[Congressional Record (Bound Edition), Volume 154 (2008), Part 1]
[Senate]
[Pages 1214-1222]
[From the U.S. Government Publishing Office, www.gpo.gov]




                           ECONOMIC STIMULUS

  Mrs. MURRAY. Mr. President, I come to the floor this afternoon to 
talk about the economic stimulus package.
  In the last several years, millions of Americans have seen their 
primary source of wealth--their homes--plummet in value. As many as 2 
million mortgage holders may lose their homes in this subprime crisis 
we are seeing. Investors around the world are now very concerned about 
the state of our economy. In my home State of Washington and across the 
country, people are very worried. We see Americans losing their jobs, 
we see them struggling to make ends meet, to buy groceries, to pay 
their power bills, even to

[[Page 1215]]

afford health insurance. With our markets in decline, we have the 
opportunity now to give this economy a jump-start and help prevent a 
full-fledged recession.
  Experts are telling us that taking action now to stimulate the 
economy by giving millions of taxpayers a rebate could help increase 
production and lift employment. Businesses--especially American 
manufacturers--need people to buy their products, and Americans need 
money to spend on those. I believe a quick stimulus bill that gives 
Americans some of their tax money back could make a real difference. 
But we also have to ensure that whatever action we take, it is 
temporary and targeted to where it can do the most good, and I am 
optimistic we can do that.
  I wish to thank our House colleagues for coming to a quick agreement 
with the President on an economic stimulus package. Their proposal was 
a very good start, and I wish to thank Chairman Baucus and Ranking 
Member Grassley for getting to work immediately on a Senate plan. I 
hope we can all agree to get a bill to the President by February 15 and 
get this economy moving again.
  In the last few days, I have talked with several economists who have 
appeared before our Budget Committee. They have shared their analysis 
of what Congress can do to prevent our economy from a full recession, 
and I think the legislation that was passed by the Senate Finance 
Committee largely meets their recommendations.
  The Finance Committee bill would give middle and lower income 
Americans a $500 rebate check. It ensures that seniors who receive 
Social Security will get that rebate and, importantly, it extends the 
rebate to ensure that our disabled veterans who would not have 
qualified under the legislation at this point would get that rebate as 
well. I think this is particularly important. It restores the income 
cap so the rebates will go to the people who need it the most.
  Any bill we pass has to ensure the rebates are targeted at seniors 
and working families. They are the backbone of our economy. They are 
the ones who need the money most, and they are the most likely to spend 
it. So you can be sure I will continue to fight any proposal that 
changes those provisions.
  But I wish to add a few words to underscore the importance of 
including seniors in this bill. More than 20 million seniors depend on 
Social Security for their income, and they spend 92 percent of it--a 
greater proportionate share than all other adults--and seniors are 
among those who are hurt the worst during an economic downturn because 
of increasing health care costs. As our Finance Committee Chairman 
pointed out, seniors have worked hard all their lives, they pay taxes 
all their lives, and many of them still pay sales, property, and, of 
course, other taxes. So leaving seniors out of any stimulus bill would 
overlook their importance to our economy. It would make our stimulus 
bill much less effective and, most importantly, it would be enormously 
unfair.
  I am encouraged by the progress we have made so far. I think a 
temporary, targeted stimulus is the shot in the arm our country needs. 
I have been pleased to see the President has been willing to work with 
us in Congress. I also believe there is a great deal more we can and 
should do that will help millions of struggling families and turn our 
economy around over the longer term. I know many of my colleagues 
agree. So I hope the President continues to see the value of working 
with us on longer term investments that will pay off for years to come.
  One of those investments that I have high hopes will get us back to 
restoring our economy is a summer jobs program for teenagers. The 
unemployment rate for teenagers has jumped in the last year. For all 
teens, it is 17 percent, up from 13 percent in December of 2006. Among 
African Americans who are ages 16 to 19, it is almost 35 percent as of 
last month. Thirty-five percent unemployment for African-American youth 
between the ages of 16 and 19.
  A summer jobs program would have a number of immediate and long-term 
benefits. We all know teenagers are likely to quickly spend any money 
they earn, so of course it would provide an immediate economic 
stimulus. But it also would work to begin to create a new generation of 
workers. Research shows teens who get work experience earn more over 
their lifetime.
  Last November, I held a field hearing of my HELP Subcommittee on 
Employment and Workplace Safety at South Seattle Community College. We 
focused on the need to create a number of pathways, multiple pathways 
to career success for our young workers. We had representatives from 
the private sector, organized labor, and they all talked about the need 
for a new generation of skilled workers, while students said they were 
not getting enough information about career opportunities and options. 
I heard about the real need for green-collar workers and the dire need 
for skilled trade workers who drive our country's economic engines. 
Quite frankly, attracting these young people to our labor force is 
something I believe is vital to our economic future in this Nation.
  But the summer jobs program I have been talking about has another 
benefit for our communities. Teens with jobs are less likely to commit 
crimes or join gangs. A columnist for the Seattle Post-Intelligencer 
wrote a story that caught my eye a few weeks back. It was about a 17-
year-old boy who had been killed in what police believe was a gang-
related shooting. The columnist, Robert Jamieson, interviewed some of 
the boy's friends for the piece he wrote. One friend said the boy had 
applied for nearly a dozen jobs, but couldn't get anyone to call him 
back, so he turned to other means. Tragically, we lost him in a gang-
related shooting.
  Tragically, too many of our young people face the same choice between 
joining a gang or sticking with a discouraging job search. That story, 
I believe, illustrates why a jobs program for young people is one of 
the most important investments we can make in all our futures.
  I wish to work with my colleagues on a bipartisan basis to provide 
the opportunities and the resources to ensure that this generation of 
workers and the next have the skills employers need so we can compete 
in the global economy.
  I also believe we can create jobs and stimulate the economy by making 
desperately needed investments in our infrastructure, including our 
roads, bridges, levees, and mass transit systems across this country. 
Investing in our infrastructure would create jobs and increase spending 
on construction materials that would immediately infuse millions of 
dollars into our economy. Do you know that for every billion dollars of 
Federal spending on highways and transit, we create a whopping 47,500 
jobs. That is putting people to work. Those investments would pay off 
in the long term as well by helping ensure that our roads and bridges 
and mass transit systems are safe and they are strong.
  Finally, we have to do more to address the housing crisis itself that 
has spread across this country. While the economy may be headed toward 
recession, the housing market is in a depression. According to the New 
York Times, the number of homes set for foreclosure is higher than at 
any time since the Great Depression. We are seeing communities in this 
country where people are literally abandoning their homes because they 
cannot afford their mortgages, and they cannot find a willing buyer. In 
this country, home ownership has always been a sign of prosperity, but 
now, for millions of Americans, it has become a trap. With each and 
every foreclosure, the foundation of every one of our communities 
weakens as well.
  There were warning signs more than a year ago that this crisis could 
affect the entire Nation, but President Bush took a hands-off approach 
and ignored the problem. Regulators failed to take aggressive action. 
Now economists tell us the worst is yet to come.
  Our economic strength depends on Americans having a safe and stable 
place to live and raise their families. Our economy will not be stable 
again until this housing crisis is corrected. We have to take action to 
help prevent more drastic problems, and we have to ensure that this 
situation can't happen

[[Page 1216]]

again. Families facing foreclosure must be able to get mortgage 
counseling or help in refinancing their mortgages.
  The Finance Committee bill includes as well critical tax relief which 
I support for businesses that were directly impacted by the home 
building industry, which has, as we all know, now come to a standstill. 
We must reform the lending system to prevent more families from losing 
their homes. I think we should have two main goals.
  First of all, we need to modernize the FHA to enable the Federal 
Government to offer an alternative to nontraditional loans we have seen 
explode in the past several years. Secondly, we need to ensure that 
Government lenders can replace some of the worst subprime loans with 
sound, traditional mortgages. I believe those investments will have a 
positive ripple effect on the economy for years to come. I guarantee I 
will be back on this floor many times over the next several months 
pushing this Congress to take action.
  The current economic trouble we face is a direct result of this 
administration's failure to plan for the future and lead us in the 
right direction. Similar to any family who prepares to balance its 
checkbook, we have to take stock of our finances and get our books back 
in order. American families understand how to live within their means. 
When they sit down and work out their yearly budget, they consider all 
their costs, decide how to invest in savings, and balance their 
checkbooks. The Bush administration inherited a budget surplus, but 
they squandered it with policies paid for by borrowing funds from 
future generations of Americans.
  By waging a war in Iraq and failing to be honest about the true costs 
of that war, President Bush has racked up a mountain of debt with no 
strategy whatsoever to pay it back. Instead of looking out for the 
needs of everyday Americans, he allowed his friends on Wall Street to 
take massive paychecks, while allowing predatory lenders to work 
unregulated. At the same time, the Bush administration has failed to 
invest in our roads, bridges, in health care, in education, in energy 
independence, and in our safety here at home. These are things that 
help our citizens get to work, stay healthy and safe, and these are 
things that keep our economy stable over the long term. The longer we 
go without addressing our crumbling highways, our skyrocketing health 
care costs or our dependence on foreign oil, the higher the costs will 
be when we have no choice and limited options to fix those problems. We 
saw that with Katrina. We saw it with the Minnesota bridge collapse.
  Every family knows ignoring the need to spend wisely on things you 
depend on and failing to live within your means is a recipe for serious 
trouble down the road. So while the economic stimulus we are working on 
will do a lot of good in the short term, we have to insist that we deal 
with the real causes of our economic problems. It is time to take a 
lesson from American families: balance the budget, be honest about the 
true costs of this war, and think seriously about how we move forward. 
It is time to insist the Federal regulators who are supposed to watch 
out for economic trouble actually do their jobs.
  It is time to stop ignoring our needs right here at home. President 
Bush has shown a willingness to work with Congress on this economic 
stimulus package. I hope he continues to see the value in working with 
us on the longer term policies that our economy and American families 
badly need.
  I yield the floor.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER (Mrs. McCaskill). The Senator from Iowa is 
recognized.
  Mr. GRASSLEY. Madam President, I will speak on the stimulus package. 
Before I give a general overview of it, I want to say something about 
one of the several mistakes, or oversights, that is in the House bill. 
I don't mean to imply that these were known as oversights at the time. 
But one stands out so strongly you wonder whether the House is 
consistent in its approach to the issue of illegal aliens. I will speak 
from the standpoint of my experience with the children's health 
insurance bill.
  You may be familiar with this phrase: ``Where you stand depends upon 
where you sit.'' Nothing better illustrates that point than this debate 
and the issue of rebates for illegal immigrants. We are told we must 
pass the House bill and that changes are unnecessary. In other words, 
somehow you assume the House of Representatives passed the perfect bill 
and we ought to rubberstamp it. I disagree. I think the House bill 
makes it too easy in several areas, but especially in the area of 
illegal immigrants, to get rebate checks. According to Numbers USA, the 
House bill could allow as many as 3 million illegal immigrants to 
receive rebate checks. The House minority leader's spokesman was quoted 
in the press as saying:

       There is no language in the measure that would enable 
     illegal immigrants to receive a tax rebate.

  There is no language whatsoever in the House bill that would prevent 
an illegal immigrant from receiving one of these tax rebate checks. My 
colleagues on the other side of the Rotunda should be quite familiar 
with this line of reasoning, because they devoted countless times on 
the House floor last fall trying to convince people that because the 
SCHIP bill didn't explicitly prevent States from covering children up 
to 400 percent of poverty, it must mean States can cover kids up to 400 
percent of poverty.
  The same folks who want us to believe the House bill is fine said we 
hadn't done enough to prevent illegal immigrants from receiving 
benefits in SCHIP, even though the SCHIP bill had this very language:

       Nothing in this Act allows Federal payment for individuals 
     who are not legal residents. Titles 11, 19, and 21 of the 
     Social Security Act provide for the disallowance of Federal 
     financial participation for erroneous expenditures under 
     Medicaid and under SCHIP respectively.

  That was in our bill that passed last year. It is amazing how the 
standard has changed. The same people who said the language I just read 
wasn't good enough when we took up the children's health insurance 
program are now saying no language whatsoever is fine.
  The simple fact is the House bill allows illegal immigrants to get 
rebate checks, plain and simple. It is important for us to fix that, 
and I believe we will before the bill leaves the Senate. We should not 
give rebate checks to people who have come to this country illegally, 
and we should give the House of Representatives an opportunity to fix 
this huge mistake that is in the bill they sent to us. I cannot imagine 
why anyone on the House side would complain about our doing that after 
all the uprising we had last fall about the Senate even considering the 
language I read--didn't do enough to prevent people here illegally--
meaning illegal immigrants--from getting children's health insurance 
program. My recent experience in negotiating with the House on the 
issue of illegal immigrants and public benefits taught me that certain 
folks seem to care quite a lot about that issue, except somehow it was 
an oversight in this tax rebate bill.
  I will quote from the debate on the SCHIP bill in the House of 
Representatives of October 25 of last year. I will not actually quote 
the Members by name. You can find it in the Congressional Record if you 
want to know who said it, but it doesn't matter who said it. It was an 
overwhelming opinion of people in that body--particularly Republicans. 
One Member alleged that the SCHIP bill tried ``to give benefits to 
illegal immigrants while we still have Americans unserved.'' He went on 
to say, ``that is not right. This is not fair. This is not 
democratic.''
  Suppose I put ``tax rebates'' in there in place of ``benefits,'' and 
paraphrase it this way, with the same quote: ``To give [tax rebates] to 
illegal immigrants while we still have Americans unserved. That is not 
right. This is not fair. This is not democratic.''
  Well, let's go on. If it weren't right there in the SCHIP bill, it is 
surely not right here in this tax bill. It is also not fair. We should 
not leave some Americans unserved when it comes to rebates, such as 
seniors and disabled veterans, as they did in the House of 
Representatives, while we are going to let illegal immigrants get 
rebate checks.
  I want to give you another quote. This is also from the same day, 
October 25:


[[Page 1217]]

       I don't think our constituents want us to vote for a bill 
     that makes it easier for illegal immigrants to get tax-paid 
     health care.

  That is the SCHIP bill.

       I think this bill does that.

  So if that were the case, then I would think that Member of the House 
would not want to make it easier for illegal immigrants to get tax-paid 
rebate checks.
  Finally, here is a quote from September 25, 1 month before that, in 
debate on the SCHIP program in the other body, from a Member who used 
to chair one of the committees of jurisdiction over there:

       What that means is that they want illegal residents of the 
     United States of America to get these benefits. This is what 
     the objection means. So for that reason alone, I would ask 
     that we vote against this bill.

  ``For that reason alone,'' he said--regardless of what else is good 
about the bill, including the language the Senate put in, which was 
meant not to give the SCHIP program money to illegal aliens. It still 
wasn't enough. Yet now that tax rebate bill comes over from that very 
same body and would let illegal immigrants get rebate checks.
  So I say, for that reason alone, it is a reason for this body to defy 
people in that body who said we should not have changed the Senate bill 
one iota. To my colleagues on the House side, the shoe is now on the 
other foot. The same principle that applied then should apply now. If 
you felt strongly enough to stop the SCHIP bill over your concerns 
about illegal immigrants receiving public benefits, then you certainly 
should not object to the Senate repairing a bill you sent us that would 
allow illegal immigrants to get a rebate check. You cared about it 
then; you should care about it now. You said it wasn't right then. 
Well, it is not right now. You said it wasn't fair then. Well, it is 
not fair now. The Senate will fix it. It was a mistake that the Senate 
will fix.
  Let's get back to some history about the purpose of the Senate. For 
anybody to think a bill would come over here from the other body 
without fair consideration by this body, I have used this example 
before, and I don't know whether George Washington actually said this, 
but it has been in the history books so long that it is fact as far as 
I am concerned. He was trying to demonstrate to people then about the 
new Constitution and the purpose of the House and the Senate. He had a 
cup of coffee on a saucer. The cup with the coffee in it was the House 
and the saucer was the Senate. The hot coffee in the cup was a piece of 
legislation, I assume. So what he did to explain the difference between 
the House and Senate is say this is the House of Representatives 
writing a bill. Then he poured out the hot coffee into the saucer. I 
don't know whether we do it anymore or not--I don't do it, but I have 
seen it demonstrated that you can pour it out to cool so you don't burn 
your tongue. He explained that the Senate's role was to give deep 
consideration, to let the pressure that comes upon a body that is 
elected for a 2-year period of time--a body that might be more 
responsible to the transient will of the majority, that that transient 
will of the majority needed to have a body to kind of rethink things, 
maybe verify that what the House did was absolutely right, or maybe 
verify that everything they did was absolutely wrong, or that a few 
changes might be made. And then, after that, the Senate passes the bill 
and it goes on its merry way to the President of the United States.
  But I believe that people I have heard from lately, including, I 
guess, even our own President of the United States, have said that 
somehow the Senate ought to automatically take what the House did and 
forget all about the historical purpose of the Senate, and be on our 
way, with these mistakes in it--that a person who is illegally in this 
country could get a rebate check, when I doubt, if we are taking the 
needs of all of the people, that can help us revitalize this economy, 
through rebate checks and through enhanced investment.
  Madam President, I also came to the floor to discuss this bill 
generally. I will start by thanking Chairman Baucus for his courtesy, 
hard work, and patience in this legislative effort. As we have in the 
past, we wanted to process the economic stimulus issue through the 
committee. That process started shortly after this session of Congress 
opened. We talked substance and process. We had discussions with the 
administration, especially Secretary Paulson. We had discussions with 
our leaders. We had two private meetings and took input from our 
committee members. We had two hearings on an economic stimulus.
  Our goal in the Finance Committee was a bipartisan economic stimulus 
package. We both wanted a bipartisan economic stimulus package that 
responded to the needs of Americans and business and would provide a 
much needed boost for the economy. During this same period, the 
President sent a strong message that Congress must act, and Congress 
ought to act quickly to design a fiscal stimulus package aimed at 
boosting the economy. The President said such a plan would provide a 
``shot in the arm'' to keep the economy healthy.
  Last week, the bipartisan, bicameral congressional leadership met 
with the President. At that meeting, the Senate leaders more or less 
yielded the legislative process and the substance of this important 
question to the House and the Senate. In other words, Senate leaders 
agreed that whatever package the House leadership and White House 
agreed on would be treated as a fait accompli in the Senate. The Senate 
leadership's sudden shift in direction caught Chairman Baucus and me by 
surprise and, as I noted above, we had already engaged in the committee 
process for several weeks.
  We were fully engaged on a member and staff level. Many of our 
members and staff brought to the table the experience from three 
stimulus bills earlier this decade.
  I respect the role of leaders here. My guess is Chairman Baucus and 
two-thirds of the committee members who supported the bill yesterday 
also respect the role of our leaders. Many in the leadership on my side 
of the aisle worried about the problem that might arise if the Senate 
had no role other than to rubberstamp the House bill. They are rightly 
concerned about the Senate processing a bill, dragging it out, and 
loading up the bill. Certainly, that is a reasonable concern. 
Certainly, that is something we find happening often in the Senate. But 
is that concern in itself so great that the Senate should abdicate all 
of its legislative responsibility? Is that concern so great that the 
Finance Committee members should have no say over legislation falling 
within its jurisdiction?
  In my almost quarter century of service on the Finance Committee, I 
am not aware of any precedent such as this. I am also not aware of any 
precedent on the House side. At the end of last session, some in the 
House side might have complained about the outcome of legislation 
favoring the Senate position. I am not, however, aware of a situation 
where House leaders on either side virtually ceded their role in 
legislating on a tax bill this important. As I said, I respect the 
concerns of leaders about timing.
  It comes down to this: The leaders' concerns with timing might weigh 
against the question of the quality of the House bill. In other words, 
is a ``take it or leave it'' House bill which passes quickly better 
than a Senate bill which allows the Senate to work its will?
  I have laid out the leaders' concern about timing. Now we question 
the adequacy of the House bill. That is the other side of the balance 
we need to strike. I know other members on both sides have asked 
themselves the same questions, including Chairman Baucus. Chairman 
Baucus makes the ultimate call. Even if I had decided the importance of 
quick action outweighed the benefits of going through the committee 
process, the chairman would have made the ultimate call to go ahead. 
That was the call the chairman made back in 2002, and it was the call 
he made this time.
  In 2002, I disagreed on the substance, and we had a party line 
markup, but the committee did process the stimulus bill. So to anyone 
on my side who says my opposition would have stopped the

[[Page 1218]]

chairman from going forward, check the history books. It did not stop 
the committee in 2002, and it will not stop it now.
  The same outcome occurred in 2003, when I was chairman of the 
committee and Senator Baucus was the ranking member. We went forward in 
2003. This time we were able to proceed in a bipartisan manner, and 
what did the committee process yield? Let's examine this side of the 
question. Asked another way: Did the committee process improve the 
House bill with Senate amendments?
  One thing I heard loudly and clearly from Republicans was concerns 
about suffocating income limits. The chairman heard me out and agreed 
to eliminate them. Unfortunately, the support from the Republican side 
of the aisle did not line up with the principle I heard from them that 
they wanted included in the bill as a correction to the House bill.
  On the chairman's side of the aisle, meaning the Democratic side of 
the aisle, there was great controversy over taking those limits off. We 
heard the uncapped proposal over and over defined as something 
specifically benefiting Bill and Melinda Gates.
  To those on the left, let me tell you there must be a lot of Bill and 
Melinda Gateses out there. The reason I say that is $12 billion of 
rebate checks is involved in going back to the House income caps. With 
the amount of checks capped, it means there are millions of families, 
not a few millionaires, who are being affected.
  As I said, those facts did not move many on my side away from the 
House bill that contains those caps, so I revisited the issue with the 
chairman. The caps are back, but at a much higher level. They begin to 
phase out at $150,000 for single taxpayers and $300,000 for married 
taxpayers.
  So we include a few more middle-income people. That is double the 
House income limits, helping more middle-income people.
  It is safe to say the higher income limits will aid a lot of 
alternative minimum tax-paying families we hear about. From my 
perspective, this is a big improvement over the House bill. So if you 
support the Finance Committee bill, you are recognizing the burden 
these taxpayers' families bear through the AMT. I don't want to hear 
any more demagoguery about Bill and Melinda Gates getting checks 
because there is not going to be any more billionaires getting checks, 
no millionaires getting checks, no ``half millionaires'' getting 
checks. But a lot of upper middle-income families who will not get a 
check under the House bill will get a check under the Finance Committee 
amendments.
  Most on my side would consider these higher income caps an 
improvement of the House bill. I particularly credit Senators Crapo and 
Kyl for bringing up this point in our Finance Committee meetings.
  Some on the other side, especially those from high-income, high-tax 
blue States, will quietly support this change as well but not echo it 
because they don't want to face the chagrin of Members who think that 
nobody on the Democratic side ought to be concerned about anybody who 
has a little higher income.
  At the other end of the income scale are 20 million low-income 
seniors. I underscore that point, 20 million low-income seniors. The 
House bill leaves them out entirely. The chairman's mark in the Senate 
corrects that situation.
  In the House bill, you will not find seniors with Social Security 
income covered in this bill. You will find them covered in the Senate 
bill.
  Since we do not have the bill text yet--I am holding up the 
chairman's mark--we made this happen by including Social Security 
benefits as a qualifying income in the chairman's mark, and here is 
what that mark says on page 3:

       All eligible individuals are entitled . . . if they satisfy 
     at least two of the following criteria: The sum of an 
     individual's: earned income . . . and (2) Social Security 
     benefits must be at least $3,000.

  That language is not in the House bill. Because that language is not 
in the House bill, 20 million seniors would not have gotten checks--if 
that House bill had been rubberstamped by the Senate.
  During our committee process, many members discussed this defect in 
the House bill. As a result of careful Finance Committee member 
deliberations, we were able to improve the House bill.
  Many disabled veterans do not get checks under the House bill. Here 
again, the House bill does not cover disabled veterans. Under the 
Senate bill, disabled veterans will be covered.
  On page 2, the Finance Committee document says these words:

       The provision modifies the chairman's mark to expand the 
     rebate benefit to disabled veterans.

  During careful Finance Committee deliberations, Senators Lincoln and 
Snowe filed an amendment to ensure that disabled veterans would be 
covered. The chairman incorporated that amendment into his modified 
mark. Does anyone think this is an inappropriate improvement in the 
House bill? I ask that of those who insist we rubberstamp this House 
bill, if they do not have guts enough to tell Chuck Grassley that be 
included, at least in their own mind, I hope they know they are wrong 
by not including the disabled veterans by saying we ought to 
rubberstamp the House bill. So the House bill, which some are insisting 
cannot be improved by the Finance Committee, excludes 20 million 
seniors and disabled veterans.
  The House bill could also send checks to illegal aliens. That is 
right. As I said before, I spent a great deal of time on this point, 
for those who maybe missed the beginning. The House bill, which some 
are saying is the best bill we can get and ought to be rubberstamped in 
the Senate, is going to allow illegal aliens to get checks before we 
take care of all the people.
  Do my colleagues understand the House of Representatives passed a 
bill to give rebate checks to stimulate the economy, making it possible 
for illegal aliens to get checks but not 20 million seniors and 
disabled people in this country who are here legally?
  I wish to be specific on the modifications in the chairman's mark, 
and here is again the document to which I am referring. On page 2, this 
is what the document says:

       The provision denies the basic credit and the qualifying 
     child credit to individuals if they do not include on their 
     tax return a valid taxpayer identification number for: (1) 
     themselves (and if they are married, their spouse) and (2) 
     any children for whom the qualifying child tax credit is 
     claimed. For these purposes, a valid taxpayer identification 
     number is defined as a Social Security number.

  Continuing the quote:

       If an individual fails to provide a correct taxpayer 
     identification number, such omission will be treated as a 
     mathematical or clerical error. As under present law, the 
     Internal Revenue Service may summarily assess additional tax 
     dues as a result of a mathematical or clerical error without 
     sending the taxpayer a notice of deficiency and giving the 
     taxpayer an opportunity to petition the Tax Court. Where the 
     IRS uses the summary assessment procedure for mathematical 
     and clerical errors, the taxpayer must be given an 
     explanation of the asserted error and given 60 days to 
     request that the IRS abate the assessment.

  This provision uses current IRS verification techniques. It ensures 
that the taxpayer getting the check is identified by the tax system.
  During Finance Committee deliberations, Senator Ensign and his staff 
raised this important issue. Senator Ensign filed an amendment that was 
addressed in the modified chairman's mark.
  The House bill has no such provision. Again--I am not going to keep 
holding up these bills--we have the House bill without this provision; 
the Senate bill with that provision. There is no language in the House 
bill to address a problem Senator Ensign properly raised in the 
committee. The committee bill improves the House bill by making sure 
illegal aliens do not get a check.
  The Finance Committee amendment also beefs up the business stimulus 
package by adding additional years to the current law net operating 
loss carryback rules. The Finance Committee bill adds extension of 
unemployment insurance benefits. I know

[[Page 1219]]

this was a big sticking point in the negotiations between the House and 
the White House. In this respect, I favor the House bill. My personal 
preference would be to eliminate this provision. It, however, was a key 
issue for all the Democrats. So in compromise--and we do not get 
anything done in the Senate if we do not have some compromise; nothing 
is strictly Democratic or strictly Republican, nothing can pass here 
except under a process of reconciliation. So in compromise, the 
chairman has it worked out, and it was essential that it be worked out.
  I pushed hard for investment energy incentives, and the chairman 
agreed with me in that respect. So the last piece of this compromise is 
an expansion of investment incentives to seamlessly extend investment 
incentives for wind, biomass, and other renewable energy projects. In 
committee, these provisions caught some criticism, and I expect we will 
hear more of the same during this debate. I will respond in detail when 
those criticisms are given.
  I compliment committee members on finding a bipartisan middle ground. 
The committee stimulus package raises the caps on rebate checks, 
expanding the benefits to more middle-class Americans, Social Security 
recipients, and disabled veterans. It makes sure illegal immigrants do 
not get checks. It also expands some of the business relief, and it 
addresses unemployment. The energy investment incentives round out the 
package.
  I ask Members to go back to the basic question of balancing quick 
action on a House bill--and that House bill being imperfect as I 
pointed out in this debate--versus improvements that were made by the 
Finance Committee. The House bill could be passed quickly without 
improvement or we could finish the process in the Senate and add 
improvements made by the Finance Committee. I would challenge anyone to 
argue that none of the improvements made by the committee process are 
important enough to finish the job in the Senate. I hope nobody comes 
over and tells us that, for instance, it is OK to give rebate checks to 
people who are here illegally.
  Having made that point, Madam President, we could prove our leaders 
right if we load up the bill in the Senate. So we ought to keep our eye 
on the ball and not load it up because we want to get a stimulus 
package passed. We don't want that to sink. Christmas is over, so let's 
not make this the traditional Christmas tree that sometimes legislation 
becomes.
  Madam President, I yield the floor.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER (Ms. Klobuchar). The Senator from Wisconsin is 
recognized.
  Mr. KOHL. Madam President, today our country is facing difficult 
economic times. Economic growth is slowing, consumers have maxed out 
their credit cards and are cutting back on spending, and the value of 
the dollar continues falling while prices for gas and food rise. Daily 
we hear news about growing problems in the mortgage industry, forcing 
our neighbors into foreclosure. In my State of Wisconsin, foreclosures 
are up 27 percent from this time last year, and it will get worse as 
more subprime mortgages adjust to unaffordable higher interest rates. 
Working families around the country are facing stagnant wages while 
prices rise, and their most important investment--their home--is losing 
value.
  In response to this bleak picture, the House and Senate have been 
able to move quickly in a bipartisan way to try to head off a growing 
economic storm. It is a rare moment these days when Senators set aside 
their individual priorities and agree on legislation for the greater 
good. But that is what has happened with the economic stimulus package 
that we are currently considering. This package strikes a balance 
between rebates, business needs, and immediate relief, and I am proud 
to support the bill before us today.
  The centerpiece of this legislation is a rebate of $500 per 
individual and $1,000 per couple, with an additional $300 rebate per 
child. This will provide effective and efficient relief for families 
while jump-starting our economy.
  We need to get this money into the hands of people who will spend it, 
so I applaud the Finance Committee decision to include income caps. 
Income caps ensure that recipients of the rebate--low- and middle-
income working families--will put the money back into the economy.
  Finally, as the chairman of the Special Committee on Aging, I want to 
voice my strong support for the extension of rebates to low- and 
moderate-income seniors. The House-passed legislation would leave out 
nearly 20 million elderly people from receiving the rebate, even though 
they are facing the same rising prices as everyone else. Seniors living 
on fixed incomes deserve to share in this rebate after paying taxes for 
all their working lives.
  However, this package is not perfect. I was disappointed to see 
additional funding for food stamps was not included. As chairman of the 
appropriations subcommittee with jurisdiction over food stamps, the 
hunger and nutrition programs are something I take very seriously. The 
strain this economy imposes on lower income Americans is abundantly 
clear to me. Before we even understood we were headed toward economic 
crisis, we increased WIC funding by some $600 million over the 
President's request simply to feed the people already in the program. 
And now that the crisis has become clear, how can we stand by and not 
do more?
  I hope the Senate will soon act to add an additional $5 billion in 
food stamp funding. With the downturn in the economy, we all know even 
more people will need a helping hand to put food on their family's 
table. We should increase funding for food stamps this year because we 
know there are families in dire need. And we should boost food stamps 
because we know spending will stimulate our economy. Every dollar spent 
on food stamps generates $1.73 in economic activity, and it happens 
quickly. Eighty percent of all benefits are used within 2 weeks of 
being sent out, and 97 percent are redeemed by the end of the month. 
And we don't have to create a new mechanism to deliver this stimulus. 
Adding food provisions to this package just makes sense.
  I am pleased the Senate has come together quickly to move this 
important package. We cannot delay, and we should not let this bill get 
bogged down. We need to pass it soon so hard-working Americans get the 
helping hand they deserve when they need it most.
  Madam President, I yield the floor, and I suggest the absence of a 
quorum.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The clerk will call the roll.
  The legislative clerk proceeded to call the roll.
  Ms. SNOWE. Madam President, I ask unanimous consent that the order 
for the quorum call be rescinded.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered.
  Ms. SNOWE. I ask unanimous consent to speak for 15 minutes.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered.
  Ms. SNOWE. Madam President, first of all, I thank the chairman of the 
Finance Committee, Senator Baucus, and our ranking member, Senator 
Grassley, for their combined tireless leadership in advancing a very 
critical piece of legislation, the stimulus bill that has been passed 
by the Finance Committee and will be considered by the Senate shortly. 
I thank them for spearheading such an important initiative in a very 
timely fashion. It is an issue of critical consequence to the Nation.
  We know there is a decline in our economy. We are seeing the economic 
indicators, which I will speak to shortly. There is no doubt that 
across the board it is absolutely vital that we enact as quickly as 
possible a stimulus package to begin to address the erosion we have 
identified and that we have seen in our economy.
  Again, I thank the chairman of the Finance Committee and the ranking 
member for working so quickly to address many of the issues raised on 
this very comprehensive piece of legislation, understanding that some 
of the issues that have been raised--even since the time in which the 
House of Representatives had voted upon their package, they also 
incorporated many provisions that I think are more targeted and will 
strengthen the bill that

[[Page 1220]]

passed in the House of Representatives and the bill that had been 
negotiated between the House and the President.
  I do think it is important for the Senate to have the opportunity to 
have its input on this bill that is going to be so vital to America and 
to our constituents and to make sure it is as precise and calibrated as 
possible in order to rejuvenate the economy and, hopefully, to 
galvanize some of the economic dimensions of our economy that have 
taken a turn for the worse.
  It is imperative that we act in a timely fashion. I think changing 
the package and incorporating those issues that are also essential to 
build upon the strengths of the legislation that passed in the House of 
Representatives are not mutually exclusive. We cannot afford to stand 
idly by as the economy continues to erode. That is why I think there is 
a collective conclusion that we have to develop a package that can be 
supported in both the House and Senate and will be signed by the 
President.
  The Finance Committee held a number of hearings recently on the 
question as to whether to even have a stimulus package. I know there is 
debate on both sides of the political aisle and among economists as to 
whether it is essential. But the fact is, more than half of the 
economists surveyed in this country believe there is a recession that 
is imminent. So, obviously, we have a responsibility to take every 
possible step and every possible measure that can avert or at least 
mitigate the impact and the brunt of any recession.
  Dr. Martin Feldstein, former chair of the Council of Economic 
Advisors for President Reagan, expressed his support for a stimulus 
plan. Last week, before the Senate Finance Committee, he said:

       Because of current credit market conditions, there is a 
     risk that interest rate cuts will not be as effective in 
     stimulating the economy as they were in the past. That is why 
     a stimulus measure deserves our attention.

  It certainly deserves our attention and our informed decisions, in 
terms of what exactly should be considered in a stimulus package. No 
doubt, time is of the essence--we all agree on that--in passing a 
viable and effective piece of legislation. But our obligation, as well, 
is to be deliberative on one of the issues that is of great consequence 
to this country.
  We have to develop the best possible package, building upon the 
strength of the House measure, and it must be targeted to those who 
need the support; and we need to rebuild the economy and, hopefully, 
avert any potential recession. We have to strike the right balance 
because, obviously, that will be central to averting a recession, 
avoiding it, as we face a confluence of historic and unprecedented 
economic indicators that are profoundly troubling.
  We can anticipate more than $600 billion in resets in the adjustable 
rate market in the spring, which is, of course, on top of all the 
resets that have occurred recently. We are experiencing a housing 
crisis. Recently, the Commerce Department indicated that the drop in 
home prices is at the lowest since they began keeping records in 1963. 
Likewise, the price of oil per barrel has now skyrocketed and spiked 
recently to $100 per barrel. Gasoline is approximately $3 at the pump, 
and we can anticipate, according to a report even of today, that it may 
go as high as $3.50 per gallon. The number of long-term unemployed 
today is nearly twice the rate of the unemployed immediately prior to 
the recession of 2001 and 2002, when we extended unemployment benefits. 
So we have seen the long-term unemployment rate jump significantly.
  We have had an unemployment rate that surged most recently, in the 
short term, from 4.7 percent to 5 percent in 1 month alone. Obviously, 
we don't know what to anticipate in future months. That is why it is so 
critical to have the stimulus package in place.
  Most troubling is what the Commerce Department indicated yesterday: 
that a growth in the gross domestic product has slowed to .6 percent in 
the fourth quarter of last year, for an annualized rate of more than 
2.2 percent for 2007. That happens to be the slowest annual rate of 
growth in 5 years. So there is no question that we must use the fiscal 
tools at our disposal to mitigate the impact of a slowing economy and, 
hopefully, avoid any potential recession.
  One of the economists who appeared before the committee--Dr. Jason 
Furman of the Brookings Institution--echoed as much when he said that 
``a well-designed fiscal stimulus in the form of increased government 
spending or tax reductions, has the potential to help cushion the 
economic blow.''
  So the package agreed to yesterday in the Finance Committee, in my 
view, meets this challenge and achieves those goals. It is well-
balanced, effective, and it will stimulate the economy through some key 
provisions that I think are essential, in terms of addressing the 
problems we are facing. One is the refundable tax rebate, of course; 
that is, to spur the buying power of all Americans across the board, 
but most especially low-income and senior consumers, which is 
important.
  The House-passed package doesn't include a benefit for senior 
citizens. It doesn't include the more than 20 million seniors on fixed 
incomes. They would not benefit from the stimulus package enacted in 
the House of Representatives. It doesn't include an extension of 
unemployment benefits which, again, I might add, economists have 
identified as one of the surest ways to impact the economy. You will 
have the most affect on spending almost immediately--in fact, some 
economists have said within 2 months, as opposed to the rebate, by the 
time it passes the Congress and is signed by the President, but also 
because of the length of time it takes to distribute it. Even under the 
most efficient means possible, we will not feel the effect of it until 
the spring or later midyear. So then it would take a while to really be 
absorbed into the economy so that an extension of unemployment benefits 
would become essential and pivotal. In fact, the Congressional Budget 
Office said it has the greatest amount of cost-effectiveness and the 
least amount of lag time before it is felt in the economy, it has the 
maximum amount of impact on the overall economy in terms of its 
effectiveness, and it has the most certainty about the impact it will 
have on the economy to spur economic spending.
  Finally, we have an extension of the energy tax incentives. People 
say we should not have the energy tax incentives in this legislation. 
Yet it is interesting to note that it would create more than 100,000 
jobs, by industry estimates, by the end of the year--100,000 jobs. The 
whole goal and focus of this legislation is to create more jobs, and if 
we know definitively there are provisions that will create more jobs 
immediately because of pending projects, then doesn't it make sense to 
include them in this legislation? It will spur economic activity or 
spur consumption, and it will reduce our dependency on imported oil.
  Investment incentives for small businesses will also be included in 
this legislation to work in conjunction with other initiatives through 
job creation by providing for expensing for small businesses so they 
can write off more of their capital investments or be able to use the 
extended carryback of operating losses and extending that period from 2 
to 5 years so they can reach back further. They have their choice of 
incentives, whatever works for a company. They may be in a struggling 
situation, and they can write off their losses of current years against 
their profits of past years. It makes sense to put these provisions and 
incentives in one single package that will help to spur the economy.
  In addition, of course, is the bonus depreciation as well--another 
dimension of economic investment that can make a difference in serving 
as a catalyst in our economy.
  Finally, in this legislation, we include a provision that was omitted 
in the House of Representatives package, and that is one that would 
make sure our disabled veterans benefit from the stimulus package, 
benefit from the rebates.
  I thank my colleague, Senator Lincoln, for initiating this amendment. 
I joined her in that effort in the Finance Committee because we thought 
that

[[Page 1221]]

was a major omission, to exclude more than 250,000 of our Nation's 
service disabled veterans because their compensation is not taxable. We 
wanted to make sure they should be able to participate in the stimulus 
plan. Our disabled veterans deserve to be part of the rebate plan, and 
this package makes sure that happens. I appreciate my colleagues on the 
committee who supported this pivotal provision.
  This legislation casts a wide economic net, and that makes it more 
equitable, especially to the most vulnerable among us in America. It 
doesn't merely represent sound economics to propel this stimulus, but 
it is also in greater alignment with Federal Reserve Chairman Bernanke, 
who said that a fiscal stimulus package should be implemented quickly 
and structured so that its effects on aggregate spending are felt as 
much as possible in the next 12 months or so. The measure we will be 
considering and debating does affect the aggregate. It does ensure that 
its impact is felt as much as possible, and it does so on a more 
accelerated timetable.
  The tax rebate incorporated in this legislation is obviously central, 
and the refundability makes it all the more effective. That is why I 
was a strong advocate in ensuring that refundability was part of the 
stimulus package, that it certainly had to be included to make sure the 
low-income and middle-income Americans and households would have the 
ability to have the benefits of any rebate because it would also make a 
difference in stimulating our economy because two-thirds of consumer 
spending is really what drives our economy. It is the economic engine. 
We depend on consumer spending to drive our economy. So the 
refundability portion is very important because it will make sure those 
people who benefit from this rebate are ones who also need this rebate. 
They need it to pay for the necessities of daily life, given spiraling 
costs in terms of oil, food, and gasoline. We want to make sure we can 
mitigate the impact of this declining economy and the rising costs in 
their households.
  When we had various witnesses before the committee, we talked about 
the effectiveness of the refundable tax rebate. In fact, the Hamilton 
Project, which was conducted by economists at Brookings Institution, 
noted that a one-time tax rebate equal to 1 percent of the GDP, which 
is about $140 billion in today's economy, and directed at households 
likely to spend money would boost the level of GDP by 1 percent or more 
for two consecutive quarters, increasing the annualized GDP growth rate 
by about 4 percent in the first quarter of the effect.
  So if the aim of this bill is to arm American consumers with 
additional money to stimulate consumer spending, it is integral that 
this benefit is extended to the 20 million working families and the 20 
million seniors who were omitted from the House bill who are more 
likely to spend the money that will be included in the stimulus 
package.
  The package which is before the Senate which was enacted by the 
Finance Committee will be absolutely vital to low-income Americans and 
to seniors who otherwise would not have benefited from the package 
which was enacted in the House. So, again, the Senate Finance Committee 
package builds upon the provisions that were incorporated in the House 
legislation and are strengthened in the package that was marked up in 
the Senate yesterday.
  I think it is absolutely critical that we make sure no one is left 
behind when it comes to benefiting from this rebate that is directed at 
low-income and middle-income households because they are the ones who 
are most likely to spend this rebate because of the driving costs of, 
as I said, oil and food and the daily necessities of life.
  I also think it is important to extend the unemployment benefits, as 
I said earlier. The fact remains that the unemployment rate for the 
long term is twice as high as it was in the recession in 2002. We 
included extension of unemployment benefits. After all, if the purpose 
of this package is to put in place the fiscal tools to make sure we can 
do everything within our power to avert a potential recession, then we 
have to make sure these tools are absolutely in place to make sure we 
can avoid a potential decline in our economy that leads to a recession.
  In my home State alone, the case for an extension is undeniable. As 
the State department of labor reported, the announced layoffs for 
February and March are up an unconscionable 75 percent over the layoffs 
that occurred in December and January. Unemployment is increasing, 
certainly in my State. We have seen it reflected in the recent numbers. 
We have no way of knowing the extent to which it will get worse, but we 
do know by all accounts and certainly by the economic indicators, by 
the general consensus of economists, that a recession is a potential, 
that it could potentially be imminent in the short term. So all the 
more important to put in place a provision to extend unemployment 
benefits because it will have the maximum effect in our economy to 
impact direct spending. Also, I think it is important that it will 
stimulate the economy. In fact, Mark Zandi of Moody's Economy said that 
every dollar spent now on unemployment will result in an infusion in 
the economy of more than $1.64 cents.
  So the beneficiaries of this extension certainly will be those who 
have been unemployed for the long term, who have seen their benefits 
expire. If they have already exhausted their 26 weeks of benefits, they 
will have an additional 13 weeks. For those high-unemployment States, 
which is triggered at 6 percent or more, they will then get an 
additional 13 weeks of benefits. It would provide an immediate infusion 
of cash through a very reliable mechanism that is already in place to 
the people who very likely will spend that money on consumer goods.
  The fact is that long-term unemployment is twice as high today as it 
was in 2001 and the 2002 recession at a time when oil was only $25 a 
barrel, and today we have seen it is almost $100 a barrel. We cannot 
afford to ignore this potentially dire situation which this long-term 
unemployment rate poses. That is why I think it is absolutely important 
that we do everything we can to ensure that a stimulus package includes 
the extension of unemployment benefits.
  I also am pleased that we have energy tax incentives, as I said 
earlier, as well. Energy production tax credits will be extended in the 
first quarter of this year. By all industry estimates, it is indicated 
that we could create more than 100,000 jobs. I know in my own State of 
Maine, with some of the investments that have already been made in wind 
power, for example, there is more than $1.5 billion worth of projects 
that are pending, that are waiting for this energy tax credit.
  We know that in the final analysis, we are going to enact an energy 
tax credit that will cultivate the renewable sources of energy we need 
to generate in this country so we can reduce our dependency on foreign 
oil. What better way to do it than through tax credits. We know they 
have worked, and we know that later this year we will be considering 
these energy tax credits to extend them. So why not extend them now if 
we are certain it is going to create jobs? As I said, by industry 
accounts, the experts have estimated that more than 100,000 jobs will 
be created as a result of these tax credits.
  So it is unquestionable in terms of the benefits economically, it is 
unquestionable in terms of the benefits to our energy security and our 
independence, which is inextricably linked to economic security and 
progress. I do not think anybody in this Chamber can believe that 
lessening our dependence on oil and lowering its price per barrel, 
which these approaches will facilitate, will not prove to be an 
immediate boon to our economy. So these incentives are necessary, in my 
opinion, because they also address the root causes of our current 
downturn.
  I hope, in the final analysis, when we get to the question of a 
stimulus package, we will also include financing for low-income fuel 
assistance.
  Two years ago, I advanced a billion-dollar initiative in increasing 
financing for low-income fuel assistance. At that time, heating oil was 
$2.44 a gallon. Today, our families, households

[[Page 1222]]

are paying an inconceivable, incomprehensible increase of $3.45 a 
gallon--nearly $3,000 just to get through a winter. The average 
resident in the State of Maine uses about 850 gallons to 1,000 gallons, 
so that cost is near $3,000. The eligibility income for low-income fuel 
assistance is approximately $13,000. It takes more than a quarter of 
their income to pay for heating their home--more than a quarter of 
their income, of the $13,000. It is absolutely inconceivable that any 
family could live on $13,000 and pay more than a quarter of their 
income toward home heating oil that continues to rise as we speak when 
we are talking $3.45 a gallon.
  It is only right we fund this indispensable program. We have provided 
some increases. It is clear we need to do more, and what better way to 
stimulate the economy and to ensure households have the benefit of an 
increase in low-income fuel assistance than providing it as part of the 
stimulus package, particularly at the time of crisis for households in 
the cold weather regions of this country. I know there will be an 
amendment offered at the time we are considering the stimulus package.
  Finally, I wish to mention as ranking member of the Small Business 
Committee that there are two vital provisions, as I said earlier, 
regarding small business expensing and the extending of the carryback 
period of operating losses from 2 to 5 years. They are critically 
important initiatives because they certainly will be a great catalyst 
for the generation of jobs in America. Small businesses are the key to 
job creation in this country, key to our economy. They are responsible 
for creating two-thirds of all new jobs in America. They represent 99 
percent of all of our employers. They represent half of the employees 
in this country, so they are pivotal to the success or failure of our 
economy. The more we can invest in small business, the more we will see 
the benefits in terms of job creation. That is indisputable by any 
measurement, by any account; that they are able to create the kind of 
jobs directly that benefit our economy, benefit the people we 
represent, and they can make that investment quickly.
  That is certainly true when it comes to expensing, where they will be 
able to write off up to $250,000 in this initiative, where they will be 
able to use bonus depreciation, for example, and other important 
investments for capital incentives, and also as well for the carryback 
period, in extending and reaching back to 5 years. Any one of these 
initiatives or in combination is going to be absolutely vital to 
helping generate new jobs in our economy and helping to mitigate the 
downturn in our economy.
  The gravity and the urgency of our economic situation cannot be 
overstated, and it unquestionably requires swift and decisive action. 
So I hope at the time we consider this stimulus package, there will be 
strong support for the initiative that passed the Senate Finance 
Committee.
  Madam President, I yield the floor.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Texas is recognized.
  Mr. CORNYN. Madam President, I understand the leaders may well be 
coming to the floor here in the next few minutes, and certainly when 
they arrive I will defer to them for the business about which I know 
they will want to inform the Senate.

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