[Congressional Record (Bound Edition), Volume 153 (2007), Part 9]
[Senate]
[Pages 12990-12991]
[From the U.S. Government Publishing Office, www.gpo.gov]




                                 DARFUR

  Mr. FEINGOLD. Mr. President, I am pleased to join my colleagues 
Senators Menendez and Brownback this week in introducing a resolution 
that recognizes the unique diplomatic and economic leverage that China 
possesses, and that offers that country a rare opportunity to be a 
force for peace in the troubled Darfur region of Sudan.
  By now, we are all aware of the devastation being wrought upon the 
innocent people of Darfur. Over the past 4

[[Page 12991]]

years, hundreds of thousands of people have been killed and more than 
2.5 million displaced as a result of the ongoing and escalating 
violence caused by the Sudanese Government, associated Janjaweed 
militia attacks, and even the numerous rebel factions. Congress 
declared the Sudanese Government's atrocities to be genocide nearly 3 
years ago, and my colleagues and I have been actively demanding that 
the United States do everything in its power to bolster the hard-
working but inadequate African Union peacekeeping mission, support the 
efforts of courageous humanitarian workers, hold those responsible 
accountable for their actions, and persuade all parties to commit to a 
legitimate political resolution that can end the conflict and ensure 
people can safely and voluntarily return to their homes.
  Although I am frustrated that the United States' efforts to achieve 
these key objectives have been inadequate, I am even more upset by the 
Sudanese Government's persistent obstruction of all efforts to address 
Darfur's deep security, humanitarian, and political crises. The United 
States and other Western governments have made significant political 
and material investments in Sudan in an attempt to bring peace to that 
conflict-torn country, but as long as Khartoum continues to thwart its 
international obligations and pursue its violent campaign, these 
investments will not bring Sudan closer to peace.
  All parties agree that the tipping point in Sudan will come when the 
government there sees the costs of continuing to break existing 
promises and obstruct new agreements as greater than the benefits it 
can achieve by doing so.
  The country perhaps best positioned to affect the calculus of this 
cost-benefit analysis is China. Over the last decade, Beijing's energy 
firms have invested between $3 billion and $10 billion in the Sudanese 
energy sector, and China now exports seventy percent of Sudan's oil. 
China recently cancelled over $100 million in Sudanese debt and is 
building roads, bridges, an oil refinery, a hydroelectric dam, 
government offices and a new $20 million presidential palace. With 
these debt savings and oil revenues, Sudan has doubled its defense 
budget in recent years, spending 60 percent to 80 percent of its oil 
revenue on weapons--arms mostly made in China. I was very disturbed to 
see that the chief of Sudan's armed forces was so warmly welcomed in 
Beijing last week and promised increased military exchanges and 
cooperation.
  Eleven States, half a dozen cities, and more than 30 academic 
institutions across the United States have decided to divest from 
companies that do business with the Sudanese Government. Many of these 
companies are Chinese, which sends a signal to both Beijing and 
Khartoum that Americans--and others around the world--are willing to 
put their money where their mouths are when it comes to defending the 
people of Darfur.
  Africa can benefit from Chinese investment, but China's increasingly 
important role on the continent also carries responsibilities. As the 
2008 summer Olympics in Beijing approach, China is keen to be perceived 
as a key player on the world stage, but that means it needs to play by 
the rules. According to a recent Amnesty International report, China 
is, and I quote ``allowing ongoing flows of arms to parties to Sudan 
that are diverted for the conflict in Darfur and used there and across 
the border in Chad to commit grave violations of international law.'' 
This is, I note, also in violation of the U.N. arms embargo.
  Recently, China has begun to play a more constructive role in Sudan, 
by offering to contribute an engineering unit to the U.N.-led 
peacekeeping force that awaits admission into Darfur and by appointing 
a special representative to Africa who will focus specifically on the 
Darfur issue. These are notable, and welcomed developments, but they 
are not sufficient. We need to see a substantial policy shift in 
China's relationship with Khartoum that is reflected in both their 
public and their private efforts. China must send an unequivocal 
message that the relentless violence is unacceptable--and it must do so 
by working collaboratively and constructively with the rest of the 
international community to ensure a consistent message.
  The resolution introduced today urges China to be more constructive, 
consistent, and collaborative in its policy towards Sudan. It is our 
hope that through political messages like this resolution, diplomatic 
communication through formal and informal channels, and economic 
signals sent by the divestment campaign, China will be persuaded to 
take advantage of the unique opportunity it possesses to change the 
political calculus of the government in Khartoum so that the equation 
results in peace for the people of Darfur.

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