating in NATO's Partnership For Peace program, and 
has successfully graduated from the Georgia Train and Equip program in 
2004, after achieving its goals of enhancing its military capabilities 
and implementing military reforms. Georgia currently has 2,000 troops 
in Iraq, making it the third largest contributor after the United 
States and Britain. Furthermore, Georgia has troops in Kosovo, and has 
signed a transit agreement with NATO which allows the Alliance, as well 
as other nations participating in the International Security Assistance 
Force, to send supplies to their forces in Afghanistan through Georgian 
territory. Moreover, yesterday a Georgian defense ministry source said 
that Georgia is offering to send 500 troops to join NATO operations in 
Afghanistan.
  Ukraine is also a member of the Partnership for Peace program, and 
currently has troops in Kosovo. Additionally, Ukraine has significantly 
contributed to multiple U.N. peacekeeping operations, including those 
in Liberia and Sierra Leone, as well as Bosnia and Herzegovina.
  A stronger relationship with NATO should enable Ukraine and Georgia 
to move forward with their military reforms, prepare to commit to 
future peacekeeping and stability operations, and, more importantly, 
Madam Speaker, to consolidate the democracy that they are both seeking.
  We understand that access to NATO's Membership Access Plan is not 
NATO's membership. If Ukraine and Georgia become part of MAP and seek 
NATO membership in the future, their candidacy will have to be 
carefully evaluated to make sure that they fully meet NATO's standards 
and will benefit the Alliance should they become full members. NATO 
membership for these two countries is not an immediate prospect and is 
a question that will wait for future consideration.
  I note with regret, however, the recent predictable statements by 
officials of the Russian government alleging that NATO is seeking to 
surround Russia. They have rattled the nuclear saber to some degree, 
hoping, I suspect, to intimidate Ukraine in the process. I can only 
contrast such attitudes and statements with the very laudable step that 
Ukraine took in 1994, when it relinquished the powerful nuclear arsenal 
it had inherited from the Soviet Union for the sake of stability in 
Europe.
  The steps taken by Georgia to support the U.S. and NATO, again in the 
face of terrific and unwarranted pressure from Russia, also deserve our 
commendation and our gratitude. The resolution before us, Madam 
Speaker, makes it clear that the United States should take a leading 
role in supporting these two countries' interests in the Membership 
Action Plan.
  Madam Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
  Mr. BERMAN. Madam Speaker, I am pleased to yield 4 minutes to the 
chairman of the European Subcommittee, one of the two key authors of 
the resolution, the gentleman from Florida (Mr. Wexler).
  Mr. WEXLER. Madam Speaker, I rise in strong support of H. Res. 997, 
urging NATO to provide a Membership Action Plan to Ukraine and Georgia 
at the NATO summit in Bucharest which begins tomorrow. I want to 
especially thank Chairman Berman for his extraordinary leadership in 
moving this resolution forward, as well as his very thoughtful remarks 
in announcing his support for this resolution. I also want to thank my 
colleague and ranking member on the Europe Subcommittee, Congressman 
Gallegly, as well as Congresswoman Schwartz, who joined us in 
introducing H. Res. 997.

                              {time}  1245

  Madam Speaker, it is clear that NATO is at a crossroads given that 
important decisions are being made about further enlargement, Kosovo 
and renewed Balkans instability, and mounting difficulties in 
Afghanistan.
  While tomorrow's summit will undoubtedly focus on these pressing 
issues, it is also a golden opportunity for the alliance to take steps 
forward to bolster transatlantic security and further entrench 
democracy, freedom, and the rule of law throughout Europe.
  I believe it is in both America's and Europe's interest to further 
integrate Georgia and Ukraine into the West. Tblisi and Kiev have 
demonstrated their commitment to joining the United States and our 
allies in addressing security challenges from the Balkans to Iraq and 
to rebuilding Afghanistan.
  As we debate this resolution, it is important to remember that the 
goal of NATO enlargement since the mid-1990s has been to achieve a 
broader, more secure Europe. Providing a membership action plan for 
Ukraine and Georgia would further consolidate democracy and stability 
in eastern Europe and the Caucuses region; and, is essential to 
fulfilling NATO's 1997 ``open door'' policy that ensures that any 
European nation that meets alliance standards and can contribute to 
Euro-Atlantic security be considered for membership.
  Georgia and Ukraine have much to accomplish before they can be 
offered NATO membership. Since the MAP process will further require 
democratic and security reforms in Kiev and Tblisi, it is crucial for 
the Ukrainian and Georgian governments to know that their efforts and 
aspirations are supported by this Congress as well as all NATO members.
  Madam Speaker, I was in Kiev just last month, and there was an 
extraordinary development in Kiev with the president, prime minister 
and speaker of their parliament all formally asking for the NATO 
membership action plan. It is an extraordinary statement of unity, and 
it is incredibly important that this House go on record in support of 
those pro-democratic politicians and officeholders in Kiev as well as 
in Georgia.
  To that end, I urge my colleagues to support H. Res. 997, and send a 
strong message to our NATO allies on the eve of the Bucharest Summit. 
And I thank Chairman Berman for his extraordinary leadership in this 
regard.
  Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN. Madam Speaker, I yield such time as he may consume 
to the gentleman from California (Mr. Gallegly), the ranking member of 
the Subcommittee on Europe and an original cosponsor of the resolution 
before us.
  Mr. GALLEGLY. Madam Speaker, first of all, I would like to thank 
Chairman Wexler and Chairman Berman for their kind words in their 
opening statements. I stand here today to rise in strong support of 
House Resolution 997 which reaffirms the support of the House of 
Representatives for NATO enlargement.
  The resolution also specifically calls on the United States to take 
the lead in supporting closer integration between Ukraine, Georgia and 
NATO. I

[[Page 4648]]

would like to commend Representative Wexler, as I mentioned earlier, 
the chairman of the Europe Subcommittee, for introducing this measure 
and for being a strong, consistent advocate for strengthening our 
bilateral ties with Ukraine and Georgia.
  Both of these allies have demonstrated the military capabilities and 
political reforms required to provide concrete benefits to the 
alliance. In the past several years, Ukrainian forces have participated 
with NATO troops in peacekeeping operations in the Balkans and 
Afghanistan. They have also made important contributions to coalition 
forces in Iraq in 2004 and 2005.
  Georgia has also shown they are ready to take the next step toward 
NATO membership. Georgia has undertaken a top-to-bottom reform of their 
military forces, often working closely with U.S. forces in this effort.
  As previously mentioned by Representative Ros-Lehtinen, with over 
2000 troops in Iraq, Georgia today has the third largest troop 
contingent in that country after the U.S. and Britain.
  Madam Speaker, both Ukraine and Georgia are ready, willing and able 
to integrate more fully with NATO. Again, I would like to recognize 
Representative Wexler for his hard work on H. Res. 997 on behalf of a 
stronger NATO, and I urge passage of this resolution.
  Mr. BERMAN. Madam Speaker, I yield 4 minutes to the gentlewoman from 
Pennsylvania (Ms. Schwartz).
  Ms. SCHWARTZ. Madam Speaker, I rise as co-chair of the Congressional 
Georgia Caucus, and I rise in favor of House Resolution 997 which 
expresses support for extending NATO membership action plan status to 
Georgia and Ukraine.
  I do thank Chairman Berman and Congressman Wexler for their 
leadership in this bipartisan effort to support Georgia and Ukraine in 
their entrance into NATO.
  As leading democratic reformers in Eastern Europe, Ukraine and 
Georgia are both worthy of advancing their participation in NATO from 
``intensified dialogue'' to membership action plan, MAP, status during 
the Bucharest Summit. This is an important and timely next step toward 
the goal of becoming full members of NATO.
  Both of these nations are keenly interested in joining NATO and 
working closely with Western allies. They have already demonstrated 
this by actively participating in both U.S. and NATO forces. More than 
2,000 Georgian soldiers currently serve alongside U.S. military 
personnel in Iraq, making it the third largest coalition partner. And 
Ukraine is the only nonmember state taking an active role in all of 
NATO's peacekeeping and anti-terrorist operations.
  As a member of the House Democracy Assistance Commission, I had the 
great pleasure and opportunity to meet both Georgian President Mikheil 
Saakashvili and Ukrainian President Yushchenko in their home capitals. 
Their commitment to democratization in their respective nations is 
impressive, and is an important example for other emerging democracies 
around the world.
  Certainly both nations have work to do to stabilize and ensure 
development of permanent democratic institutions. Yet, as recently 
established democracies changing a history of totalitarian rule, they 
are making enormous strides. They are ready to be granted MAP and be 
given the opportunity to work toward full NATO membership.
  In a world with real threats against us, it is critically important 
that we strengthen relationships with those nations that choose to be 
our allies. Georgia and Ukraine are key allies in an important region 
of the world. We should stand with our friends. We should stand with 
Georgia and Ukraine, and we should pass this resolution today.
  Mrs. MILLER of Michigan. Madam Speaker, I rise today to offer my 
wholehearted support of Ukraine's desire to be admitted as a member of 
NATO.
  When Ukraine declared her independence in 1990 from the Soviet Union, 
she stated her desire to be a member of the community of free nations.
  As this young democracy matures, it is incumbent upon the nation 
members of NATO to not only support their development, but ally with 
them to ensure the commitment to freedom.
  The United States has enjoyed a strong relationship with the Ukraine 
and it is my hope that this relationship grows even stronger with time 
as both of our countries work to improve stability around the world.
  It is regrettable that the objections seem to come from the very 
country that once held the Ukraine under their absolute control. In my 
opinion the objections of Russia are not sufficient to deny NATO 
membership for Ukraine.
  As someone who represents a great many citizens of Ukrainian descent 
I understand well the desire of the Ukrainian people for freedom.
  America has always answered the call to support and defend those who 
yearn to be free and it is time to answer the call of Ukraine.
  I urge my colleagues to support this resolution.
  Mr. PAUL. Madam Speaker, I rise in opposition to this resolution 
calling for the further expansion of NATO to the borders of Russia. 
NATO is an organization whose purpose ended with the end of its Warsaw 
Pact adversary. When NATO struggled to define its future after the cold 
war, it settled on attacking a sovereign state, Yugoslavia, which had 
neither invaded nor threatened any NATO member state.
  This current round of NATO expansion is a political reward to 
governments in Georgia and Ukraine that came to power as a result of 
U.S.-supported revolutions, the so-called Orange Revolution and Rose 
Revolution. The governments that arose from these street protests were 
eager to please their U.S. sponsor and the U.S., in turn, turned a 
blind eye to the numerous political and human rights abuses that took 
place under the new regimes. Thus the U.S. policy of ``exporting 
democracy'' has only succeeded in exporting more misery to the 
countries it has targeted.
  NATO expansion only benefits the U.S. military industrial complex, 
which stands to profit from expanded arms sales to new NATO members. 
The ``modernization'' of former Soviet militaries in Ukraine and 
Georgia will mean tens of millions in sales to U.S. and European 
military contractors. The U.S. taxpayer will be left holding the bill, 
as the U.S. Government will subsidize most of the transactions. 
Providing U.S. military guarantees to Ukraine and Georgia can only 
further strain our military. This NATO expansion may well involve the 
U.S. military in conflicts as unrelated to our national interest as the 
breakaway regions of South Ossetia and Abkhazia in Georgia. The idea 
that American troops might be forced to fight and die to prevent a 
small section of Georgia from seceding is absurd and disturbing.
  Madam Speaker, NATO should be disbanded, not expanded.
  Mr. PRICE of North Carolina. Madam Speaker, I rise in strong support 
of House Resolution 997, which expresses our support for bids by 
Ukraine and Georgia to attain Membership Action Plans for joining the 
North Atlantic Treaty Organization, NATO. I am proud to be a cosponsor 
of this resolution.
  Ukraine and Georgia are both perched on the fulcrum of democracy, 
with their future on balance. On one side of the balance lies a future 
marked by integration with NATO and Europe, continuing progress toward 
the establishment of stable democracy, security, and prosperity.
  Each nation faces its own challenges on the other side of the 
balance. Ukraine confronts persistent threats to its fragile democracy, 
a rancorous division between its eastern and western regions, and 
difficult economic challenges. Georgia's democracy is also threatened, 
both by separatist movements in Abkhazia and Ossetia and by the lack of 
effective opposition in government. Its economy is undermined by severe 
unemployment.
  This week's NATO summit in Bucharest will determine, at least in the 
near-term, in which direction the balance will tilt. NATO membership 
will bring with it economic, political, and military integration with 
Europe, helping to solidify democratic institutions, expand each 
nation's economy, and strengthen security. A Membership Action Plan is 
not equivalent to NATO membership and should not be conflated with NATO 
membership, but it is certainly a crucial step toward this goal. To 
reject the bids by Ukraine and Georgia for Membership Action Plans 
would be to deal democracy a significant setback.
  As NATO nations gather to pass judgment on these bids, hovering over 
the summit is a specter in the form of an increasingly antagonistic 
Russia. Fear of further deterioration in relations with Russia no doubt 
shapes the hesitation of some of our European allies in proceeding with 
these Membership Action Plans.

[[Page 4649]]

  Russia must understand that NATO membership does not cast a choice 
between Europe and Russia. Rather, the choice is between political and 
economic integration and isolation. Russia must also realize that 
seeking NATO membership is not a path foisted upon nations by NATO 
itself, but rather one sought freely and enthusiastically by 
prospective member nations. Finally, our European allies must persevere 
in the principle that decisions must be made in the best interests of 
our alliance, never allowing any nation to hold a veto on our 
collective security and shared values.
  As many of my other colleagues have stated, both Ukraine and Georgia 
have already demonstrated their worth to NATO with contributions to 
NATO efforts in Afghanistan, Kosovo, and elsewhere. There is no doubt 
that the alliance would benefit from their inclusion in this 
multilateral security architecture that will be essential for 
confronting numerous major security challenges in the 2151 century. 
Setting Ukraine and Georgia on a path toward NATO membership is not 
only vital to their future, it is vital to ours as well.
  I urge my colleagues to support this resolution.
  Mr. ROYCE. Madam Speaker, I'd like to express reservations about H. 
Res. 997.
  NATO expansion is not a casual affair. We're talking about adding 
countries whose security we're committing American lives and treasure 
to defend. While this resolution only endorses the beginning of a 
membership process, it sets the stage for expanding vital American 
security concerns. At a time when some Americans are questioning our 
growing security commitments around the globe, should we be moving to 
ensure Ukraine and Georgia's security?
  We must be realistic about the state of NATO. The organization is not 
well. In Afghanistan, most NATO member states haven't answered the 
call, choosing not to provide troops or to provide troops only for very 
limited missions. One observer noted that, ``The inability or 
unwillingness of certain nations to shoulder the burden of NATO's 
obligation in Afghanistan is ripping the heart out of the alliance . . 
.'' I'm not convinced that adding new members, each with diverse 
interests, aids in rebuilding NATO's consensus. Expansion doesn't 
always mean strengthening.
  Sure, these countries have committed troops in dangerous areas, for 
which they should be commended. But a hard headed analysis must ask 
whether those commitments would be maintained once NATO membership was 
achieved?
  Expansion is divisive among some of the longest-standing NATO 
members. This week in Bucharest, Germany has objected to the process 
this resolution endorses, effectively stopping it. Chancellor Merkel's 
government cited concerns over political unrest in Georgia, and the 
lack of support for joining NATO among Ukrainians. Others ask, rightly, 
``What's the rush?''
  First and foremost, we should ask ``What's in our national security 
interest?'' Secondarily, we should ask ``What's in the best interest of 
NATO?'' I am not convinced that expanding NATO to these two countries 
advances those causes. That's why I reluctantly oppose this resolution 
backed by my colleagues and friends.
  Mr. DREIER. Madam Speaker, I rise in strong support of this 
resolution, which expresses the sense of Congress that Ukraine and 
Georgia should enter the NATO Membership Action Plan (MAP) as soon as 
possible. I visited Ukraine just two weeks ago, and the visit was an 
opportunity to witness the country at a unique time. Many will say that 
it is a country divided, but I believe it is simply a country 
experiencing the growing pains of blossoming democracy. The process has 
often been ugly and chaotic--like democracy itself. But Ukrainians are 
committed to democracy and to a place in Europe. They want a modern 
country that plays a constructive role in the international community.
  But while they are universally committed to achieving a place in 
Europe, the Ukrainian people are still deeply ambivalent on the issue 
of NATO because they have not yet had the opportunity for an open 
discussion, or education on the matter free from propaganda. The issue 
has successfully been cast by its detractors as one of antagonism 
toward the East. This is, of course, utterly false.
  The MAP process is critical because it presents an opportunity to 
allow all factions of Ukrainian society to get a complete picture of 
what NATO membership means. Of course Ukraine should not join NATO 
until the country stands as one on the issue. But it will never reach 
consensus without education and honest debate. That's what MAP is all 
about, and why it is so important for Ukraine to begin that process at 
the upcoming NATO summit in Bucharest, Romania.
  We all want to see Ukraine in NATO one day. We want to see Ukraine 
solidify its democratic tradition, strengthen its institutions, 
modernize its defense systems, grow its economy and play an important 
and constructive role in both the West and the East. The name 
``Ukraine'' itself means ``borderland.'' It has the opportunity to be a 
bridge between Europe and Asia, and NATO can only be strengthened by 
such a key player. But NATO membership cannot be undertaken 
prematurely, and the time will never be right without the work that is 
done via the MAP process.
  Georgia still has a long way to go as well before it is ready for 
NATO membership. But its people are committed to beginning down this 
path, and we should not deny them the opportunity to formally begin the 
process at Bucharest. Like Ukraine, Georgia experienced a democratic 
``color'' revolution, and has since had to deal with the great 
challenges of implementing the goals and ideals of that revolution. 
They have also experienced growing pains, and have learned that the 
day-to-day work of building a democracy is not easy. But the Georgian 
people remain utterly committed to this work. They are working to 
ensure that critical institutions, including defense and security 
institutions, are strong, transparent and democratically governed.
  Both Georgia and Ukraine must solidify their gains and begin the MAP 
process. The road to NATO membership is often long and challenging, and 
no one would benefit--not the U.S., not NATO, nor the region--from 
delaying the start of this process.
  Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN. Madam Speaker, I have no further requests for time, 
and I yield back the balance of my time.
  Mr. BERMAN. Madam Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. The question is on the motion offered by the 
gentleman from California (Mr. Berman) that the House suspend the rules 
and agree to the resolution, H. Res. 997, as amended.
  The question was taken; and (two-thirds being in the affirmative) the 
rules were suspended and the resolution, as amended, was agreed to.
  A motion to reconsider was laid on the table.

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