[Congressional Record (Bound Edition), Volume 154 (2008), Part 2]
[Senate]
[Pages 1583-1585]
[From the U.S. Government Publishing Office, www.gpo.gov]




                         SUBMITTED RESOLUTIONS

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   SENATE RESOLUTION 445--EXPRESSING THE SENSE OF THE SENATE ON THE 
ASSASSINATION OF FORMER PRIME MINISTER OF PAKISTAN BENAZIR BHUTTO, AND 
                    THE POLITICAL CRISIS IN PAKISTAN

  Mr. BIDEN (for himself, Mr. Obama, Mr. Baucus, Mr. Durbin, Mr. 
Harkin, Mr. Casey, Mr. Menendez, Mr. Reid, and Mrs. Feinstein) 
submitted the following resolution; which was referred to the Committee 
on Foreign Relations:

                              S. Res. 445

       Whereas, on October 18, 2007, former Prime Minister of 
     Pakistan Benazir Bhutto returned to Pakistan after more than 
     8 years in exile, and was welcomed by supporters numbering in 
     the hundreds of thousands;
       Whereas hours after her return, a suicide bomb attack on 
     her convoy in Karachi killed 145 people and narrowly missed 
     killing Benazir Bhutto herself, in one of the most violent 
     terrorist attacks in Pakistan's history;
       Whereas Members of Congress and other friends of Pakistan 
     wrote to President of Pakistan Pervez Musharraf weeks prior 
     to the October 18, 2007, attack on Benazir Bhutto, urging 
     support for the democratic process and the provision of 
     adequate security for democratic leaders such as Benazir 
     Bhutto;
       Whereas Members of Congress and other friends of Pakistan 
     wrote to President of Pakistan Pervez Musharraf immediately 
     after the October 18, 2007, attack, urging that a specific 
     set of security measures be taken to protect Benazir Bhutto, 
     and that a full investigation into the October 18 attack be 
     undertaken;
       Whereas, on November 3, 2007, President Musharraf, in his 
     role as Chief of Army Staff of Pakistan, declared a state of 
     emergency, suspended the Constitution of Pakistan, dismissed 
     Supreme Court Chief Justice Iftikhar Chaudhry and other 
     justices of the Supreme Court and provincial High Courts, 
     replacing them with candidates willing to take an oath to 
     uphold his actions during the suspension of the Constitution, 
     and initiated a nation-wide crackdown on political 
     opposition, the media, and the courts of Pakistan that 
     resulted in the arrest of more than 1,000 political 
     opponents;
       Whereas, on December 15, 2007, President Musharraf lifted 
     the State of Emergency, but did not reinstate the dismissed 
     Supreme Court and High Court justices, allow full freedom of 
     the press, or release all political prisoners arrested during 
     the crackdown;
       Whereas President Musharraf justified his actions in 
     November 2007 on the grounds of more effective 
     counterterrorism efforts, beginning his November 3 
     proclamation with the statement, ``Whereas there is visible 
     ascendancy in the activities of extremists and incidents of 
     terrorist attacks, including suicide bombings, IED 
     explosions, rocket firing and bomb explosions and the banding 
     together of some militant groups have taken such activities 
     to an unprecedented level of violent intensity posing a grave 
     threat to the life and property of the citizens of 
     Pakistan'';
       Whereas, on December 27, 2007, Benazir Bhutto was killed in 
     the garrison town of Rawalpindi;
       Whereas video footage, backed up by eyewitness testimony, 
     shows at least 1 gunman firing shots at Benazir Bhutto 
     instants before her death, and a second terrorist detonating 
     a bomb near her vehicle shortly after the firing of the 
     gunshots;
       Whereas the precise circumstances surrounding both the 
     October 18, 2007, attack and the December 27, 2007, 
     assassination remain unclear, and those responsible for both 
     terrorist attacks remain at large;
       Whereas President Musharraf has accepted the assistance of 
     Scotland Yard in his government's investigation of the 
     assassination of Benazir Bhutto, but has rejected calls for 
     an independent investigation under the auspices of the United 
     Nations;
       Whereas President Musharraf has used the turmoil following 
     the assassination of Benazir Bhutto to delay elections from 
     their scheduled date of January 8, 2008, to February 18, 
     2008;
       Whereas Benazir Bhutto's political party and the other 
     major opposition parties had opposed this delay, and have 
     expressed concern that it was motivated by an intention to 
     shape the outcome of the election through poll-rigging or 
     other improper means;
       Whereas the current political crisis in Pakistan has a 
     grave impact on the national security of the United States, 
     in that it seriously undermines the ability of the Government 
     of Pakistan to devote adequate resources and attention to the 
     fight against al Qaeda, the Taliban, and other extremist 
     forces;
       Whereas the political crisis in Pakistan cannot be resolved 
     without a speedy return to the democratic path, including 
     free and fair elections and restoration of an independent 
     judiciary in accordance with the express wishes of the vast 
     majority of the people of Pakistan;
       Whereas the United States has provided Pakistan with 
     approximately $10,000,000,000 in assistance over the past 6 
     years; and
       Whereas, on December 26, 2007, President Bush signed H.R. 
     2764, an omnibus spending bill which limited United States 
     military aid to Pakistan to counterterrorism and law 
     enforcement activities directed against al Qaeda and the 
     Taliban, and which withheld $50,000,000 in military aid until 
     such time as the Secretary of State reports that Pakistan has 
     restored democratic rights and an independent judiciary, and 
     is making concerted efforts to fight al Qaeda and the 
     Taliban: Now, therefore, be it
       Resolved, That the Senate--
       (1) conveys the deep condolences of the people of the 
     United States to the people of Pakistan on the tragic loss of 
     former Prime Minister Benazir Bhutto, and conveys special 
     condolences to the families of Benazir Bhutto and the other 
     victims of this terrorist attack;
       (2) condemns, in the strongest possible terms, the murder 
     of Benazir Bhutto on December 27, 2007, and the slaughter of 
     at least 165 other Pakistani citizens in this attack and the 
     prior attempt on Benazir Bhutto's life in Karachi on October 
     18, 2007;
       (3) calls upon the Government of Pakistan to do everything 
     in its power to bring the perpetrators of these crimes to 
     justice, and to permit investigators to follow their 
     inquiries in whatever direction they may lead;
       (4) calls upon the Government of Pakistan to support and 
     facilitate an independent inquiry into the assassination of 
     Benazir Bhutto;
       (5) strongly urges the Government of Pakistan to ensure 
     that free and fair elections are held on February 18, 2008, 
     as scheduled, and that independent election monitors are 
     allowed to monitor the elections;
       (6) calls upon the Election Commission of Pakistan to 
     remove all of the restrictions it recently placed on election 
     observation activities, which included efforts to restrict 
     observer movement and the conduct of exit polling on Election 
     Day;
       (7) urges President Pervez Musharraf of Pakistan to replace 
     the partisan caretaker governments at the federal, 
     provincial, and district levels with neutral administrations 
     acceptable to all major political parties, and to 
     reconstitute the Election Commission as a genuinely 
     nonpartisan body;
       (8) calls upon the Government of Pakistan to provide 
     adequate security, including the provision of adequately 
     armored vehicles and properly functioning jamming equipment 
     to help prevent the detonation of explosive devices, to all 
     senior opposition political leaders;
       (9) calls upon the Government of Pakistan to release those 
     individuals still being detained without charges and to end 
     the ongoing harassment of judges, opposition party activists, 
     and lawyers;
       (10) calls for the restoration of Pakistan's independent 
     judiciary and an end to all restrictions on the media and 
     freedom of speech;
       (11) calls upon the President to review all existing United 
     States aid to Pakistan, to ensure that all assistance 
     furthers the common goals shared by the people of Pakistan 
     and the United States, with specific reference to combating 
     violent radicalism and promoting a free and democratic 
     Pakistan; and
       (12) if the President's review concludes that the 
     conditions described in paragraph (11) are not met, calls 
     upon the President to suspend (until such time as such 
     conditions can be met) the transfer to Pakistan of weapons 
     systems primarily designed and manufactured for combat 
     against a rival state rather than counterterrorism or 
     counterinsurgency.

  Mr. BIDEN. Mr. President, it has been a month--almost to the day--
that former Pakistani prime minister Benazir Bhutto was assassinated.
  She was murdered barely a mile from the site where her own father, 
also a prime minister, had been executed by a military strongman nearly 
two decades earlier.
  She was killed by a terrorist attack in the very same park where, 
over half a century ago, Pakistan's very first prime minister was 
gunned down under circumstances that to this day remain clouded in 
mystery.
  The death of Ms. Bhutto was not the first time a Pakistani leader met 
a violent end. But never has the loss been

[[Page 1584]]

greater--for Pakistan, and for friends of democracy the world over.
  Never has the danger posed by such a loss been more serious--for 
Pakistan, and for the U.S. as well.
  For many Members of this body, the loss of Ms. Bhutto comes as a 
personal shock. Some of us knew Benazir during her tenure in office, 
others had met her during her years of exile.
  Anyone who encountered the prime minister can understand the sadness 
experienced by Pakistanis of all political outlooks.
  The murder of Ms. Bhutto was a human tragedy, but one with 
potentially dire political and national security repercussions. In the 
wake of this shocking act of terrorism, Pakistani democracy remains 
seriously threatened.
  This is not merely a matter of concern to Pakistan, but to the U.S. 
as well. Until the political crisis in Pakistan is resolved, no 
government in Islamabad will have the focus, the will, or the military 
and intelligence resources necessary to combat the threat of al-Qaeda 
terrorism and Taliban insurgency effectively.
  The resolution I offer expresses condolences on the murder of Ms. 
Bhutto and condemns the cowardly terrorists who cut short the life of a 
brave and brilliant woman.
  It calls for a genuinely independent inquiry, to clear up the 
mysteries surrounding this crime--an attack not only on one leader, but 
on Pakistani democracy itself.
  It calls upon the government of Pakistan to return to the democratic 
path by insuring free and fair elections without further delays; by 
releasing all political detainees; by revoking restrictions on the 
press and free speech; and by restoring a genuinely independent 
judiciary.
  It also calls on the President of the review all U.S. aid to 
Pakistan--as he promised to do immediately after Pakistan's current 
leader suspended the constitution and declared a State of Emergency in 
November.
  The White House review found--to nobody's surprise--that no 
significant change in policy was required. The resolution I offer calls 
for a more targeted and more open-eyed approach.
  It calls on the President to ensure that all assistance furthers the 
common goals shared by the people of Pakistan and the U.S., with 
specific reference to combating violent radicalism and promoting a free 
and democratic Pakistan; and
  It calls on the President, if he cannot make such a declaration, to 
suspend the transfer of weapons systems primarily designed and 
manufactured for combat against a rival state rather than 
counterterrorism or counterinsurgency.
  What does this mean?
  In simple language, it calls upon President Bush to match his words 
with deeds. For the good of the Pakistani people, and for the national 
security interests of the United States.
  The President has often said that a democratic Pakistan will be our 
best partner in the battle against radical theocrats and bloodthirsty 
terrorists.
  I wholeheartedly agree--and urge the President to demonstrate that 
his words are something more than empty rhetoric.
  Specifically, I urge the President to let the Pakistani military 
establishment know that the $10 billion we have provided in assistance 
over the past 6 years--the vast bulk of it security assistance--is not 
a blank check.
  The American people and the Pakistani people, have a right to insist 
that their money is being well spent.
  At a time when Pakistani soldiers and paramilitary troop are sent to 
fight the Taliban without bulletproof vests, without sufficient 
ammunition, sometimes marching through the snow in sandals rather than 
combat boots.
  At such a time, does it make sense to spend $500 million on high-
tech, highcost, nuclear-capable fighter aircraft?
  Does it make sense to spend hundreds of millions on P-3 naval 
surveillance aircraft specifically designed to hunt submarines?
  So far as I know, al-Qaeda has not yet developed a submarine navy.
  The White House claims that weapons systems like these are indeed 
counterterrorism tools, but such a claim is an insult to common sense.
  Yes, it is possible to drop a bomb on a terrorist from a supersonic 
jet--and our pilots sometimes do so.
  Yes, it is possible to use P-3s to track fishing boats rather than 
submarines--and our pilots may do that too. But let us get real here.
  The primary use of these weapons has nothing to do with 
counterterrorism--using them for this purpose is like swatting flies 
with a sledgehammer.
  Moreover, this resolution doesn't even mandate that such weapons 
transfers be terminated. It merely urges that they be suspended: 
temporarily put on hold, until the current political crisis has passed.
  Why is this necessary? For starters, because the administration has 
consistently failed to apply a common-sense approach to its Pakistan 
policy--and shows no sign of starting to do so now. I'll give just one 
example, but I could select from dozens.
  A few days after the assassination of Benazir Bhutto, just as 
Pakistani President Musharraf was deliberating over whether or not to 
postpone elections in which Bhutto's party was nearly certain to 
prevail, the Pentagon awarded a contract for fighter jets worth $498 
million.
  Despite a direct Congressional inquiry several weeks earlier, no 
member of the Foreign Relations Committee--or any other committee, so 
far as I know--was alerted to this sale.
  The administration claims this was merely a coincidence, that the 
deal had been in the works for a long time, that no policy-maker had 
any say in the timing of the announcement.
  Perhaps that is true. If so, all the more reason for Congress to lay 
down a marker.
  I first suggested putting noncounterterrorism security aid on the 
table on November 4--the morning after President Musharraf effectively 
declared a coup d'etat against his own government.
  I did so moments after speaking by phone with Benazir Bhutto, who had 
just returned to Pakistan from 8 years in exile, and who had narrowly 
escaped a bomb blast on her convoy that left 140 of her supporters 
dead.
  I urged President Musharraf to step back from the brink of disaster, 
to revoke an order that could destroy his country's democracy.
  I urged President Bush to use U.S. military aid as a carefully 
calibrated lever, in order to make sure our arms and our money helped 
make Pakistan more free, and the U.S more safe.
  Later that week, I unveiled a comprehensive plan for long-term 
engagement with pakistan--or moving our strategy from a ``Musharraf 
policy'' to a ``Pakistan policy.'' In broad strokes, the basic elements 
of this plan are:
  Triple non-security aid, to $1.5 billion annually. For at least a 
decade. This aid would be unconditional: it is our pledge to the 
Pakistani people.
  Instead of funding military hardware, it would build schools, 
clinics, and roads.
  Condition security aid on performance. We should base our security 
aid on clear results.
  We are now spending well over $1 billion annually, and it is not 
clear we are getting our money's worth.
  We should be willing to spend more if we get better returns--and less 
if we don't.
  Help Pakistan enjoy a ``democracy dividend.'' The first year of 
genuine democratic rule should bring an additional $1 billion, above 
the $1.5 billion non-security aid baseline, with future non-security 
aid calibrated, again, above the guaranteed baseline, to Pakistan's 
institutionalization of democratic and good-governance norms.
  We have got to help moderate, secular political leaders show the 
Pakistani people that they can deliver the goods.
  Engage the Pakistani people, not just their rulers. We need a broad-
based engagement, not just government to government.
  This will involve everything from improved public diplomacy to 
reviewing visa procedures and textile quotas to reversing this 
administration's shameful torture policies and shutting the prison at 
Gitmo.

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  Today is not the day to delve into the specifics of long-term 
strategy; I will come to the floor at a later date and sketch out this 
comprehensive plan in greater detail.
  Today is a time for all of us to come together in support of a 
resolution which, I would hope, expresses the sentiments of every 
Member here.
  All of us, surely, send our condolences on the death of Benazir 
Bhutto, and condemn her bloodthirsty assassins.
  All of us, surely, want to see her murderers--and those who arranged 
her murder--brought to justice.
  All of us, surely, want to see Pakistan set firmly back on the 
democratic path.
  All of us, surely, want to make certain that the billions of dollars 
we send to Pakistan in aid genuinely serve the purposes for which it is 
intended--that it bolsters a stable, moderate, democratic state, and 
that it supports the battle against the violent terrorist groups who 
have declared war on the U.S. and Pakistan alike.

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