[Congressional Record (Bound Edition), Volume 153 (2007), Part 3]
[House]
[Pages 4245-4357]
[From the U.S. Government Publishing Office, www.gpo.gov]




                          IRAQ WAR RESOLUTION

  The SPEAKER pro tempore (Mr. Holden). Pursuant to section 3 of House 
Resolution 157, proceedings will now resume on the concurrent 
resolution (H. Con. Res. 63) disapproving of the decision of the 
President announced on January 10, 2007, to deploy more than 20,000 
additional United States combat troops to Iraq.
  The Clerk read the title of the concurrent resolution.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. When proceedings were postponed on 
Wednesday, February 14, 2007, time for debate on the concurrent 
resolution on that day had expired.
  Pursuant to the resolution, it is now in order for a further period 
of debate on the concurrent resolution.
  The gentleman from New York (Mr. Meeks) and the gentleman from 
Michigan (Mr. McCotter) each will control 6 hours.
  The Chair recognizes the gentleman from New York.
  Mr. MEEKS of New York. Mr. Speaker, I yield 5 minutes to the 
distinguished majority whip, the Honorable James Clyburn of South 
Carolina.
  Mr. CLYBURN. I thank the gentleman for yielding.
  Mr. Speaker, the debate we join today is essentially over the matter 
of sending 20,000 more American troops into Iraq. Over the past 2 days, 
some deeply felt sentiments have been expressed in this Hall by some 
patriotic and honorable Americans from all walks of life and on both 
sides of the aisle.

                              {time}  1030

  And I respect and appreciate the intensity of those feelings.
  If this were the only issue, if the matter were only a matter of 
troop strength and numbers, then the issue would lend itself to 
military and strategic solutions and we would not be having this 
debate.
  That is not the real issue, however. That is not the reason that 
every Member of this Congress is being granted the opportunity to speak 
on this issue. No, my fellow Members of Congress, the real issue we are 
addressing today is not that simple. The real issue goes to the very 
heart of our American democracy.
  Last November the American people voted for a change in leadership. 
They did so overwhelmingly because they want a new direction in Iraq. 
The

[[Page 4246]]

American people also voted for a new Congress, because they had lost 
faith in the old one. As a Congress, we had lost our footing, and as a 
result, our Nation lost its way on the international stage.
  I believe that last November's call for a new direction in Iraq is 
also rooted in our lost faith in those who are leading that nation.
  We were stung when Iraqi Prime Minister al-Maliki seemed to offer 
amnesty to Iraqi insurgents that killed Americans.
  We have been robbed by the disappearance of billions of dollars sent 
to Iraq in good faith to help build the country.
  We have been deceived by the promise of trained Iraqi police forces 
who should be prepared to provide law and order for their country, but 
instead ally themselves with insurgents.
  I traveled with some of you to Iraq last Memorial Day, and enjoyed 
what I thought was one of the best meetings of the trip with the Iraqi 
Speaker of the Council of Representatives. The optimism I felt 
following that meeting was destroyed when, just days after our return 
home, I heard the Iraqi Speaker denigrating American efforts in his 
country.
  We in the new leadership of Congress do not stand here as defeatists 
and not as opponents of this Nation's best interest. Only fools could 
reach that kind of conclusion from this discussion. We stand here today 
to say there is a victory to be achieved, but it is not a military 
conquest.
  The victory we seek is earned through the restoration of America's 
role as peacemaker, not warmonger. It begins with the restoration of 
this Congress, as the deliberative arbiter and representative of the 
best interest of the American people. It begins with the understanding 
and acceptance of this Congress as a full partner in the future of this 
activity.
  Many of us have seen firsthand and witnessed firsthand the realities 
of our presence in Iraq. Many of us have informed ourselves as fully as 
possible on the complexity of the problems we face. Many of us have 
agonized over the dangers and hazards which lie ahead, no matter which 
direction we take. We do not take these steps lightly.
  Now we stand ready to create new paths to new victories. We stand 
ready to initiate the kind of victories, which will restore America's 
respect around the world and self-confidence here at home.
  We cannot achieve this by military might, but by diplomacy. The need 
for a stable Iraq is not just an American interest, it is a regional 
and global concern.
  Iraq's neighbors must be brought to the table. American troops must 
disengage from the Red Zone and redeploy to the outskirts of Iraq where 
they can remain at the ready and not serve as targets for insurgents.
  The best way for the Iraqi Government to gain the trust of the 
American people is for them to step up and take control of their 
country's security.
  We say today that the victories we seek are real victories, permanent 
victories, victories of a Nation which still believes that the voice of 
the people is our final and best judgment.
  With this debate, we are taking steps to regain our footing as a 
Congress and chart a new way forward on the international stage.
  I am hopeful this debate will not only be heard, but will be accepted 
as the moment at which America turned its face toward a triumph of 
enormous proportions, a triumph for peace and a triumph for democracy 
everywhere
  Mr. McCOTTER. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
  Mr. Speaker, he was conscientious, committed to peace and momentarily 
praised. His laurels burned in the bombings. His valorous and vain 
efforts had but hastened upon his people.
  Yet, in eulogizing this ``English worthy,'' Sir Winston Churchill, an 
ardent opponent of the deceased's policy of appeasement, unexpectedly 
struck a conciliatory chord toward the late Neville Chamberlain:
  ``It is not given to human beings, happily for them, for otherwise 
life would be intolerable, to foresee or to predict to any large extent 
the unfolding course of events. In one phase, men seem to have been 
right, in another they seem to have been wrong. Then again, a few years 
later when the perspective of time is lengthened, all stands in a 
different setting. There is a new proportion. There is another scale of 
values. History, with its flickering lamp, stumbles along the trail of 
the past, trying to reconstruct its scenes, to revive its echoes, and 
kindle with pale gleams the passion of former days. What is the worth 
of all this? The only guide to a man is his conscience; the only shield 
to his memory is the rectitude and sincerity of his actions. It is very 
imprudent to walk through life without this shield, because we are so 
often mocked by the failure of our hopes and the upsetting our 
calculations; but with this shield, however the fates may play, we 
march always in the ranks of honor.''
  Mr. Speaker, while not serving in this Chamber during the debates on 
the resolution authorizing the President of the United States to use 
martial force to remove Iraq's Baathist regime for numerous just 
causes, including its refusal to honor its Gulf War cease-fire and 
United Nations' resolutions, during my time as a temporary custodian of 
my constituents' office, I have striven to ensure our Nation's victory 
in the battles for Iraq, Afghanistan, and in the overarching war on 
terror. In doing so for 3 years, I have four times traveled to Iraq and 
once to Afghanistan to meet with our troops; visited wounded citizen 
soldiers, eulogized our fallen, and consoled their grieving families. 
As a witness to their courage, sacrifice and suffering, I have been 
morally compelled to support every appropriation for our military and 
civilian personnel in harm's way, oppose every policy injurious to our 
country's common cause of victory; advance my own ideas on how to 
secure our victory, including the introduction of bipartisan, though 
ultimately unaccepted, legislation to establish concerted congressional 
oversight over the course of this conflict; and refused to condone a 
resolution by my Republican peers which failed to meet its duty; and, 
immediately afterwards, introduced a resolution of my own in order to 
fulfill my duty to our soldiers, my constituents, and our country.
  As a staunch supporter of our Nation's mission in Iraq, Afghanistan, 
and throughout the world, I did so in the belief that it is morally 
imperative for every sovereign American citizen and their congressional 
servants to ensure our valiant troops victoriously come home to their 
loved ones' arms. Were I to do otherwise and lapse in my moral duty, I 
would not only be violating our troops and my constituents' trust, I 
would be violating the dictates of my conscience.
  It is equally true, of course, how within this House other Members' 
dictates of conscience have led them to a decidedly different, though 
equally constant course of action. To these Members and their fellow 
citizens who have done so to date, I share the sentiments Sir Winston 
held for Neville Chamberlain: You are ``An American Worthy,'' who 
``however the fates may play, will ``march always in the ranks of 
honor.'' Yet, because the resolution thrust before us is a craven 
exposition of political expediency in a time of national crisis, today 
many may stray from the ranks of honor.
  This resolution is ``nonbinding,'' which means the resolution has no 
force of law to compel future legislative acts in compliance with its 
dictates. In sum, then, this resolution legally changes nothing. 
Americans' money will still unabatedly facilitate our troops' continued 
deployment into harm's way, despite the United States Congress 
collectively condemning the President's announced troop reinforcement 
plan. This impotent resolution is injurious in the eyes of its 
opponents because it will undermine the morale of our troops, their 
families, and our fellow citizens even as it heartens and emboldens our 
enemies; and this impotent resolution is injurious because it will not 
stop what many of its supporters purport will be a loss of life in a 
lost cause. By neither stopping the war nor speeding our victory and by 
calculatedly doing nothing in this time

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of national crisis, this resolution is immoral.
  This immorality is manifest in how the resolution guilefully attempts 
to insinuate the United States Congress can simultaneously support our 
troops and oppose their mission. During a time of war, if an act is not 
i our national interest, such as the President's plan is deemed to be 
in this resolution, the act is injurious to the national interest. At 
best, the act will expend resources, most tragically claim lives 
without furthering the cause of victory. Better than anyone, our troops 
understand this. Therefore, this Congress does not support our troops 
when it proclaims they are risking their lives in a doomed mission 
injurious to America.
  Yet, if Congress persists in this insanity, the Members must meet 
their responsibility to enumerate the reasons they disapprove of the 
President's plan and, in point of fact, the mission upon which our 
troops have already embarked. But this resolution does not provide any 
rationale for its conclusion. Thus, rather than deserving our 
collective concurrence, this resolution deserves our universal 
condemnation.
  To this, some supporters will object and allege two defenses for this 
resolution's fatal omission. Do not these supporters' floor remarks 
provide the rationales sufficient to sustain this resolution? No. If 
floor remarks alone are sufficient to sustain the resolution's 
conclusions, then floor remarks alone would be sufficient to derogate 
the President's plan and, ergo, vitiate any necessity for a written 
resolution. Conversely, if it is imperative for the plan's detractors 
to express their opposition in a written resolution, it is also 
imperative to express their reasons in writing. Alas, such logic pales 
before some Members' impulsive muse of the moment.
  Let us, then, move to some of the resolution's supporters' second, 
far more distressing defense: ``A vote of disapproval on the 
President's plan will set the stage for additional Iraq legislation 
which will be coming to the House floor.'' As no one who participated 
in the crafting of this covert legislative agenda has deigned to inform 
the American people as to its aims, one wonders if it will cut off 
funding for our troops in harm's way or cut off critical reconstruction 
funding in the supplemental appropriations bill, thus toppling an 
unheralded but essential pillar of the President's new victory strategy 
and proving the perspicacity of the present resolution. While we wonder 
and worry, according to newspaper reports there is a strategy to make 
this rumored legislative plan palatable to the public. This strategy's 
tactics, which its instigators are more than happy to relate to the 
media, are reputed to include a coordinated multimillion-dollar TV 
campaign by leftist special-interest pressure groups. No doubt 
somewhere beyond this ephemeral stream of time there lurks a jealous 
Clement Vallandigham. But, in fairness, let us disdain a priori 
speculation, and instead examine a previous resolution to glean the 
potentialities of the present resolution's supporters' secret 
legislative plan. The following passages are excerpted from a previous 
resolution which, albeit more forthrightly, also opposes the Commander 
in Chief's decisions:
  ``Resolved, That this convention does explicitly declare, as the 
sense of the American people, that after 4 years of failure . . . by 
the experiment of war, during which, under the pretense of a military 
necessity of war-power higher than the Constitution, the Constitution 
itself has been disregarded in every part, and public liberty and 
private right alike trodden down, and the material prosperity of the 
country essentially impaired, justice, humanity, liberty, and the 
public welfare demand that immediate efforts be made for cessation of 
hostilities . . . to the end that, at the earliest practicable moment, 
peace be restored.''
  This previous resolution too expresses its support for our troops in 
harm's way:
  ``Resolved, That the sympathy of the Democratic Party is heartily and 
earnestly extended to the soldiery of our Army and sailors of our Navy 
who are and have been in the field and on the sea under the flag of our 
country, and in the events of its attaining power, they will receive 
all the care, protection, and regard that brave soldiers and sailors of 
the Republic have so nobly earned.''
  This previous resolution is the Democratic Party platform of 1864.
  If the past is prologue, let us be firm in a fair request: If the 
resolution's supporters possess a victory strategy, or otherwise, for 
Iraq, these public servants must immediately reveal it to the sovereign 
citizens of the United States. If these stealth strategists refuse, 
they will incur the American people's inference this legislative plan 
assumes and will hasten our Nation's defeat in Iraq. How else could one 
explain these individuals' already having a legislative plan and an 
accompanying media plan premised upon our troop reinforcement failure, 
and doing so regardless of potential American victories on the ground 
or the advice of our military commanders? Perhaps while they demur from 
revealing it, these anonymous commander in chiefs will dubiously coin 
their legislative plan an ``exit strategy.''

                              {time}  1045

  It is an irrelevant distinction. Right now the enemy is actively 
seeking to murder more American and Iraqi soldiers and civilians. So 
right now and for the immediate future, an exit from Iraq is a defeat 
in Iraq. Whatever one pretends to the contrary, one will never convince 
our enemies otherwise.
  Yes, it is all too human to wish the world were different; all too 
human to rationalize away one's misguided actions. Being composed of 
frail, fallible human beings, even great assemblies such as this have 
succumbed to the temptation. We must not.
  Writing well before Churchill's magnanimous eulogy of Chamberlain 
and, to the contrary, warning the British people's representatives how 
history was pitiless, George Dangerfield coldly assessed his national 
leaders' mismanagement of state affairs during the pre-Great War years 
of 1910 to 1914: ``Along that row of distinguished and original faces 
there would pass from time to time, as lightly as a shadow upon the 
waters, an alarming, an alien spirit, a spirit dangerous and 
indefinite, the Spirit of Whimsy . . . In the hush of crisis, in the 
tumult of abuse, or when the stuffy air of the Commons seemed almost to 
glitter with the shining, salt ripples of sarcasm, there it played, 
airy, remote, and irresponsible.''
  Is an inchoate angst over history's final verdict the reason some 
supporters of this resolution have taken to this floor, though not in 
this resolution itself, and verbally professed three key defenses of 
their decision? One defense is they were misled into supporting an 
Iraqi regime change because of the false claim it did or might possess 
weapons of mass destruction. Mercifully, let us stipulate these elected 
officials performed their due diligence on the matter and, especially 
for our Democratic colleagues so situated, they did not overly trust 
the some many of them had accused of stealing a Presidential election.
  Again, there were numerous justifiable reasons for authorizing the 
President of the United States to militarily execute a regime change in 
Iraq. As those reasons are written in that resolution, I will not dwell 
upon them, for they do not constitute the crux of the matter, which is 
this: the war aim of regime change was a success. It is the post-war 
failure of Iraqi reconstruction breeding our present perils.
  Thus even if a Member of Congress can be excused for authorizing 
force on the basis of being ``misled,'' the Member of Congress cannot 
be excused for failing to demand adequate post-war reconstruction 
planning, nor for a 3-year failure to demand constructive changes to an 
inadequate post-war reconstruction plan.
  Dovetailing with this defense, some of the resolution's supporters 
now claim their initial ardor for the regime change was a mistake 
because this administration has botched Iraqi reconstruction beyond 
salvaging and the fledgling democracy is now in a state of civil war. 
This argument has the

[[Page 4248]]

 merit of being partially correct, for despite the hard-learned lessons 
of our Nation's former successes in doing so, this administration 
utterly failed to comprehend and implement the fundamental principles 
of reconstructing a defeated, belligerent nation. Importantly, this 
does not preclude reconstructing Iraq now.
  While rife with sectarian violence, much of it instigated and 
perpetuated from external elements, Iraq is not in a civil war. 
Relative calm exists in most of the beleaguered nation's provinces, and 
if one dares to look, there are the agonizingly slow but significant 
signs of incremental progress in the establishment of order. This 
progression will be expedited by the administration's new plan, which 
finally incorporates the two fundamental principles of Iraqi or any 
reconstruction plan, one, a liberal democratic society evolves upward 
from its traditional roots of order, not from a centralized 
bureaucratic government downward; and, two, a nation's transformational 
evolution into a liberal democracy must contemporaneously provide 
transactional benefits to its citizens. These fundamental principles 
will be implemented through critical initiatives, such as provincial 
reconstruction teams, an accord on oil revenue allocations, and a 
national reconciliation process, amongst others.
  But to earn the support of terrorized Iraqis, security must first be 
established so they may commence securing the blessings of liberty. 
This is why the troop reinforcement is required and why the twin 
pillars of troop reinforcement and grass-roots reconstruction can 
achieve a joint American and Iraqi victory over the enemies of liberty.
  The ineluctable fact of our victory is it must be won with the help 
of Iraqis, which is disconcerting to many of this resolution's 
supporters who believe the Iraqis are unwilling to fight for their 
freedom and are incapable of perpetuating once it is secured. This 
argument often intersects with the charge our mission in Iraq has been 
untenably shifted from effectuating a regime change to erecting a model 
democracy; and for the above reasons, they think this is impossible. 
This deplorable argument is antithetical to the self-evident truths 
written into our own Declaration of Independence, though, sadly, it is 
not without precedent. Once more, let us reference another resolution, 
this one opposing a military mission creeping toward a decidedly 
different goal:
  ``Resolved: that the emancipation proclamation of the President of 
the United States is as unwarranted in military as in civil law; a 
gigantic usurpation, at once converting the war, professedly commenced 
by the administration for the vindication of the authority of the 
Constitution, into a crusade for the sudden, unconditional and violent 
liberation of 3 million Negro slaves; a result which would not only be 
a total subversion of the Federal Union, but a revolution in the social 
organization of the Southern States, the immediate and remote, the 
present and far-reaching consequences of which to both races cannot be 
contemplated without the most dismal foreboding of horror and dismay. 
The proclamation invites servile insurrection as an element in this 
emancipation crusade, a means of warfare, th inhumanity and diabolism 
of which are without example in civilized warfare, and which we 
denounce, and which the civilized world will denounce as an 
uneffaceable disgrace to the American people.''
  So much for the prognostications of the ``Peace Democrat'' controlled 
Illinois legislature's 1863 resolution. Thankfully, by the grace of God 
and the sanguine sacrifice of the American people, it was this Illinois 
legislature, not our African American brothers and sisters and our 
Nation's great emancipator, who are to be denounced by the civilized 
world for all eternity.
  What of our legislative body? Now resurrects the specter of our own 
judgment, which hovers above and shadows us as we seek to ensure we are 
not forever weighed in the balance and found wonting. It is as it 
should be, as it must be, for notwithstanding its nonbinding nature, 
even after this resolution's disposition, our duty demands we make 
moral decisions affecting our Nation's victory or defeat, and our 
fellow citizens' lives or deaths. Is this not why, even while bearing 
malice towards none of them, in defending his own war plan, our own 
maligned President warned his opponents history is a harsh mistress:
  ``Is it doubted, then, that the plan I propose, if adopted, would 
shorten the war and thus lessen its expenditure of money and of blood? 
Is it doubted that it would restore the national authority and national 
prosperity and perpetuate both indefinitely? Is it doubted that we 
here, Congress and Executive, can secure its adoption? Will not the 
good people respond to a united and earnest appeal from us? Can we, can 
they, by any other means, so certainly or so speedily, assure these 
vital objects? We can succeed only by concert. It is not `Can any of us 
imagine better?' but `Can we all do better?' Objection whatsoever is 
possible. Still the question recurs `Can we do better?' The dogmas of 
the quiet past are inadequate to the stormy present. The occasion is 
piled high with difficulty and we must rise to the occasion. As our 
case is new, so we must think anew, act anew. We must disenthrall 
ourselves and then we shall save our country.
  ``Fellow citizens, we cannot escape history. We of this Congress and 
this administration will be remembered in spite of ourselves. No 
personal significance or insignificance can spare one or another of us. 
The fiery trial through which we pass will light us down, in honor or 
dishonor, to the latest generation. We say we are for the Union. The 
world will not forget that we say this. We know how to save the Union. 
The world knows we do know how to save it. We, even we here, hold the 
power and bear the responsibility. In giving freedom to the slave, we 
assure freedom to the free, honorable alike in what we give and what we 
preserve. We shall nobly save, or meanly lose, the last best hope of 
Earth. Other means may succeed; this could not fail. The way is plain, 
peaceful, generous, just, a way which, if followed, the world will 
forever applaud, and God must forever bless.''
  My friends, history harkens your honorable hearts to reconsider 
supporting this immoral resolution. If one believes all human beings 
are equally God's children, whether they be free or yearning to breathe 
free, one cannot, after a cruel sip of hope, condemn 20 million of 
God's equally beloved children to a saturnalia of slaughter. If one 
supports our troops, one cannot deride their cause as injurious to our 
country. If one seeks our victory in the war on terror, one cannot 
advocate a retreat and defeat in the face of our enemy.
  My friends, through the fog of war, our fiery trial illumes and 
creeps ever nearer along the trail. Rather than curse the darkness and 
dread the echoes of history's verdict, let us acquit ourselves with 
lasting honor by leading our searching Nation through these trying, 
transformational times and into a transcendent, triumphal tomorrow. Let 
us earn the esteem of the latest and later generations of all free 
people by reaffirming our revolutionary Republic cherishes the self-
evident truth that all human beings yearn to breathe free. Let us, in 
our Nation's finest traditions and truest character, remove the Iraqi 
people's bonds of oppression and replace them with bonds of brotherhood 
amongst our free, sovereign, and secure peoples.
  Let us, in the face of terror, march always in the ranks of honor and 
courageously and selflessly secure the Iraqi people's blessings of 
liberty and, in so doing, secure our own blessings of liberty for 
unnamed generations of American children.
  Mr. Speaker, fully cognizant of my moral duty to our troops, my 
constituents, my country, and my Creator, I cannot in good conscience 
support this resolution, which is injurious to the cause of our 
Nation's victory and in consequence is patiently immoral. Therefore, I 
urge this resolution's rejection and pray God graces, guards, and 
guides the steps of all who bear the burden of our decisions made on 
behalf of the majestic American people.
  Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
  Mr. MEEKS of New York. Mr. Speaker, let me just say that from my 
understanding, we are a separate but equal

[[Page 4249]]

branch of government. The Executive does its thing; we do ours. And 
part of our responsibility is to debate, investigate and evaluate what 
the President says and not simply rubber-stamp what he says. So we are 
doing our job and what the American people elect us to do
  Mr. Speaker, it is my pleasure to now yield 5 minutes to the 
gentlewoman from Illinois, the chief deputy whip, the Honorable Jan 
Schakowsky.
  Ms. SCHAKOWSKY. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman for yielding.
  Mr. Speaker, I rise on behalf of my constituents in Illinois to say, 
as strongly as possible for myself and for them, that we reject 
President Bush's decision to deploy more than 20,000 additional United 
States combat troops to Iraq.
  Tragically, the President and his administration are dealing with an 
Iraq that exists only in their imagination. Bob Herbert said it well in 
Monday's New York Times: ``We need to stop pretending that there is 
something sane about continued U.S. involvement in this ruinous war. We 
keep sending troops into the combat zone, and they keep sinking ever 
deeper into the ancient Middle East sand. To keep sending young people 
off to die in a war that everybody knows is pointless is criminal.''
  Each time that the Bush administration has proclaimed that we must 
stay the course because the war has just reached a turning point, that 
turn has led to a dead end.
  May 2003, President Bush declared ``Mission Accomplished.'' By the 
end of 2003, 486 of our troops were dead and 2,408 were wounded. And 
yet we stayed the course in Iraq.
  In June 2004, President Bush said, ``We're handing over authority to 
a sovereign Iraqi Government . . . a turning point will come in less 
than 2 weeks.''
  By the end of 2004, 1,334 of our troops were killed and 10,408 were 
wounded. And yet we stayed the course in Iraq.
  In June 2005, Vice President Cheney said, ``I think they are in the 
last throes, if you will, of the insurgency.'' And in December 2005, 
President Bush said `` . . . the year 2005 will be recorded as a 
turning point in the history of Iraq, the history of the Middle East, 
and the history of freedom.''
  By the end of 2005, 2,180 of our troops were killed and 16,354 were 
wounded. And yet we stayed the course in Iraq.
  In May 2006, President Bush called the formation of a new Iraqi 
Government ``a turning point.'' By the end of 2006, 3,001 of our troops 
were killed and 22,736 were wounded. And yet we stayed the course in 
Iraq.
  And just last month, Vice President Cheney proclaimed, ``Well, I 
think if you look at what's transpired in Iraq . . . we have, in fact, 
made enormous progress.'' And President Bush told us that his new 
strategy to escalate the war in Iraq ``will change America's course in 
Iraq and help us succeed in the fight against terror.''
  Since those remarks made just days ago, more than 120 troops are 
dead, and yet once again we are being asked to stay the course in Iraq.
  My colleagues across the aisle want to characterize this troop 
increase, the fourth escalation, as a new direction. But the American 
people know better. They recognize ``stay the course'' when they see 
it, and they are saying no. And the administration continues the 
charade that if you don't support this war and this escalation, then 
you don't support the troops.
  Shame on them. It is they who have failed to serve the troops who 
have served us so well. From day one our troops were sent into the war 
theater without the proper equipment to maximize their safety. Families 
have bake sales to buy their loved ones better vests and helmets. Just 
last month the Pentagon's Inspector General found that the Defense 
Department hasn't been able to properly equip the troops it already has 
with enough guns and ammunition to ``effectively complete their 
missions.'' That is a quote. Soldiers are short body armor, armored 
vehicles, and communication equipment. Imagine this war is costing $12 
million every hour, 24/7 for 4 years, nearly half a trillion dollars, 
and our soldiers don't have enough body armor, ammunition, 
communications equipment?

                              {time}  1100

  If our troops aren't the priority, who is? Halliburton, Blackwater, 
other corporate chums of the President? Don't lecture us about caring 
for the troops.
  The Executive Director of Iraq and Afghanistan Veterans of America 
recently said of our returning soldiers and marines, ``And when they 
come home, there aren't nearly enough transitional care services, job 
placement, transitional housing. It is just not there.'' Twelve million 
dollars an hour to wage this war, and our veterans are returning home 
without the proper care they need?
  Our support for the troops compels us to oppose this war and this 
escalation. Of the terrible options the President has left us after 4 
years, the absolute worst is to continue to send our young men and 
women in uniform to die in the meat grinder that is Iraq and to put 
them in the cross-hairs of a civil war.
  Speaker Pelosi has said that our goal is to end this war. We can 
begin right here, right now, by passing this resolution.
  Mr. MEEKS of New York. Mr. Speaker, it is my pleasure to yield 5 
minutes to the honorable gentleman from Maryland (Mr. Van Hollen), the 
mover and shaker on the Ways and Means Committee.
  Mr. VAN HOLLEN. I thank my colleague from New York.
  Mr. Speaker, next month we will mark the fourth anniversary of the 
President's decision to launch a war of choice against Iraq. Many of us 
came to the floor of this House in the weeks before the invasion to 
urge the President to take a different course. The White House ignored 
those appeals for restraint. The President's mantra was, and these are 
his words, ``Bring it on.''
  For almost 4 years after the invasion, the President had a rubber-
stamp Congress right here that never seriously questioned his misguided 
policies in Iraq. It was the ``see no problems, hear no problems, 
conduct no oversight'' Congress.
  When the President stood below the banner ``Mission Accomplished'' 
aboard the USS Abraham Lincoln in May 2003, the rubber-stamp Congress 
believed the slogan, rather than the facts on the ground.
  When Vice President Cheney declared that the insurgency was in ``its 
final throes'' back in May 2005, the Republican Congress accepted that 
verdict without question.
  When the President unveiled his so-called ``Plan For Victory'' at the 
Naval Academy in November 2005, the old Congress dutifully parroted the 
talking points sent down from the other end of Pennsylvania Avenue.
  The days of the rubber-stamp Congress are now over. This Congress 
will no longer serve as the mouthpiece for the White House. This 
Congress is finally standing up to do its job as a separate and coequal 
branch of government.
  Mr. Speaker, the message from the last election was clear. The 
American people have an uncanny ability to cut through the slogans and 
get to the heart of the matter. They understood clearly that more of 
the same in Iraq was not working. And the American people understand 
what both General Casey and General Abizaid have told us: that the 
escalation of more troops in Iraq is not the answer; that it will make 
matters worse, not better.
  Increasing the number of American troops in Iraq will put off the day 
when the Iraqis, the Shia, the Sunnis and the Kurds, must make the 
difficult compromises necessary to achieve political and national 
reconciliation. Putting more American forces in the middle of a bloody 
sectarian civil war will only lead to further violence and more 
American and more Iraqi casualties. It is time for the Iraqis to assume 
more responsibility, not less.
  The Bush administration has been wrong about this war from the 
beginning and it is wrong with respect to its proposed course of action 
now. The recommendations of the bipartisan, independent Baker-Hamilton 
Commission provide for the responsible redeployment of our forces and 
represents the best way forward in Iraq.

[[Page 4250]]

  And to those who would suggest that having this debate will undermine 
our troops, I say shame on you. Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff 
General Peter Pace put that canard to rest just last week when he said, 
``There is no doubt in my mind that the dialogue here in Washington 
strengthens our democracy. Period.''
  Our men and women fighting in Iraq understand the strength and 
vibrancy of this democracy, and they understand that it is our duty in 
this Congress to exercise our best judgment for America's national 
security. What has harmed our national security is not the debate in 
Iraq, but the lack of serious oversight over the Bush administration's 
decisions and conduct.
  What emboldens our enemies is not the exercise of our democracy, but 
misguided policies that have weakened our national security.
  Our national security is weakened when our credibility around the 
world is undermined by false claims regarding weapons of mass 
destruction. Our national security is weakened when the chaos in Iraq 
allows Iran to greatly expand its influence in the region. Our national 
security is weakened when America's diminished standing in the world 
has eroded our ability to influence the actions of others. Our national 
security is weakened because we have diverted our attention away from 
completing the mission against the architects of 9/11, against Osama 
bin Laden and al Qaeda and the terrorist network that continues to 
operate along the Afghan-Pakistan border.
  We must change course. We must strengthen our national security 
position, not compound the errors we have already made. That is what 
this resolution is all about. We hope the President will join us in 
that effort. Let's chart a new direction now together.
  Mr. McCOTTER. Mr. Speaker, I yield such time as he may consume to the 
gentleman from Oklahoma (Mr. Cole).
  Mr. COLE of Oklahoma. I thank the gentleman from Michigan.
  Mr. Speaker, I have listened to the debate over the last 2 days, 
really dozens and dozens of speeches, and, frankly, speeches of 
exceptionally high quality on both sides of the issue. I have listened 
particularly to the speakers who were here in 2002 when the momentous 
decision to go to war was actually made. Those who were opposed, I have 
admired because in their opposition in October of 2002 they were taking 
an unpopular position, but clearly one that they believed in, and I 
think they deserve our respect for that, even if I don't agree with 
that particular point of view.
  Second, I have watched those who voted in favor of that tough 
decision, and I have watched as they have stuck to that decision 
because they believe the stakes are so important for the United States. 
They have done so even when public opinion has turned against their 
position. And I admire that.
  Frankly, I have watched speakers who have changed their position, who 
were first for the war and now are opposed to it. It is easy to deride 
people in that position. But, quite frankly, I have watched them, and 
they are anguished in their opinions and their conclusions; they are 
sensitive, obviously, to the easy and cheap criticism of opportunism. 
And I particularly admire those, frankly, in my own party who have 
broken with their President and their party over a position that they 
believe in deeply. I don't agree with them, but I admire them.
  What I don't admire is the Democratic leadership that has brought us 
a resolution which is divisive without being decisive. It orders no 
action. I have spoken on that at length before, and I am not going to 
go into it now. I want to instead focus on the issues at stake.
  Like all of those elected in 2002, 2004, 2006, I was not part of the 
initial decision to go to war, and, frankly, I often think how 
fortunate I was to have been spared that responsibility. But, of 
course, none of us on this floor ever truly escapes responsibility.
  My attitude toward this conflict reflects that of my district and, 
frankly, that of my father, who was a career noncommissioned officer in 
the United States Army. I recall once when he was talking about war, he 
summed it up pretty simply: When you are in it, win it.
  That is what I have tried to do with my vote, my voice, my energy, 
since I have been elected to represent my district. I have done so 
because, frankly, in some areas I have seen progress. Removing Saddam 
Hussein from power was a good thing and I am proud that that was 
accomplished, and it would not have been accomplished without the valor 
and the professionalism of American men and women in arms.
  I am pleased to have seen a Constitution formed in Iraq that is the 
envy of the Arab world.
  I am proud to have seen three elections take place, all of which had 
increasingly high participation and had, frankly, higher percentages 
than vote in our own elections.
  I was hopeful when I saw a coalition government formed that had 
Kurds, that had Sunnis, that had Shia, that had other elements in the 
Iraqi population.
  I have been impressed with Iraqi forces that do stand and fight. And 
let's make no mistake about it: Most of the fighting and dying 
militarily is being done by Iraqis and they deserve our respect for 
that.
  And, frankly, I think like all Americans, I was enormously relieved 
when I see actors like the late al-Zarqawi, people who would kill 
Americans anywhere, anytime, who are not from Iraq, being sought out 
with the help of Iraqis and killed far away from our shores. That is 
important, and that is something we should acknowledge.
  I have also supported the war because I feared the consequences of 
defeat in Iraq. And, believe me, there are consequences to losing the 
war. These are real.
  If we are not successful in Iraq, we will have an emboldened enemy. 
Not just the terrorists that we deal with, they are bad enough, but 
also the states that use terrorism as a tool of diplomacy. States like 
Iran, states like Syria, will draw comfort.
  We will have demoralized friends in the region and around the world 
that wonder whether or not they can really count on us once we make a 
commitment.
  We will see the death of an infant democracy, never a good thing for 
the lovers of freedom.
  We will see a sectarian bloodbath in Iraq that will result in the 
death of tens of thousands, if not hundreds of thousands, of Iraqis.
  And we will see a destabilized region in which the United States has 
vital interests and to which our own security is intimately tied.
  I acknowledge that things have not gone in Iraq as I, certainly, and 
I think everybody, regardless of their position on the issue, would 
have hoped. There is no question that we underestimated what was 
required, not to defeat Saddam, frankly, that was done brilliantly, but 
to secure Iraq.
  We have underestimated the persistence of and the difficulty the 
outside players would create for us. We underestimated how anxious 
people inside Iraq would be to settle old scores instead of to look 
ahead. And we have underestimated the impact of the divided loyalties 
of Iraqis themselves, where so often we see sect against sect, 
ethnicity against ethnicity, tribe against tribe.
  But these difficulties and mistakes, regrettable as they are, do not 
change the consequences of losing in Iraq, for the region, for Iraqis, 
and, most importantly, for ourselves.
  At this critical point, the President has offered a plan to avert 
defeat, and, if the Iraqis are up to the task, to turn the tide. It has 
an American military component, and that is what this resolution deals 
with.
  But contrary to what I have heard on the floor, it is not a major 
escalation in forces. It is not an effort to allow the Iraqis to avoid 
the fighting. Nor is it an effort to win militarily. It is an effort to 
buy the time needed to create an environment in Iraq that will allow 
Iraqis to succeed politically. It will allow them to begin to push 
toward the reconciliation process and review the de-Baathification 
program. It will allow them to share power with one another. It will 
allow provisional elections to take place. It will allow oil

[[Page 4251]]

revenue to be distributed more equitably. It will allow Iraqi units the 
time to train, stand up and continue to fight and fight more 
professionally and proficiently than they have.
  The U.S. force is indispensable in achieving these measures, but it 
will not be and it is not intended to be decisive. What will win or 
lose in Iraq ultimately are Iraqi politicians: Can they put their 
differences aside? Iraqi soldiers: Can they fight for their country 
instead of against one another? And the Iraqi people: Can they put 
aside the differences and demand better leadership than they have 
received thus far from their own people.
  Some will say this is a hopeless task, but our military leaders and 
our troops in the field don't tell us that. General Petraeus, a man 
whom all sides acknowledge is not only professional, capable, but is 
dedicated and a great patriot, tells us he thinks this is an achievable 
mission if he has the forces he needs to succeed. The average soldiers 
that I talked to from my district and other units also tell me they 
believe this is doable. But they want us in Congress and in this 
country to have the political resolve to match their personal courage.
  History teaches us that freedom is a powerful force. We should trust 
it. And it also teaches us sometimes it needs outside help. All of us 
as Americans are justly proud of the American Revolution. We often 
forget it took a French fleet, French army and Dutch money to finally 
finish the job.
  Mr. Speaker, because I believe the consequences of losing in Iraq are 
horrible for Iraqis, for Americans, and for the cause of liberty and 
our friends around the world; because I think that we, the Iraqis and 
the Americans together, can still win; because I believe that defeat 
has catastrophic consequences for the United States, I urge the 
rejection of this resolution and support the cause that our fighting 
men and women are so nobly advancing in Iraq.

                              {time}  1115

  Mr. MEEKS of New York. Mr. Speaker, it is my pleasure to yield 5\1/2\ 
minutes to the Chair of the Steering Committee, the Honorable Rosa 
DeLauro.
  Ms. DeLAURO. Mr. Speaker, this week the Congress finally takes up its 
obligation to change course in Iraq. We have arrived at a new moment. 
Few responsibilities are more solemn for a Member of this body than one 
in which he or she is obligated to register a vote of no confidence in 
their President in a time of war.
  Under different circumstances, I think most Americans would want to 
give their President the benefit of the doubt on matters of war, that 
they would want to trust the President's judgment to do what is right 
for our country, for our national security interests, and for our 
troops and their families who never leave our prayers.
  It is a measure of how desperate matters have become in Iraq that the 
Congress considers this resolution of disapproval. Today, we find 
ourselves embroiled in a war that is not winnable, a religious war that 
is inconsistent with our original mission there, a war the American 
people no longer support.
  And with 3,100 American lives lost, sectarian violence threatening to 
spill over into the entire Middle East, and no prospect for a stable, 
constitutional democracy in Iraq in sight, today we consider this war 
for not what we wish it were but for what it has so clearly and 
tragically become, a mistake of historic proportions.
  As such, I will support this resolution opposing the escalation of 
this conflict. And with this debate, the Congress takes up its 
constitutional responsibilities with a sense of urgency and 
accountability that the public so desperately seeks from us. For too 
long the Congress has asked too few questions and been all too willing 
to put politics and ideology before our Nation's security.
  To be sure, matters of war are the most serious that I will 
deliberate over in the United States Congress. Indeed, such a vote was 
my first in the Congress in 1991. But with this moment, Congress now 
has the opportunity to take the country into a new phase of this war. 
To me, nothing matters more than getting this right.
  Four years ago, I voted against authorizing the President to go to 
war because, as I said on this House floor, I believed taking 
unilateral action against Iraq would ``weaken our moral authority, our 
military effectiveness and our ability to keep events under control 
afterwards.''
  Today, 1 month into the new Congress, and for the first time since 
the previous majority rushed to authorize this war in October of 2002, 
every Member of this institution, Democrat or Republican, will face a 
different choice. With the situation so clearly out of control, Members 
can trust President Bush one more time as he escalates the conflict in 
Iraq, or they can support a change in direction that begins to redeploy 
our troops out of Iraq, that uses our military in the right way, to 
make our country safer and raise America's standing so that we have 
both allies and moral authority to address our threats.
  To be sure, of all the concerns we take to the floor with, it is the 
deteriorating welfare of our troops that is most alarming. Of course, 
every American takes comfort in the heroism and the determination that 
our soldiers have shown. They have performed magnificently, but they 
have been charged with an impossible mission that undermines their 
incalculable sacrifice and has strained our military in countless ways, 
from manpower to morale.
  As the father of one marine whose son has been deployed for the 
second time to Iraq wrote to me, ``You forget what it is like to 
actually sleep through the night without waking up to the horrible 
thought that you might not ever see your son again.''
  Mr. Speaker, we all know our troops will do anything their country 
asks of them, but let us not ask them to escalate an unwinnable war.
  Today, virtually everyone agrees we need a new strategy, everyone, 
that is, except for the President who continues to pursue an objective 
the consensus judgment of our Nation's intelligence agencies says has 
no chance of success. Indeed, in proposing an escalation of the current 
strategy, the President rejects conclusions drawn by the National 
Intelligence Estimate, the bipartisan Iraq Study Group, his own 
generals and, perhaps most importantly, the American people. In so 
doing, he sends what could be as many as 170,000 troops into a civil 
war that is being waged along sectarian fault lines that have existed 
for more than 1,300 years.
  Such a policy will not only make matters worse, in my view and that 
of the Iraq Study Group. It will also postpone Iraqis taking 
responsibility and postpone diplomatic efforts that we so urgently need 
to reach a political settlement in Iraq and avoid an all-out civil war 
that spills into the entire Middle East.
  Mr. Speaker, I am not willing to stand here in the well of the House 
of Representatives and not move to change our policy in Iraq. There are 
too many lives at stake, our security at stake. I support the 
conclusions and recommendations of the bipartisan Iraq Study Group, but 
I have crossed the Rubicon on this war. I support phased redeployment 
over the next year and will seek every opportunity to mandate such a 
change in law. But that begins with stopping this escalation
  Mr. Speaker, I harbor no illusions about the President's willingness 
to hear this message from the Congress. Before long, it may be 
necessary to mandate reductions in troop levels. But the President must 
understand that the public and the Congress do not support his policies 
in Iraq--that if we can even hope to achieve a stable Iraq, a peaceful 
Middle East and a more secure America, our strategy must change. That 
is what this vote of no confidence is about. That is our obligation--
let us honor it.
  Mr. SAM JOHNSON of Texas. Mr. Speaker, I will make a statement later, 
but right now I would like to introduce Congressman Geoff Davis from 
the State of Kentucky who was in the U.S. Military Academy at West 
Point and served this Nation as an assault helicopter flight commander 
in the 82nd Airborne Division, which is where I went through jump 
school, too, and I think he is well qualified to discuss this issue.

[[Page 4252]]

  I would like to recognize the gentleman for 5 minutes.
  Mr. DAVIS of Kentucky. Mr. Speaker, I rise today in support of our 
troops and dedicated civilian professionals, and to my former comrades 
and friends now serving, and against the Democrat resolution 
disapproving of reinforcing our troops in combat.
  This week, Congress has spent its time debating a futile, nonbinding 
resolution when, in reality, we should be debating policy initiatives 
that will help our troops in their mission and lead to stability. I 
believe that in fighting the war in Iraq that there is room for an open 
and honest debate about the best way to advance the compelling national 
security interests of this Nation. Honest debate, respectful 
disagreement, and constructive dialogue are components of our great 
Republic; and it is important to honor the process that our institution 
provides.
  Furthermore, this measure seeks to debate whether we support an 
operational decision that, in reality, should be made by the commanders 
on the ground, not by politicians in Congress. What are we going to be 
debating next week, Mr. Speaker? Which block in Baghdad? Which precinct 
to target? This nonbinding resolution serves no purpose other than 
pacifying the Democrats' political base and lowering morale in our 
military. At least one Democrat has likened this type of resolution to 
a child stomping in the corner.
  The troops will be doing their job by completing the mission that 
they have been given, and we in Congress need to do ours. Our troops 
who are fighting abroad do not get to debate the validity of their 
mission. Their enemies are real, and they are fighting day in and day 
out to protect our country, the Iraqi people and themselves.
  This resolution does not help make progress in Iraq. It does not 
provide a new approach in Iraq and does not make our Nation or our 
troops more secure. That is what we need to be doing, not wasting our 
time debating a measure that can dishearten and demoralize our citizens 
faithfully serving in theater while encouraging and emboldening the 
adversaries of stability.
  We have seen the aggression of this faceless and cowardly enemy in 
the bombing of Pan Am 103 in 1988, in al Qaeda's attack on the USS Cole 
in 2000, and the tragic events of September 11. This enemy is driven by 
hate and seeks to do Americans harm.
  Over the course of time, it has become evident that we are involved 
in a long-term struggle with Islamic extremism to preserve our freedom 
and the freedom of the world. Every day, our men and women in uniform 
and our civilian professionals risk their lives to protect our freedom. 
From providing security to building an economy, we are strengthening 
the security of our country and the international community.
  We have not had a terrorist attack on our soil in over 5 years 
because of our vigilance in pursuing the security of our Nation at home 
and abroad. Success in Iraq is our only option for continued national 
security and the preservation of freedom.
  I have had the opportunity to speak to hundreds and hundreds of men 
and women in uniform whose experience spans all ranks, all services, 
and all units. Consistently, they share an optimistic and sober message 
about the importance of continuing the struggle to defeat Islamic 
extremists. A resolution like this blurs the many successes in the war 
they have had against the extremists.
  The messages of our troops do not come without an understanding of 
the reality and the resources that we must commit to this mission. 
Fighting the terrorists will require a strong commitment, and the road 
to victory will be long. Our partners in Iraq have stated their 
commitment to the mission, and we must stand behind them.
  At the same time, the Iraqis must continue to assume responsibility 
for their success as a nation and that our commitment is not open-
ended. Success in countering an insurgency largely happens outside of 
the realm of combat. Security is only one aspect.
  We must work on establishing frameworks within Iraq that can keep the 
water running and the electricity on, which will in turn allow people 
to go to work and children to return to school. Returning normal life 
to Iraqis is important, but it should not be the sole responsibility of 
our troops who are providing security and stability. We need to 
strengthen the involvement of the international community in this 
endeavor as we empower and engage the Iraqis.
  I strongly believe that if we are to fully support our troops that we 
must listen to what they are saying. And when the troops are saying 
that they are committed to their mission then, I believe, we should 
listen. I remain a committed supporter of our troops, and I thank them 
for their service.
  Soon, Congress will vote on the Department of Defense's supplemental 
budget; and in it, the Pentagon is requesting $5.6 billion for troop 
reinforcement. This will be the real test of commitment, not this 
meaningless resolution. A ``yes'' vote on that funding supports the 
troop reinforcement being debated here today, and a ``no'' vote will 
delete funding for this important mission. This will not only show 
people where Congress stands, but give accountability to our actions 
here in Congress with the force of law behind it.
  I support our troops and our civilian professionals, and I intend to 
keep my commitment to my many friends on active duty and to vote to 
provide them the funding for their mission when the time comes.
  To my former comrades and friends in the 101st Airborne Division and 
82nd Airborne Division, thank you for answering the call again and know 
that I stand with you.
  Mr. MEEKS of New York. Mr. Speaker, I think we all owe a great debt 
of gratitude to the Speaker of this House and to the Democratic 
leadership for allowing us the opportunity to have every Member come to 
the floor of the people's House to talk about Iraq and whether or not 
they agree with the President's escalation. I think that is what this 
House is about, and one of the Members of that leadership who we do owe 
that gratitude to is the Vice Chair of the Democratic Caucus, and I am 
pleased to yield 5\1/2\ minutes to the gentleman from Connecticut, the 
Honorable John Larson.
  Mr. LARSON of Connecticut. Thank you, Mr. Meeks, and also let me 
thank my colleagues across the aisle for the solemnity of the debate 
that has taken place over these last several days. I think it is so 
important to the constituents that we are sworn to serve, and they 
deserve to hear the voices that reside within the people's Chamber.
  This debate, in so many ways, is an echo chamber for what Americans 
already know. They have found their voice and expressed it in several 
manners and several forms, most notably in last November's election, 
where they called for a new direction for this country, not the staying 
of the course that it is currently on.
  It is long overdue then that the Congress find its voice as well. 
Past is prologue, and we must go back to June of 2002 when the 
President enunciated the Bush doctrine, the doctrine of preemption and 
unilateralism that has placed us in this situation that we have today 
in Iraq.
  He was warned, most notably by people like Scowcroft, Eagleberger, 
Baker, and Colin Powell about the folly of this effort. It was not 
Kennedy or Berg or even Larson or other people that spoke out as 
eloquently as those former members of Bush the Elder's Cabinet.
  I traveled with Jack Murtha in the buildup to the war, and we met 
with our ambassador in Saudi Arabia, Robert Jordan, who I said to him, 
Ambassador, you have a gathering storm here in Saudi Arabia, with all 
the tensions in the Middle East. And he said, Congressman, you are from 
New England. Gathering storm, he said? What we have here is the making 
of a perfect storm.

                              {time}  1130

  And if we unilaterally invade and attack this toothless tiger, Saddam 
Hussein, we will unwittingly accomplish

[[Page 4253]]

what bin Laden failed to do: we will create a united Islamic jihad 
against the United States.
  Professor Gram Ellison wrote that ``this occupation has diverted 
essential resources from the fight against al Qaeda, allowed the 
Taliban to regroup on Afghanistan, fostered neglect of the Iranian 
nuclear threat, undermined alliances critical to preventing terrorism, 
devastated America's standing with every country in Europe and 
destroyed it in the Muslim world.''
  Instead of following the wisdom of Scowcroft and Eagleberger and 
Baker, Powell, this administration embraced Ahmed Chalabi with all the 
hubris and arrogance of staying the course.
  And so we find our troops today in the midst of civil war, in the 
midst of sectarian, religious, and tribal conflicts that are more about 
settling old scores that seek revenge over the centuries than about 
creating a democracy. And it is into that caldron that we wish to send 
more troops, more troops that 87 percent of the Iraqi public says they 
want a time line for us to be out of there, and over 50 percent of them 
think that it is okay to kill Americans.
  Our troops need leadership that is worthy of their sacrifice. It is 
important that this Congress on both sides of the aisle, as it has 
done, understands the difference between the war and the warriors.
  I conduct hearings back in my district; I listen to what my 
constituents have to say. And, most earnestly, to those parents, those 
men and women who come to these hearings and talk about their children 
in harm's way: Carol Tripp of Bristol said it best, a woman with three 
of her sons and her husband stationed in Iraq, who hasn't shared a 
holiday dinner with their entire family since 2001.
  I define success by being able to look into their eyes and tell them 
that the best path forward is the safe, secure, and strategic 
redeployment of our troops so that our Army can regroup and restore 
itself and proceed after the people who took the towers down in 
systematic fashion to go after al Qaeda and continue to regroup.
  Mr. SAM JOHNSON of Texas. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I 
may consume.
  You know, it is an honor to be here today joined by Members of 
Congress who have served this Nation nobly both in the Armed Forces and 
today as statesmen and -women in the United States House of 
Representatives.
  You know, there are lots of ways people can serve this country. 
Dedicating time to the Armed Forces, the greatest military in the 
world, can be some of the most fulfilling time in one's life. I know, 
because I spent 29 years in the United States Air Force; got called up 
from my ROTC class at SMU and flew 62 combat missions in Korea in a 
plane I named after my wife, ``Shirley's Texas Tornado.''
  In 1965, I left for my first tour in Vietnam, working for General 
Westmoreland in the headquarters. In 1966 I returned again. And while 
flying my 25th mission, I was shot down, landed in the middle of a 
division of North Vietnamese soldiers.
  What followed for the next 2,494 days can only be described as hell 
on Earth, or as my friend and fellow POW, Jeremiah Denton did, blinked 
the letters of one word in Morse Code into a movie camera as a 
desperate plea for help. The letters made up the word ``torture.'' Of 
my nearly 7 years in captivity, I spent more than half of that time in 
solitary confinement.
  As you can imagine, the North Vietnamese would say and do anything to 
break our will. The physical torture is not fit for describing as some 
of it is too graphic and too gory. There were many times that I would 
pray to God that I would pass out and slip into unconsciousness just to 
escape the pain if I couldn't escape the beatings.
  Yet, what also scarred me for life was the emotional torture that the 
North Vietnamese broadcast to taunt us and break our wills. They 
constantly blared anti-American messages from back home over the loud 
speakers. The enemy knows that any anti-American murmur can be used as 
a weapon. And the same holds true today.
  The enemy wants our men and women in uniform to think that their 
Congress doesn't care about them, that they are going to cut the 
funding and abandon them and their mission. They want Congress to cave 
to the wishes of those who advocate a cut-and-run attitude. And we 
should not allow that to happen.
  We must learn from our mistakes. We cannot leave a job undone like we 
left in Korea, like we left in Vietnam, like we left in Somalia.
  Osama bin Laden said that ``in Somalia, the United States pulled out, 
trailing disappointment, defeat, and failure behind it.''
  And we didn't blink an eye when the radicals bombed the Khobar Towers 
in Saudi Arabia killing 20 and injuring 372; or after the Kenya embassy 
bombings that killed 213 people and injured 5,000; or that same day at 
the Tanzania embassy bombing killing 11 people and injuring 68. On 
October 12, 2000 the USS Cole bombing killed 17 and injured 39. And we 
all know how they tried to bring down the World Trade Towers and didn't 
stop until they completed the job September 11.
  All of these tragedies of terrorism happened without a United States 
response.
  We can't waver in our fight for freedom. We cannot abandon the 
bedrock of democracy; they are the brave and selfless men and women of 
our United States Armed Forces. We will stand up with them. We must 
stand up with them. And I will stand up with them in Congress, because 
they stand up for our freedom every minute of every day. They are the 
reason we call America the land of the free and the home of the brave. 
And I salute them.
  Now, today I have the distinct privilege of managing time during this 
debate. Each person joining me is a shining example of duty, honor, 
country. And I know folks across America will learn a lot from hearing 
about their stories and hearing why they know firsthand freedom is not 
free.
  Mr. MEEKS of New York. Mr. Speaker, it is my pleasure to yield 5 
minutes to the Chair of the Homeland Security Subcommittee on 
Intelligence, Information Sharing, and Terrorism, the gentlelady from 
California, the Honorable Jane Harman
  Ms. HARMAN. Mr. Speaker, I thank the Speaker and I thank the 
gentleman for yielding, and commend our leadership for organizing this 
very thoughtful and sober 3-day debate on a very serious issue.
  Mr. Speaker, as Co-chair of the Blue Dog National Security Working 
Group, I rise to oppose the surge and to support tough and smart 
security strategies, including those outlined in H. Res. 97, authored 
by the Blue Dogs, to end war profiteering, put future war costs on 
budget, and adopt a Truman Committee to make those who have engaged in 
fraud and abuse in Iraq accountable for their actions.
  As we conduct this historic debate, however, I am mindful that, eight 
time zones away, crouched in a tank somewhere in Baghdad, a 19-year-old 
private is doing his best to restore order to a city descending into 
all-out civil war. We owe this soldier, his mates, and their families 
so much. They volunteered to put their lives on the line to keep this 
country safe.
  We in this Chamber also want to keep this country safe, but we do not 
share those day-to-day risks. Only a handful here have relatives in 
Iraq living the life of the soldier I described.
  Mr. Speaker, as we have sadly learned, the intelligence that took us 
to war was wrong. Some of the most inaccurate claims--that an 
operational relationship existed between al Qaeda and Saddam Hussein, 
that vast WMD stockpiles existed with their locations pinpointed--were 
presented by the administration as fact, even though the Intelligence 
Community had discredited them. That was shameful.
  Most intelligence agencies around the world thought, however, that 
Saddam Hussein had WMD and the intention to use it against his people 
and U.S. interests. They believed it, and so did I. But they were 
wrong, and so was I.
  The actions taken 4 years ago in Iraq created a failed state. We took 
out its government and occupied the country,

[[Page 4254]]

unsuccessfully. About one year later, millions of Iraqis courageously 
elected a government, but that government barely functions, and we 
continue to occupy Iraq militarily.
  Mr. Speaker, there are no good military options left in Iraq.
  To the soldier currently in harm's way, I say, ``You are a hero. You 
are doing your best to follow orders and to serve your country.'' But I 
also say, ``We have given you a mission impossible, and that mission 
must change.''
  We have a moral obligation to leave Iraq in better shape than we 
found it, and that will not be achieved by surging 21,500 more troops 
into Baghdad. The surge will not work, and I oppose it.
  But abandoning Iraq is not a viable alternative. We must invest in 
strategies to contain and ultimately reduce violence there in order to 
create stability in Iraq and in the region. That must now be our focus.
  The Iraq Study Group made important recommendations to do this, 
including changing the military mission in Iraq; tying future U.S. 
support to measurable progress on national reconciliation; security and 
governance; and aggressive diplomatic outreach to Iraq's neighbors--
including Syria and Iran. But this administration rejected them.
  Two weeks ago, a Saban Center report by Daniel Byman and Ken Pollack 
carefully assessed options to contain the spillover from an Iraqi civil 
war. They include not trying to pick winners between the Sunnis and 
Shia; pulling back from population centers; providing support for 
Iraq's neighbors; and laying down ``red lines'' to Iran. All of these 
ideas have merit.
  Further good ideas come from David Schaeffer, a former U.S. 
ambassador-at-large for war crimes issues, to put the Iraqi Government 
on an ``atrocity watch'' and warn its leaders that they can be 
prosecuted for war crimes if ethnic cleansing occurs.
  Mr. Speaker, the Bush administration has made calamitous mistakes in 
prosecuting this war. The surge, I fear, is yet another one. With this 
resolution, Congress starts action to force a change in strategy and to 
bring that soldier in downtown Baghdad and his comrades home safely--
and soon
  Mr. SAM JOHNSON of Texas. Mr. Speaker, I yield 5\1/2\ minutes to the 
Representative from Virginia, Thelma Drake, who represents Norfolk and 
America's Navy.
  Mrs. DRAKE. Thank you, Congressman Johnson, for your service to our 
Nation.
  Mr. Speaker, the past few years have been increasingly difficult ones 
for the American people, for our military families, and, most 
importantly, for our servicemembers in harm's way.
  Our troops have done everything that has been asked of them, and 
more. Their sacrifices are unimaginable to many of us here on this 
floor. Through it all, the only thing that they have asked is for our 
support through our words, through our prayers, and, most importantly, 
through our actions.
  During my two visits to Iraq, the question that I encountered from 
servicemembers was, What are they saying back home? They watch C-SPAN, 
and I know with certainty that they are watching us right now.
  The resolution that we are discussing today is nonbinding and, 
therefore, merely symbolic within the Beltway. The driving force behind 
it has more to do with the situation in Washington than it does the 
situation in Baghdad. Yet, half a world away this resolution will have 
demoralizing effects for those men and women who we have asked to go 
into battle.
  It is important for the American people watching this debate to know 
that this plan is currently under way.
  The Second Brigade of the 82nd Airborne Division moved into Baghdad 
nearly a month ago.

                              {time}  1145

  The Fourth Brigade of the First Infantry Division is deploying this 
month, with three more brigades set to arrive soon. That means that we 
are not here today to discuss whether or not the troops will go, we are 
discussing what message the troops will hear from us when they get 
there.
  Like many of my colleagues, I am concerned about the current 
situation in Iraq. Last April, I witnessed the election of the Iraqi 
Prime Minister. Since that time, the Iraqis have failed to make 
acceptable progress, stabilizing their nation, and strengthening their 
democratic institutions.
  Many of us have concerns about the plan. Will Prime Minister Maliki 
live up to the commitments that he made in November? Does this plan get 
the most out of the 21 trained and equipped Iraqi battalions deployed 
outside of Baghdad? These are reasonable questions, and ones I believe 
that are within the scope of Congress to discuss and resolve.
  I appreciate debate, and the American people appreciate debate. But 
it is important to remember that the American people have sent us here 
to solve problems. Unfortunately, this resolution makes no attempt to 
solve the problems in Iraq.
  If Congress believes that the President's plan can be improved on, 
then Congress has the responsibility to work with the Commander in 
Chief to ensure that the Iraqis are meeting stringent benchmarks and 
are living up to their commitments. This resolution is best defined by 
what it lacks. This resolution fails to include the proposal for a 
bipartisan panel tasked with outlining rigorous benchmarks and making 
sure they are met so that our troops may return home in victory.
  This resolution fails to specifically protect the funding that our 
troops need to execute the mission. This resolution fails to condemn 
the terrorists and insurgents who target both our troops and Iraqis, 
and, most importantly, it fails to reiterate that victory should always 
be the goal.
  We were told this week would provide an opportunity for every Member 
to go on the record, yet the majority has not allowed a Republican 
alternative that would protect funding for the troops. How do the 
American people know where their Representatives in Washington stand on 
funding for our troops when the majority will not allow that to be?
  The American people are anxious, but they want progress, not defeat. 
They want to see their elected officials working together to ensure 
success on behalf of our troops. Simply inserting a sentence, saying 
you support the troops, is not enough when your actions say otherwise. 
The consequences of retreat would be dire. This is understood by our 
allies as well as our regional partners who have spoken up against 
withdrawal.
  According to the Iraq National Intelligence Estimate, it would result 
in an immediate increase in sectarian violence and genocide and has the 
potential to destabilize the entire region. For decades, the 
instability in the Middle East has repeatedly resulted in the deaths of 
American citizens and servicemembers, in places as far apart as Beirut 
and Yemen, New York City, and the Pentagon.
  A retreat at this point in time could, down the road, necessitate our 
troops returning to an Iraq that is much more dangerous than the one 
they left. I truly believe that the United States has the most 
formidable military in the world, not solely because of our 
technological and tactical advantages, but because our men and women in 
uniform fight in the name of a free and Democratic people. They fight 
on behalf of freedom for all, knowing they have the full support and 
confidence of the American people.
  When we take that support away, we strip our troops of the greatest 
weapon in the fight against tyranny. I ask my colleagues not to vote 
for this resolution, but to once again work together.
  Mr. MEEKS of New York. Mr. Speaker, the American people are indeed 
looking at this debate. They want to know where their Members stand, 
simply whether they support the troops and their position with the 
President and his escalation, and we had the opportunity for every 
Member to speak out on that. That is what this House is all about. We 
are doing our jobs. It is just the first step in many steps
  As a result, the American people also, I am sure, will want to hear 
the distinguished gentleman from the State of Pennsylvania, the 
Honorable

[[Page 4255]]

Mike Doyle, who is the vice chair of the Telecommunications and 
Internet Subcommittee of the Energy and Commerce Committee.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore (Mr. Pastor). The gentleman from Pennsylvania 
is recognized for 5 minutes.
  Mr. DOYLE. Thank you.
  Mr. Speaker, as someone who has opposed this misguided version from 
the war on terror from the very beginning, I believe it is way past 
time for our country to take stock of where we have been, where we are, 
and where we are going in Iraq. I think it is important to remember how 
we got there.
  President Bush told Congress and the American people that Saddam had 
weapons of mass destruction and was an imminent threat to the United 
States; that Saddam had ties to al Qaeda and the 9/11 attackers; that 
the invasion, occupation, and reconstruction would cost us nothing; 
that Iraqi oil revenues would cover all the costs.
  So where are we today? We know that Saddam had no weapons of mass 
destruction and that he posed no imminent threat to the United States. 
We know Saddam had no operational relationship with al Qaeda. Eighty 
percent of the Iraqi people want us to leave their country. The 
invasion, occupation, and reconstruction of Iraq will cost us at least 
half a trillion dollars, not to mention the cost in human lives and 
international goodwill.
  More than 3,000 American soldiers are dead, more than 20,000 American 
soldiers are wounded. The burden of the Iraq war is being borne 
exclusively by our children and grandchildren who will bear the debt, 
and the families of our military personnel, who, at best, experience 
long separations and terrible worry, and, at worst, lose a beloved 
family member forever.
  The invasion and occupation of Iraq has alienated our allies, has 
called our credibility into question around the world. It has soured 
Middle Eastern attitudes about the United States and Western democracy. 
Finally, the invasion of Iraq got us into a long-term bloody occupation 
of a country with no significant connection to the war on terror and 
diverted critical military and intelligence resources from the fight 
against al Qaeda.
  The recently released National Intelligence Estimate concluded that 
there is little prospect for political reconciliation in Iraq at this 
time. So, what should the United States do? What does victory in Iraq 
mean at this point? Most of us would see victory as any kind of 
political settlement that ended the violence, but the American people 
need to hear the truth, and the truth is, there is no happy ending for 
Iraq as long as our presence allows the Maliki government to avoid 
making the political compromises necessary for peace in Iraq.
  Now, the President has proposed a significant increase in the numbers 
of U.S. troops serving in Iraq. I believe that Congress should oppose 
this escalation. I don't believe it has any real chance of producing a 
political solution in the war in Iraq or even curbing the violence in 
Baghdad.
  I am not alone in this belief.
  General Colin Powell, General George Casey, General John Abizaid, 
General Joseph Hoar, General Barry McCaffrey, Major General Don 
Sheppard and General James Conway all question this escalation.
  Now, many supporters of the President's Iraq policy ask what those of 
us who oppose this military escalation would support instead. This 
Member of Congress believes that the United States should begin an 
immediate orderly redeployment of our troops out of Iraq with the goal 
of completing that redeployment by the end of the year.
  We should lead and enlist the participation of all neighboring 
countries in a massive diplomatic surge to help contain the civil war 
already underway, and that diplomatic surge should include all the 
countries in the region, including Iran and Syria. The only way to 
bring stability to that region is through a regional effort.
  Our troops have performed with courage, compassion, and 
professionalism. They did everything that was asked of them. Their work 
in Iraq is done. We gave the Iraqis their freedom. It is up to them to 
decide what they will do with it.
  It is time for the Iraqis to take responsibility for their own 
security. It is time for Iraqis to decide if Shiites, Sunnis and Kurds 
wish to share resources, share power, and coexist peacefully as one 
country.
  America cannot force them to do this, no matter how long we stay 
there. Only the Iraqi people can decide this.
  Mr. Speaker, it is time. The American people have known for quite a 
while it is time, and I believe this week that finally the United 
States Congress will take the first step to bringing our troops home by 
adopting this resolution
  Mr. SAM JOHNSON of Texas. Mr. Speaker, at this time I would like to 
yield 6 minutes to the gentleman from New Mexico, who was a pilot in 
the United States Air Force, serving in the Philippines, received a 
Distinguished Flying Cross and an Air Medal before returning to the 
United States.
  Mr. PEARCE. Mr. Speaker, I rise in opposition to this stay-the-course 
resolution, because it is, indeed, a stay the course. It says, 
blithely, that we support the troops, the troops are in Iraq, they are 
fighting. We support the fight.
  We do not, on the other hand, support an escalation, which would be 
another course of action, nor do we present the other alternative that 
says bring them home. We can bring them home, increase or stay the 
course, and so this stay-the-course resolution is one that is very 
curious indeed today.
  The last two speakers that I have heard say that there is no good 
military action left. That is a credible viewpoint. It is one that is 
expressed, and yet I ask my friends why did you not have the courage to 
simply say, if there are no goodwill alternatives left for the 
military, then bring them home. That is fair and adequate.
  I have also heard that it is a misguided conflict. I have also heard 
that our soldiers' work is done. If their work is done, please have the 
courage to bring them home.
  I want to speak today on behalf of our soldiers, the soldiers of 
today. I will do it while remembering the soldiers of yesterday. 
Through no fault of my own, I served in the Air Force during the 
Vietnam conflict. I say through no fault of my own, because I was not a 
volunteer. I got there because I drew a very low draft number. As time 
has proved, it was going to be the only lottery that I am going to win, 
but that lottery gave me a free pilot's certificate and sent me to 
Vietnam to fly in 1971, 1972 and parts of 1973.
  I was in Vietnam during the time that Jane Fonda made her trip to the 
North, giving aid and comfort to the enemy. I was in Vietnam during the 
time that there were demonstrations in the streets back home. I was 
there during the time that our soldiers were cursed at and spit on. 
Today, as I beat around the back dusty roads of New Mexico, I encounter 
those same soldiers that I encountered back then. For those soldiers 
who are my age, who are on walkers, life has been difficult.
  There is a common greeting for soldiers of that era. It is welcome 
home, brother, or welcome home, sister, because they were never thanked 
for their duty and they were never welcomed home with parades with 
yellow ribbons. We were snuck back into the country.
  I have brought a couple of photos to help us remember, to remember 
the people who were trying to get out of Saigon, not just Americans, 
but those people who had sided with us. They are crawling up the ladder 
trying to get into the helicopter. The helicopters proceeded out to 
carriers, then the helicopters were pushed off the side of the 
carriers. This is the way we left Vietnam.
  I bring this up because I am beginning to see the same thing today. 
My colleague yesterday spoke of this resolution and mentioned that the 
resolution was vague, where people of very different beliefs could 
believe that it represented them. If you support the war, you believe 
that it supports your position. If you are opposed, you will somehow 
believe that this is the one step that is going to stop us.
  Yet it really does nothing, the vague language, that clever language 
points out, this is not a time for cleverness, it is a time for 
decision, because I will be

[[Page 4256]]

a constant voice for our soldiers. I read and I hear the comments 
today.
  I read when Chrissie Hynde says, ``Let's get rid of all the economic 
(expletive) this country represents! Bring it on. I hope the Muslims 
win!''
  I hear from the left, William Arkin, ``Those soldiers should be 
grateful that the American public . . . do still offer their support to 
them, and their respect . . .
  ``So we pay the soldiers a decent wage, take care of their families, 
provide them with housing and medical care and vast social support 
systems and ship obscene amenities into the war zone for them, we 
support them in every possible way, and their attitude is that we 
should in addition roll over and play dead.''

                              {time}  1200

  Our friends on the other side of the aisle, I do not discount their 
intent, but I know what they are trying to do. They are doing the same 
thing that was done in Vietnam: they are trying to feed that hungry 
tiger that lives on the left, that hates the American way of life, that 
hates the American military, that will do anything to discredit, 
disrespect, and discount the service of our soldiers.
  My friends, you will not be able to appease the left with this 
toothless resolution that you are presenting. You know that your own 
Members, some of your Members, have called for defunding; but defunding 
is going to allow the exit that looks like this, and it is going to 
allow the mass catastrophe, the mass killings that are going to occur, 
and that is all part of the problem.
  But before you allow your friends, who would never vote for me, who 
disrespect our soldiers so much, before you empower them and before you 
encourage them, I would recommend that you think carefully about just 
cleanly bringing our soldiers home.
  If you are going to do nothing in the resolution, you have an 
obligation to do no harm. This resolution does no harm. This resolution 
empowers our enemy, encourages our enemy, and encourages people who are 
going to disrespect our soldiers. I recommend a vote against the 
resolution.
  Mr. MEEKS of New York. Mr. Speaker, I know of no one in this House, 
whether you be to the left or to the right, who does not believe in our 
troops and our soldiers, who does not respect them and honor them. In 
fact, I think that by having every Member have the opportunity to speak 
on this floor to talk about their patriotism is exactly what is 
supposed to happen in the people's House.
  With that, I am proud to yield 5\1/2\ minutes to a man who was one of 
the leaders in opposition to giving the President the authority to 
unilaterally go into Iraq, a man who is steady and effective on the 
Ways and Means Committee, the gentleman from Texas, the Honorable Lloyd 
Doggett
  Mr. DOGGETT. I thank the gentleman.
  This debate is late, very late, thousands of deaths too late. This 
escalation scheme is an unmitigated disaster.
  President Bush seems determined to continue to make the same old 
mistakes, just make them a little bit bigger; defying sound military 
judgement; defying the Iraq Study Group; defying the wishes of our 
allies and the Iraqis themselves; and, most particularly, defying the 
will of the American people.
  This President continues to pursue a go-it-alone strategy in Iraq. 
Like most every problem that he has created, and there are many, he 
seeks only to pass it along to his successor, who we will elect next 
year--pass along in this case what is no doubt the most colossal 
foreign policy failure in American history.
  The administration's top budget official told me in a hearing just 
last week that ``the best minds in the Pentagon'' see no need to fund 
this escalation, which has not yet really begun, for more than another 
seven months. In truth, our military has been so overstretched that it 
cannot sustain a prolonged escalation, even when it unfairly recalls 
inadequately supplied troops for a second, third, and fourth tour of 
duty. Little wonder that the Secretary of Defense, Mr. Gates, admitted 
last week that he is already looking for another plan after this 
escalation falls short.
  This week, this House, we say ``stop the increase.'' And next, we 
must begin the decrease with a phased withdrawal from Iraq. We should 
not act precipitously, but we must move very expeditiously to extract 
our troops from the crossfire of the warring factions in this civil war 
quagmire.
  To our troops, whose courage we honor today in this very resolution, 
we say to you, those of who you who are out there on the front lines 
today, we will do everything we can to protect you; but we will also be 
working as hard as we can to bring you home safely to your families 
sooner rather than later.
  There is a better way to show support for our troops than just 
sending more of them to be killed. There is a better way than 
continuing to give this President a blank check for war funding. Unless 
we move forward to place firm limitations on the appropriations, we 
will leave this war-making President constrained only by Dick Cheney's 
imagination.
  The words of our adversaries in this debate have often been very 
short, but their true conflict is not really with us; it is with 
reality. They are in a losing war with the truth. Iraq has never been 
the central front in the war on terrorism. Like the alleged connection 
between 9/11 and Iraq, like the claim that Saddam's nuclear mushroom 
cloud was looming just over the horizon, this charge is but another 
falsehood foisted off on the gullible.
  The central front on the war on terrorism was largely abandoned by 
President Bush in his ideological rush to invade Iraq. Vital resources 
and expertise that were needed to capture Osama bin Laden and the 
terrorists who caused 9/11 were cut in Afghanistan when President Bush 
ran into Iraq. The real war on terrorism suffered a major setback from 
which today it has still never recovered. That is the only ``cut and 
run'' that now endangers our families. Nor does this debate in the 
people's House embolden the enemies of democracy when we exercise 
democracy here in America.
  To me, the terrorists seem mighty emboldened with their daily death 
and destruction that they wreaked across the Middle East long before 
anyone ever conceived this resolution. Frankly, it is the 
administration that is the terrorists' top recruiter.
  As we predicted at the outset, this war is creating new generations 
of terrorists who view it as a war against all Islam. We cannot kill 
our enemies fast enough with the current policies creating more of them 
every day.
  And now this President is stoking the flames of war with Iran. 
Ironically, that is the only country in the world to have directly 
benefited from his attacking Iraq. Widening the war to Iran with the 
macho slogan that ``boys go to Baghdad, but real men go to Tehran'' 
risks an even wider, even more destabling debacle that can eventually 
involve our families in a third world war.
  Having failed entirely to learn any lessons from Vietnam, this 
administration seems to already have forgotten our experience in Iraq. 
Some here who profess to be conservative have been very liberal with 
billions of misspent taxpayers' dollars and very liberal with the blood 
of others in the sand of Iraq.
  President Bush was absolutely correct when he personally declared his 
war in Iraq to be a ``catastrophic success.'' He has certainly been 
successful at creating one catastrophe after another in Iraq.
  Our Nation is great enough with sufficient resources and creativity 
to change course, but each day we delay we sink further into a quagmire 
from which fewer and fewer choices remain. We must step back from the 
abyss
  Mr. ACKERMAN. Mr. Speaker, I yield now 5 minutes to a longstanding 
member of the Foreign Affairs Committee and presently a member of the 
Ways and Means Committee, the gentlewoman from Nevada (Ms. Berkley).
  Ms. BERKLEY. Mr. Speaker, almost 4 years ago our brave men and women

[[Page 4257]]

in uniform defeated the armed forces of a brutal tyrant, and he has 
been brought to justice.
  In the years since Saddam's fall, our troops have won thousands of 
battles, taken numerable objectives, built schools and utility systems, 
and provided all types of humanitarian relief in countless villages, 
towns, and cities ravaged by sectarian violence. But now our fighting 
men and women are thrust into a civil war that pits religious and 
ethnic factions against each other. Lurking amid Iraq's civilian 
population, they mercilessly kill their fellow Iraqis.
  These fanatical killers plant thousands of explosive devices and 
crouch in thousands of ambush positions to attack our troops, who seek 
to replace senseless sectarian violence with a measure of stability so 
that the dysfunctional and deceitful Maliki government can survive. To 
fight and die in the middle of an Iraqi civil war fueled by centuries-
old religious hatred is not why we sent our troops into harm's way.
  Our troops have stepped up for 4 years. They have paid the price in 
blood. Now is the time for Iraqi authorities to step up. If they are 
ever to do so, it will be only after they understand that it will be 
their blood, not the blood of young Americans, that will be shed to 
stop the horrific sectarian violence that is tearing Iraq apart.
  Throwing 20,000 additional Americans into the carnage of a Sunni-
Shiite civil war can only allow the Iraqi Government to continue to 
shirk its responsibility for the security of its own people, as they 
continue to use our troops to eliminate their adversaries rather than 
sitting down and negotiating with them to share power and oil revenue.
  After the election, the President said he heard the concerns of the 
American people and he promised a new plan for victory, but what he has 
proposed is merely a continuation of the same failed policy. Sending 
20,000 more American troops to Iraq will do nothing to further the 
cause of victory. It will only prolong the agony.
  Our mission in Iraq remains dependent on a viable Iraqi Government 
with both the ability and the will to confront the extremists that are 
tearing that country apart. The Maliki government has demonstrated 
neither the ability nor the will to take the action necessary to bring 
an end to this sectarian bloodshed.
  The Members of his government at the highest levels and Maliki's 
strongest supporters are using their office to aid the insurgents and 
are directly involved in the sectarian violence gripping and destroying 
Iraq and killing our troops.
  At a time when we should be doing everything we can to promote 
diplomacy in the Middle East, our attention to resources have instead 
been focused on a civil war in Iraq which threatens to envelop the 
surrounding nations and further inflame the region.
  The effect of this open-ended conflict on our military preparedness 
cannot be overstated. We have zero active duty or Reserve brigades in 
the United States that are combat-ready. One quarter of our troops 
deployed in Iraq are National Guard and Reserves. Our Guard units are 
stretched so thin, only 30 percent of their essential equipment 
remains. These units are the ones we depend on in case of domestic 
emergency. By further extending our commitment in Iraq, we are 
compromising our safety here at home.
  In my home State of Nevada, one-third of our Guardsmen have served in 
Iraq, and with this surge they will face the possibility of further 
tours and extended time away from their families.
  I commend our troops for their bravery in carrying out their mission. 
They have not let us down; we have let them down. We cannot ask them to 
continue their sacrifice while we wait for the Iraqi Government to step 
up.
  I remain opposed to a fixed timetable for the withdrawal of U.S. 
troops from Iraq, and I realize the grave consequences we face if our 
mission fails. But that does not mean that I will give a blank check to 
the President for a surge when he has not given us a clear 
understanding of why such an increase is needed or how it will help us 
succeed.
  President Bush has yet to put forth a strategy that outlines where we 
are going, how we are going to get there, how long is it going to take, 
how much is it going to cost, and at what sacrifice to the American 
people. He must define the meaning of victory before it is too late. 
``Mission accomplished.'' ``Bring them on.'' ``Stay the course.'' And 
``we will stand down when the Iraqis stand up.'' Our campaign slogan is 
not ``thoughtful strategies for victory.''
  The President has failed to make the case for sending 20,000 more 
U.S. troops into a civil war with an open-ended mission and a bull's-
eye on their back. I say yes and thank you to our troops, and I say no 
to the surge. I ask my colleagues to join me in doing the same for the 
good of our families, our military and our Nation.
  Mr. SAM JOHNSON of Texas. Mr. Speaker, I would like to recognize Mr. 
Paul Gillmor, who is a United States Air Force veteran. And he was a 
judge advocate, so he knows some of the legal problems involved in this 
thing. I would like to yield him 5 minutes.
  Mr. GILLMOR. I thank the gentleman from Texas, who is a real American 
hero, for yielding me the time.

                              {time}  1215

  Mr. Speaker, the resolution we are considering does not do a single 
thing to help our troops or to achieve the goals of America, our allies 
or the Iraqi people.
  Congress is spending an entire week on a nonbinding resolution that, 
even if it passes, will not change the course of action in Iraq. Our 
time could have been spent much better debating real issues, such as 
how to most effectively win the war that terrorists are waging on us.
  Now, personally, I am skeptical that an increase of 20,000 troops 
will make the difference and that it will stabilize Baghdad and Iraq. 
But, for me, the question is, to whom should we listen regarding 
operational decisions in Iraq? Should we listen to the recommendations 
of the U.S. military or to the politicians in Washington?
  And as an Air Force veteran, I think we should accept the 
recommendations of our military. And in that respect, 2 weeks ago the 
General in command of ground forces in Baghdad said, and I quote, ``By 
bringing more troops in, it provides us the opportunity to work with 
them, to provide more time to defeat this threat, which is both an al 
Qaeda threat as well as sectarian violence.''
  I have visited in Germany in the medical facilities with our wounded 
troops from Iraq. A member of my family served a year in a combat zone 
in Baghdad, and I am incredibly proud of our men and women in the 
military. They are talented. They are dedicated. They are professional 
and they are the best in the world. And we owe them a tremendous debt 
of gratitude.
  Now, even though it is nonbinding, there is, I think, a large 
omission in this resolution. While it does compliment the actions of 
our military men and women, nowhere does it commit to continue 
providing funding for troops in the field. And at a time when some in 
this town are talking about cutting off funding for our troops, I think 
we should commit to providing full funding for our Armed Forces as long 
as they are in the field.
  Now, there is no guarantee that this troop buildup will be 
successful, or that the Iraqis will succeed in finally taking over the 
security situation in a responsible way. But what we do know is, at 
this point there is not a better plan proposed which has a chance of 
victory. And we also know that failure in Iraq threatens the security 
of the United States, the security of the Middle East, and, in fact, 
the whole world.
  Early last year I had the privilege of leading a delegation to Asia, 
where we met with the Prime Ministers of India, of Thailand and 
Singapore. And those are all countries that are now and have been under 
terrorist attack. All of them agreed with the need to cooperate for 
security purposes, and with the importance of winning the war against 
terrorism in Iraq because of the consequences of not winning would have 
on the rest of the world.

[[Page 4258]]

  Mr. Speaker, this resolution has two purposes. First, it rejects the 
only plan which has been suggested by military leaders with a chance of 
success in Iraq. Second, it begins this Congress down a path which ends 
with cutting off funding for our troops and abandoning our foreign 
policy because of failed congressional fortitude. I am opposed to the 
resolution and opposed to our micromanaging of the war on terror.
  Mr. ACKERMAN. Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to yield 5 minutes to a 
member of the Ways and Means Committee, as well as the Judiciary 
Committee, the distinguished gentleman from Alabama, Artur Davis.
  Mr. DAVIS of Alabama. Mr. Speaker, approximately 24 hours from now, 
this House will bring this debate to a conclusion and it will vote. And 
the vote, based on everything we expect, will be an overwhelming one. 
It will include people from the left of this House, the right of this 
House, it will include people from both political parties. It will 
include people who supported this war and who believed in it 5 years 
ago, and it will include those who have questioned it from its 
inception.
  And there is a reason for this consensus, Mr. Speaker. There is broad 
agreement on several things in this House. There is broad agreement 
that we have been caught in the cross-hairs of a civil war between two 
sets of radical Islamist fundamentalists, neither of which shares our 
values.
  There is broad agreement in this House that the human and material 
cost of this effort has gone too high, and there is broad agreement in 
this House that the moral obligation is not to put 21,000 more soldiers 
into harm's way; but to do the opposite, to begin the process of 
pulling our men and women out of this cauldron that is now Iraq.
  And there is broad agreement on one other point, Mr. Speaker. It is 
this: that the President of the United States is wrong to say that it 
doesn't matter to him what this Congress thinks, or what this country 
thinks.
  I am reminded, Mr. Speaker, I am one of the younger Members of this 
House, I was in college a little more recently than some of my 
colleagues.
  I had a very esteemed professor back in the 1980s named Richard 
Newstadt who wrote about the American Presidency for a number of years. 
And one night he invited all the freshmen in the class to come over and 
to have a dialogue with him about the future of the Presidency. And a 
number of us said to him, Mr. Newstadt, what do you fear about the 
Presidency of the United States? And it is interesting what he said, 
and it is relevant today. He said, I don't fear that someone corrupt 
will become President one day. I don't fear that someone incompetent 
will become President. There are too many guardrails built in the 
system. The process is too exacting for that to happen. But what I 
fear, he said, is that one day someone will come in that office who is 
absolutely convinced he is right about something on which he is 
absolutely wrong. And he said this: that if the country is frightened 
enough, if we are in enough danger, that enough people may think that 
what is rigid is what is strong.
  Ladies and gentlemen, Mr. Speaker, several of my colleagues on the 
other side of the aisle have said that this resolution carries no 
weight, no legal or moral force. I will tell you the weight that this 
carries, my friends. Twenty-four hours from now, 65 percent of the 
Members of this Chamber will send a signal to the American people that 
we have heard their voices. That is a powerful thing when I think of 
all the people in this country who sent a clear signal, last November 
7, that they were not heard.
  And I end with this point. A number of my colleagues in this debate, 
our adversaries in this debate have said that there is a group in 
Washington. There is a group of people on the left. Some of you have 
said there is a group on the other side of the aisle who want to 
defund, or who don't somehow have the strength, the fiber, to support 
our troops.
  I remind you, my friends, your disagreement is not with the 
Democratic Caucus. It is not even with the 50 or so in your ranks who 
will vote for this resolution. It is a disagreement with the 65 percent 
of this country. It is a disagreement with the people in my very 
conservative State of Alabama, 60 percent of whom now think this war is 
wrong and who say to me, Mr. Davis, why on Earth have we taken sides in 
a battle between radical Islamic fundamentalists? Why is a blood feud 
between Shiia and Sunni worth the spilling of American blood?
  They are the ones you are saying are wrong. They are the ones you are 
saying lack strength.
  So, Mr. Speaker, I simply end by thanking my colleagues who had the 
good judgment to be right about the futility of this war from the 
outset, by thanking the colleagues who were wrong 5 years ago and are 
right today, and by asking one last thing.
  The President of the United States, who brags that he has watched 
none of this debate, if he could only hear just one plea from debate, 
that he listen to some fact, some evidence, because, Mr. Speaker, this 
is the problem that we face with this President. No set of facts, no 
set of truths can tell him that he is wrong. Tomorrow this Chamber will 
tell him so
  Mr. SAM JOHNSON of Texas. Mr. Speaker, I would like to yield 5 
minutes to Dave Camp, a fellow Member of Congress from Michigan, and a 
fellow member of the Ways and Means Committee, one of the ranking 
members.
  Mr. CAMP of Michigan. Mr. Speaker, I want to thank the distinguished 
gentleman for yielding, and I want to thank him also for his 
distinguished service in the United States Congress, the United States 
Air Force, seven of those as a prisoner of war.
  Mr. Speaker, I rise today in opposition to this nonbinding 
resolution. And I share with my colleagues, our servicemen and women 
and their families, the wish that this war was over and won. It is not, 
and the resolution before us today does nothing to resolve this 
conflict, does nothing to reduce the loss of American life, does 
nothing to stabilize Iraq and does nothing to advance our security.
  I would like to use my time today to relate some of the comments that 
I have received from my constituents in the Fourth District of 
Michigan. From Big Rapids: ``The Congressmen and women who are opposed 
to these plans should come up with better solutions! Don't penalize our 
military men and women by making politics a part of their safety and 
well-being!''
  From my hometown of Midland: ``Please stop playing politics with our 
lives and the lives of young people who are defending our country.''
  From Alma: ``I am sick of the partisan politics. We went into Iraq 
united, but we have let politics divide us. It is time to realize some 
things are bigger than the political parties!''
  Friends, we may often disagree. But the facts are, regardless of how 
it began, and irrespective of the benefit of hindsight, we are at war 
and Iraq is the central battleground.
  Islamic extremists are waging a jihad against us, and they are 
struggling to make Iraq a base camp. Our focus must be on winning; and, 
disturbingly, I see no mention of winning, succeeding, or victory in 
this resolution. That in itself is telling of just how the other side 
perceives this conflict: not in terms of defeating an enemy of America, 
but in terms of defeating a political foe.
  Our troops deserve better. The American people demand more from their 
leaders.
  Again, in the words of one of my constituents from Bannister: ``I 
hope Congress is tough enough to do what works, not just what is 
politically correct. We need to move carefully and deliberately, 
showing a united front, or we are again going to be the victims of some 
outrageous terrorist attack.''
  Sadly, the new majority does not seem to understand what so many 
Americans readily grasp. ``If you support the troops, you must support 
the mission or you send the wrong message to the enemy,'' as it was so 
aptly put by a constituent from Ashley.
  From Farwell: ``Congress needs to get behind the President and help, 
not hurt, the morale of the soldiers that are fighting. They believe in 
their mission!''

[[Page 4259]]

  And I believe in them, which is why I cannot and will not support 
this resolution.
  As I conclude my remarks, I want to leave you with two comments. The 
first is from Traverse City: ``We should all pull together and get the 
job done.''
  And the second, from an airman from Corunna: ``Thank you for the much 
needed support of me and my fellow airmen.''
  I hope that once we dispose of this nonbinding resolution, our focus 
turns to supporting our servicemen and women, making America more 
secure and achieving the victory our military personnel are putting 
their lives on the line for.
  Mr. ACKERMAN. Mr. Speaker, at this time I yield 5 minutes to the 
chairman of the Energy and Water Appropriations Subcommittee, the 
distinguished gentleman from Indiana, Representative Peter Visclosky.
  Mr. VISCLOSKY. Mr. Speaker, I rise today in support of this 
resolution and express my profound disapproval of President Bush's 
decision to increase our troop levels in Iraq.
  Late last year the President had an opportunity to create a new 
strategy. The voice of the American people was heard at this past 
election. The voice of the Iraq Study Group gave the President a 
bipartisan plan to draw down our troops. New leadership at the Pentagon 
also could have been a voice of change of strategy. But President Bush 
did not listen to any of these voices. He decided to escalate our troop 
levels in Iraq. No time frame, no measurable benchmarks, no end.
  Mr. Speaker, if President Bush chooses an erroneous path, then it is 
our constitutional responsibility to show the way.
  I have the deepest respect and gratitude for our women and men in 
uniform. I honor their commitment, their courage and their sacrifice.

                              {time}  1230

  Our troops have done everything we have asked them to do. They 
overwhelmed the old Iraqi Government and captured Saddam Hussein. They 
provided security while Iraq formed its provisional government, 
approved a constitution, and elected a permanent government.
  Twelve individuals from the First Congressional District of Indiana 
have already given their lives and made the supreme sacrifice for our 
Nation. These brave men and women will always be remembered: Sergeant 
Jeanette Winters; Specialist Gregory Sanders; Sergeant Duane Rios; 
Specialist Roy Buckley; Private First Class John Amos, II; Private Luis 
Perez; Private First Class Nathan Stahl; Corporal Bryan Wilson; Private 
First Class Steven Sirko; Specialist Nicholas Idalski; Specialist Adam 
Harting; and Staff Sergeant Jonathan Rojas.
  I am so proud of the dedication and service of the people of my State 
in the United States military. We owe them a commitment equal to their 
courage. We owe them the courage to act on our conviction.
  With the passage of 4 years and the loss of over 3,000 brave 
Americans and countless others who have been permanently injured, I 
regret to recall that we were told we needed to invade Iraq because 
Saddam Hussein possessed materials for weapons of mass destruction. 
None could be found. I regret that the President felt compelled to 
justify the invasion by claiming a connection between al Qaeda and 
Saddam Hussein when the 9/11 Commission found this was simply not true.
  Our situation in Iraq has redirected our Nation from its true 
mission. The war in Iraq has diverted our attention from the global war 
on terror. We need to reconstitute our Armed Forces. We also need a 
strategic redeployment of our forces that will give us the ability to 
focus our efforts directly on the global terror networks that target 
innocent people around the world.
  I voted against the authorization of the Iraq invasion in 2003. There 
was no plan or exit strategy then, and there are clearly no good 
options now. Yet the Iraq Study Group provided a bipartisan perspective 
on some changes in strategy. They called for a drawdown of troops and 
for intensive diplomatic efforts to resolve the sectarian violence 
there. We need to listen to their recommendations.
  Mr. Speaker, it is not too late to change our strategy, and the first 
step along the new way is to prevent the President's escalation of this 
war. It is time to obligate the Iraqi Government to assume the full 
burden and consequences of governing their country. We need to listen 
to the majority of the American people. We need to listen to reasoned 
voices such as the Iraq Study Group. The time to pursue a new course is 
now. I support our troops, and that is why I support this resolution.
  Mr. SAM JOHNSON of Texas. Mr. Speaker, I would like to yield 5\1/2\ 
minutes to the great Congressman from the State of Minnesota, an ex-
Marine, John Kline.
  Mr. KLINE of Minnesota. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman for 
yielding. I will overlook the ``ex-Marine'' slight. Never an ex-Marine; 
always a Marine.
  It is a tremendous honor for me today to even be on the same floor as 
this great American here. We heard earlier today the hardship of some 
of our servicemen and -women missing a holiday with their families, and 
I know in my 25 years in the Marines I missed a number of those. But 
there is nobody who has missed more holidays with his family than this 
great American next to me.
  We have heard a lot of speeches during this so-called debate. I am 
not sure how much real debate there is, but certainly a lot of 
speeches. Some of them have been very eloquent. I think of Mr. McHugh 
the other night giving one of the best speeches I have ever heard on 
the floor of this House. Some of them have been partisan. Some of them 
have been shrill. Some persuasive; some not. We have heard a number of 
opinions expressed, and it reminds me a week or so ago we had a hearing 
in the Armed Services Committee and we had three experts, Ph.D.s all of 
them, experts in the field of international relations and military 
operations.
  One of them, the former Secretary of Defense under President Clinton, 
and it turns out that at the end of the hearing, each of the three of 
them had a different idea about what we ought to do. None of them 
supported what the President had been doing. One of them sort of 
supported what the President was doing. But each of them had different 
ideas. They had an opinion, arguably an informed opinion, but an 
opinion nevertheless.
  And on this floor we have heard more opinions. We have heard people 
say, I don't agree with this; I think this is a bad idea; or I think 
this is a good idea. We have heard some people say I have a better 
idea; or I am a member of a caucus who has a better idea; or I propose 
this; or I think that. And it kind of reminds me why it is a very bad 
idea to conduct a war by committee. But I fully acknowledge that people 
are allowed to have opinions and certainly every Member of this body 
can have an opinion.
  I remember the principal author of this resolution before us, the 
distinguished chairman of the Armed Services Committee, stood up on the 
other side of the aisle here on the first day of this debate and he 
said, ``Everybody is entitled to their own opinions but not to their 
own facts.'' So I would just like to take a little bit of my remaining 
time here to talk about some of the claims and some of the facts that 
have been brought forward in this debate.
  One of the proponents said the new plan ``ignores the recommendations 
of the military commanders on the ground.'' How many times have we 
heard that in these two days? Well, what is the truth? General 
Petraeus, the new commander of the multinational force in Iraq, 
confirmed by the Senate with no dissenting votes, said: ``If we are to 
carry out the multinational force-Iraq mission in accordance with the 
new strategy, the additional forces that have been directed to move to 
Iraq will be essential . . . '' He said that last month.
  General Odierno, a new U.S. commander, Corps commander, says: ``This 
is about Iraqis taking charge of their own security. In order for them 
to do that, we have to buy them time to continue to train and for the 
government to become more legitimate to the eyes

[[Page 4260]]

of the Iraqi people. They are doing that by moving forward. By bringing 
more troops in, it provides us the opportunity to work with them, to 
provide more time, and defeat this threat, which is both al Qaeda 
threat as well as sectarian violence.''
  Even General Casey last month said he thought we needed more troops.
  Another claim has been by one of our colleagues: ``Prime Minister al-
Maliki has indicated in virtually every way he can that he too opposes 
the surge.'' And yet on January 13, Prime Minister Maliki said: ``The 
strategic plan announced by U.S. President George W. Bush represents 
the common vision and mutual understanding between the Iraqi Government 
and the U.S. Administration''?
  I have more examples here, but one that we have heard over and over 
and over again in various forms was stated by one of our colleagues 
yesterday saying: ``Our President, again, is ignoring . . . members of 
the bipartisan Iraq Study Group who opposed this escalation.''
  This is the book. I commend it to every American.
  I would like to quote now from my dear, dear long-time friend and 
hunting partner, the former Secretary of State, James A. Baker III, who 
said on January 30 of this year: ``This is the language and all of the 
language of the report with respect to a surge: `We could, however, 
support a short-term redeployment or surge of American combat forces to 
stabilize Baghdad or to speed up the training and equipping mission if 
the U.S. commander in Iraq determines that such steps would be 
effective.' The only two conditions are `short term' and `the commander 
in Iraq determines it would be effective.'''
  Both of these conditions have been met.
  There have been many claims of fact which I have some 
counterarguments with.
  I would just say to all of my colleagues that I would concur with 
Chairman Skelton that we are entitled to our own opinion. We can 
certainly express it. But we are not, in fact, entitled to our own 
facts. So let's stick to the facts.
  Mr. ACKERMAN. Mr. Speaker, I yield at this time 5 minutes to the 
distinguished chairman of the Science Committee, Representative Bart 
Gordon of Tennessee.
  Mr. GORDON of Tennessee. I thank my friend for yielding.
  Mr. Speaker, as I have watched this healthy debate over the last 2 
days, I keep thinking about an e-mail that I received from a lady in 
Springfield, Tennessee. You would never accuse this woman of not 
supporting the troops because her husband was a soldier serving in 
Iraq. He was a month from returning home to his wife and his two 
daughters, but he was ordered to stay in Iraq for another 6 months 
because our troops are spread so thin. He hasn't been home since 
October of 2005. These are the words that she wrote to me: ``Mr. 
Gordon, we need to help other countries, but there are already 3,000 
families in America whose lives will never be the same. I want, need, 
and would love to see my husband again.''
  Mr. Speaker, this lady supports the troops. I support the troops in 
Iraq, and I believe everyone in this Chamber supports our troops. They 
perform their missions with bravery and honor, and I commend them for 
the job they are doing. But I am unconvinced that deploying more troops 
and spending more money is the right strategy. And I am not the only 
one. General Colin Powell said in December: ``I am not persuaded that 
another surge of troops into Baghdad for purposes of suppressing this 
civil war will work.''
  General George Casey, the former commander of U.S. forces in Iraq, 
said last month: ``It's always been my view that a heavy and sustained 
American military presence was not going to solve the problem in Iraq . 
. . ''
  In December it was reported that the Joint Chiefs of Staff 
unanimously disagreed with the concept of troop escalation.
  General Colin Powell, General George Casey, and the Joint Chiefs of 
Staff, these are men who support the troops. Yet these American 
generals, the Iraqi Study Group, and the Iraqi Prime Minister have all 
opposed this troop surge.
  We have had four other surges since we first went to Iraq. None 
produced a lasting change on the ground. In October more combat troops 
were sent into Baghdad to fight the growing violence there. 
Unfortunately, the sectarian violence has only grown worse. Many have 
endured great sacrifices in the 4 years this war has been waged. More 
than 3,000 Americans have lost their lives; 23,000 more have been 
wounded. We have spent more than $350 billion with many billions more 
to go. We have been in Iraq longer than we were involved in World War 
II. And there is no end in sight.
  For 1,300 years Sunnis have been fighting Shias. Now is the time for 
the Iraqis to take more responsibility for securing the peace in their 
own nation. No one has offered any evidence that 20,000 more American 
troops would change the direction of a 4-year-old war or 1,300 years of 
history.
  Mr. ACKERMAN. Mr. Speaker, it is now my pleasure to yield for the 
purpose of making a unanimous-consent request to the distinguished 
Congresswoman from the U.S. territory of Guam, Madeleine Bordallo.
  Ms. BORDALLO. Mr. Speaker, I rise in support of H. Con. Res. 63.
  I rise today to acknowledge and honor the service and sacrifice made 
by military and civilian personnel who have served and who are serving 
today in Iraq, Afghanistan, on the Horn of Africa, and elsewhere around 
the world in defense of the national security of the United States. 
These individuals, and their families who support them from home, are 
to be commended for their dedication to our country.
  I represent the island of Guam. Sons and daughters of Guam, and those 
from our neighboring islands in the Commonwealth of the Northern 
Mariana Islands, Micronesia, Palau, and the Marshalls, serve proudly in 
the United States Armed Forces. These individuals serve at a critical 
point in our country's history and we are grateful for their dedication 
to their mission and their commitment to ensuring our freedom.
  I have been able to visit on eight occasions with our servicemembers 
deployed in Iraq, Afghanistan, and the Horn of Africa to see first hand 
their living conditions, learn about their missions, and gain a better 
understanding of the challenges that confront them. All of us on Guam 
are immensely proud of our men and women from Guam who serve our 
Nation. I have heard their stories and have been humbled by their 
struggles, their heartbreaking loss, and their inspiring instances of 
achievement. I have come away from each of these visits with profound 
gratitude for their sacrifices and their professionalism.
  Serving in defense of the United States does not come without 
heartache and sacrifice. Eighteen servicemembers from Guam and our 
neighboring islands in the Pacific, Saipan, Pohnpei, and Palau, are 
among the more than 3,000 reported by the Department of Defense to have 
made the ultimate sacrifice in the Global War on Terror. Our island 
communities united to mourn the passing of each one of our sons and 
daughters, as we mourn the loss of all servicemembers. We will continue 
to provide support to grieving families who suffer the burden of these 
losses. Every American owes a debt of gratitude--albeit an un-payable 
one--to our fallen and injured servicemembers and their families.
  The year 2007 also will be witness to more tours of duty in Iraq, 
Afghanistan and the Horn of Africa for our active duty, Guard and 
Reserve servicemen and women. For some it will be their second, third, 
and fourth tours of duty in those theaters of operations. This is a lot 
to ask even of the world's finest fighting men and women. They serve 
proudly and their morale remains high and their fighting spirits remain 
strong. God bless their families and friends who remain behind 
supportive and proud of their loved ones.
  We owe our servicemembers and their families our best efforts toward 
helping our Armed Forces achieve an expeditious and honorable 
completion to Operation Iraqi Freedom. This should be a primary goal 
for all of us. But the situation in Iraq will not yield a solution 
easily. Nevertheless, the President, in consultation with this 
Congress, must endeavor to find one. And it is for this reason that I 
introduced H.R. 744, the Iraq Policy Revitalization and Congressional 
Oversight Enhancement Act. H.R. 744 also would aim to revitalize U.S.-
Iraq policy; would require the President to provide to Congress a plan 
that addresses the whole of the challenge in Iraq; would improve 
congressional oversight of Operation Iraqi Freedom and events in Iraq; 
would seek to increase the commitment made by the international 
community to the stability and security of Iraq; and

[[Page 4261]]

would ultimately, help bring our troops home in an honorable, 
expeditious manner without sacrificing their mission.
  The Iraq Study Group, co-chaired by former Secretary of State James 
Baker and former Congressman Lee Hamilton, concluded that many of the 
challenges in Iraq are of an international nature, and they become more 
so--not less so--as each day passes. As a result, it is becoming 
increasingly important to view United States policy toward Iraq as a 
part of and not isolated from United States policy toward the region as 
a whole. It also is becoming increasingly important for countries in 
the region and the international community to become more fully engaged 
in the effort to stabilize Iraq. The Iraq Study Group recommended that 
we support efforts to promote a multilateral agreement between the 
United States, Coalition countries, regional states, and multilateral 
organizations. A multilateral agreement will help bring renewed focus 
to and enhanced international cooperation toward resolving Iraq's 
problems. A multilateral agreement will help reaffirm the existence of 
a united front against elements that seek to destabilize Iraq, and thus 
bring added pressure to bear on those actors. Lastly, a multilateral 
agreement would provide for the formation of a forum in which current 
and future regional security, political, and economic issues regarding 
Iraq's continued development can be discussed and addressed. The 
establishment and maintenance of conciliatory relations between Iraq, 
its neighbors, regional states and the international community is 
essential to stabilizing Iraq internally.
  As the debate today on H. Con. Res. 63 continues, I take this 
opportunity to call attention to H.R. 744 and the various other 
legislative proposals that have been brought forth by members of this 
body to help us bring Operation Iraqi Freedom to a conclusion. In the 
weeks ahead I hope that this body will seriously consider these 
measures. It is very difficult to consider the merits of the 
President's decision to deploy additional troops to Iraq at this time 
without having received from the Administration a comprehensive plan 
that clearly communicates to the Congress and the American people 
exactly what is necessary to complete the mission of Operation Iraqi 
Freedom.
  Mr. SAM JOHNSON of Texas. Mr. Speaker, at this time I would like to 
yield 3 minutes to Representative John Shimkus from Illinois. He is an 
ex-Army Academy graduate and served in the United States Army and still 
is in the Reserves.
  Mr. SHIMKUS. Mr. Speaker, these are real e-mails from veterans, 
active duty members, and National Guard and Reservists:
  ``John, my son, a Marine gunny sergeant embedded with the Iraqi Army 
around Rimadi, called a few weeks ago. I asked him if he knew about the 
President's plan for more troops. He hadn't heard about it, but his 
only comment to me was `We can use them.' Please support the President 
and the troops. It may be our last, best chance to win this thing. 
Winning is the imperative. Semper Fi.''
  And another: ``We have to let our generals be generals and wage this 
war as only they are trained to do and have hope that the announced 
troop buildup will be the final key that is needed by the Iraqis to 
build a secure, united country.''

                              {time}  1245

  We have to hope that it is not too late for the U.S. to make a 
difference in Iraq.''
  Another: ``We need to send the message to our troops that America 
wants them to succeed in Iraq by giving the buildup a chance to 
succeed.''
  Still another: ``My fellow Guardsmen are ready. We will do whatever 
is asked of us. Please ensure that the resources, funds and equipment 
continue to flow. Supporting the troops means giving us the means to do 
our job.''
  And another: ``We also need to stay in Iraq and put forth the 
necessary will and resources that will allow our strategy to succeed.''
  And another: ``Moreover, our troops need more open rules of 
engagement to do their job effectively.''
  Another e-mail: ``Elections have consequences, and for our recent 
election the consequences have been a major setback in the war on 
terror and a greater threat to terrorist attack at home.''
  Still another: ``Like Vietnam, our enemies view us as not having the 
stomach to fight a protracted war. If we withdraw, however, the 
credibility of the U.S., our military, and our assurances would be lost 
for years, probably decades.''
  Another: ``The overwhelming response among officers is we must stay 
and finish what we have started. Many of these officers have built 
strong relationships with local Iraqi and Afghan citizens who want to 
raise their family in peace.''
  Another: ``We do in fact have many more Iraqi Army and National 
Police units moving into Baghdad and many are effectively partnering 
with U.S. units.''
  Another: ``They did pass their budget for 2007 last week,'' sooner 
than the U.S. Congress, incidentally, ``and have made some progress 
with other legislation, which indicates they can work some political 
compromises.''
  I will end with this: ``I would hope that your colleagues would be 
able to continue to support what we are doing, because it honestly does 
have a reasonable chance at success.''
  These are real communications with real soldiers, Active Duty, in 
Iraq, National Guardsmen, reservists, and veterans throughout our 
country who say there is no substitute for victory. We have to win this 
campaign. It is in our national security interest to support moderate 
Arab states.
  John, my son, a Marine Gunny Sgt. imbedded with the Iraqi army around 
Rimadi, called a few weeks ago. I asked him if he knew about the 
President's plan for more troops. He hadn't heard about it, but his 
only comment to me was: ``We can use them!'' Please support the 
President and the Troops. Maybe our last, best chance to win this 
thing. Winning is the imperative. Semper Fi!
  We have to let our generals be generals and wage this war as only 
they are trained to do, and have hope that the announced troop buildup 
will be the final 3 key that's needed by the Iraqis to build a secure 
and united country.
  We have to have hope that it's not too late for the U.S. to make a 
difference in Iraq.
  We need to send the message to our troops that America wants them to 
succeed in Iraq by giving the buildup a chance to succeed.
  The main effort is really the political reconciliation and the 
security of the population is the key precondition to that. The 
language and some action from the Iraqi government and Army leaders 
have been good in the past several weeks. The next several months will 
be critical--probably decisive--and I believe there is reason to be 
realistically hopeful.
  I believe that what we are doing in Iraq and Afghanistan supports the 
NSS. What I have heard in the debate is that we no longer have a 
security interest in Iraq. What part of out NSS is to support moderate 
Muslim governments? Another part of the NSS addresses humanitarian 
rights, to include rights of women.
  My fellow Guardsmen are ready. We will do whatever is asked of us. 
Please, ensure that the resources, funds and equipment, continue to 
flow. Supporting the troops means giving us the means to do our jobs.
  We have not had a failed Iraq policy--we have just had overly 
optimistic expectations of how fast the Iraqis would be able to 
establish a stable government and a unified country that functions in a 
manner to our satisfaction. Ironically, we want the Iraqis to pursue a 
unity government and national reconciliation, but we don't do that 
ourselves. The partisanship that we are seeing here in the U.S. is no 
different that the partisanship that we are seeing in Iraq.
  We also need to stay in Iraq and put forth the necessary will and 
resources that will allow our strategy to succeed. Imagine a Super Bowl 
football team quitting the game in the third quarter simply because 
they were behind. The premise is so absurd it is inconceivable so too 
would be our quitting a war to protect our way of life simply because 
battlefield conditions are not going perfectly.
  Moreover, our troops need more open rules of engagement to do their 
job effectively. This is war, and they are soldiers, not police 
officers. The U.S. and Iraqi governments must expect civilian 
casualties and collateral damage. It's unavoidable. The irony in this 
matter is that most Iraqi people would welcome the increase security.
  Elections have consequences. And for our recent election, the 
consequences have been a major set back in the war on terror and a 
greater threat to terrorist attack at home.
  Like Vietnam, our enemies view us as not having the stomach to fight 
a protracted war. If we withdraw, however, the credibility of the U.S., 
our military, and our assurances would be lost for years, probably 
decades.
  The Iraqis are watching all of this, and they can see which way the 
wind is blowing. They

[[Page 4262]]

know if we leave either the Sunni insurgency or the Iranians would 
likely come in, and their newly gained freedoms would be lost. This 
reality shapes the thoughts and actions of all Iraqi officials, from 
Prime Minister al-Maliki, down to the police officers on the street.

  Many Americans are in denial about the threat from radical Islam. 
Unfortunately, it may take another 9/11 before they wake up. God help 
us if one of our cities gets nuked when that happens.
  The overwhelming response among officers is that we must stay and 
finish what we started. Many of these officers have built strong 
relationships with local Iraqi and Afghan citizens who want to raise 
their families in peace. They feel we have given our word as a country 
that we will stand by them. I agree with this sentiment.
  Lincoln/Sherman figured out that to truly defeat the south, he had to 
march to Savannah to convince the locals that it was not worth 
continued conflict. WWII had similar actions for resolution like 
Hiroshima. While these were waged against conventional forces, Congress 
must understand that the current conflict is more than between 
insurgents and U.S./Coalition forces.
  If we do not have the will to do this hard work, we need to get out 
now. We cannot continue to try to get the job done with the minimum 
force. If anything we should send more than we think we need. Our focus 
on being liberators has caused us to misjudge what is needed. You 
cannot liberate until you have gained control. We never got there and 
must do so now.
  Speaking of which, my two cents. The most basic job of government is 
to protect its citizens. If the Surge is properly designed to do that, 
then it is a good idea. I say give it a chance, even though it should 
have been that way to begin with. From my experiences in Desert Storm 
'91, I firmly believe that most people, Middles Easterners included, 
just want to protect their family, practice their religion, and have an 
opportunity to prosper.
  We have to be able to go after all the killers regardless of who or 
where they are. The Iraqi follow-on forces then have to maintain the 
peace, not bring in their individual hatreds to the power vacuum. 
Helping them secure their borders from fighters through Jordan and 
Syria and equipment from Iran is also critical (Navy and Air Force 
tasks with limited ground support?). Getting the ``Rule of Law'' 
established will eventually replace the need for ``Self Protection'' 
(Militias).
  The biggest hurdle is at home. If the media continues its selective 
reporting (failures only), then even if its an unqualified success on 
the ground, it will be perceived as a loss at home due to its depiction 
on TV and Press reports. Tying Iraqis to a yardstick measuring success 
or failure seems to be a good idea.
  Press the Senate not to pass the latest Resolution limiting support--
it is just a grand standing event for presidential hopefuls.
  We do in fact have many more Iraqi Army and National Police units 
moving into Baghdad and many are effectively partnering with U.S. 
units.
  They did pass their budget for 2007 last week (sooner than the U.S. 
Congress, incidentally) and have made some progress with other 
legislation, which indicates they can work some political compromises.
  Everyone is forced to telescope political, economic, and security 
reforms that would normally take 7-10 years into 7-10 months.
  So the question that you are debating is whether or not $100 billions 
(less than 0.8% GDP) and tragically, probably 700-900 U.S. soldiers' 
lives is worth a 50% chance of preventing a national security crisis 
that will set back U.S. policy for decades.
  If you are the parent or spouse of one of those soldiers who may die, 
it is GD probably not worth it. But if you are a national leader, I 
would hope that your colleagues would be able to continue to support 
what we are doing because it honestly does have a reasonable chance of 
success.
  Mr. ACKERMAN. Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to yield 5 minutes to the 
distinguished gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. McGovern), the vice 
chairman of the Rules Committee.
  Mr. McGOVERN. Mr. Speaker, I thank my colleague from New York for 
yielding.
  Mr. Speaker, I oppose the escalation of U.S. forces in Iraq and I 
strongly oppose this war. We had no basis or justification or right to 
invade Iraq. It was a mistake. There are no easy answers or solutions 
before us. No matter what option we pursue, there is no nice, neat, 
happy ending. Sometimes you can't fix mistakes.
  Hopefully we can make this awful situation less awful. This war 
should never have happened. That is not just my opinion, it is the 
opinion of many of the top military leaders in our country. The war has 
diminished our standing in the world. It has been used as a recruiting 
tool by the very terrorists we say we want to defeat. It has cost us 
hundreds of billions of dollars. And, most significantly, we have 
sacrificed the precious lives of so many of our brave servicemen and 
women, and thousands more have returned home severely wounded.
  Now, I have listened as many of my colleagues have come to the floor 
and said we must follow our leader and be quiet. Some have even 
suggested that those of us who support this resolution and want this 
war to end are doing a disservice to our troops.
  Mr. Speaker, for 4 long years, Congress has done absolutely nothing 
in the face of mistake after mistake after mistake in Iraq. None of us 
in this Chamber have to wake up tomorrow in Baghdad or Fallujah or 
Tikrit. None of us have to wake up each morning and go on patrol in 
Anbar Province. None of us in this Chamber are in harm's way. But we 
are all responsible, all of us, just like the President, for assigning 
tens of thousands of our bravest young men and women for being referees 
in a sectarian civil war.
  If we truly want to protect our troops, if we truly are concerned 
with their safety and well-being, then bring them home and reunite them 
with their families.
  Newsweek columnist Anna Quindlen put it this way: ``There is no 
better way to support those fighting in Iraq than to guarantee that no 
more of them die in the service of political miscalculation.''
  Mr. Speaker, the American people are way ahead of the politicians in 
Washington. Citizens of all political persuasions are sick and tired of 
the political spin and political posturing. Our focus should not be 
about saving face. Instead, it should be about saving lives.
  The people of this country have been misled, they have been deceived, 
and they have been lied to. Increasingly, people do not trust their 
government to tell the truth on the war. Mr. Speaker, I don't trust my 
government to tell me the truth about this war.
  There is no military victory to be had. The only hope is a political 
solution.
  The Iraqi Government and the Iraqi people have the power and the 
ability to move in a different direction, a direction that seeks to 
calm sectarian violence and heal sectarian divides, respect the rights 
of all citizens and uphold the rule of law that applies to everyone 
equally. But they have to choose that path themselves. Regrettably, I 
have little confidence that the current Iraqi Government will make such 
a choice. I hope I am wrong.
  Mr. Speaker, it is essential to change the dynamic inside Iraq, and 
to do that it is essential that we dramatically change our policy. That 
means we must end the U.S. occupation and begin an all-out diplomatic 
effort to promote reconciliation and an end to the violence. That means 
we should begin the immediate, safe and orderly withdrawal of our 
troops from Iraq. That means we should provide protection and political 
asylum to those in Iraq who have assisted us and who may be in danger 
because of it. That also means that the United States must demonstrate 
the maturity and the common sense to talk to political leaders and to 
countries we don't like, including Syria and Iran.
  None of this will be pleasant, none of this will be easy and there 
are no guarantees that it will work. But I am sure of one thing: What 
we are doing now is failing. What we are doing now is not healing the 
divisions in Iraq and is not serving the best national security 
interests of the United States. Our own intelligence agencies have 
reported to us that this war is creating more terrorists.
  No one in this House enjoys this discussion. Some, I know, wish that 
somehow this issue would go away. But, Mr. Speaker, it won't. So no 
matter how uncomfortable this debate is for some of my colleagues, it 
is long overdue.
  The message that Congress will hopefully send tomorrow by passing 
this resolution is one that the American

[[Page 4263]]

people want us to send and one that the President needs to hear.
  President Lyndon Johnson once remarked, ``It is easy to get into a 
war, but hard as hell to get out of one.'' The choices before us in the 
next weeks and months will not be easy. Indeed, it will be difficult, 
even painful, to extricate ourselves from this war. But it is the right 
thing to do.
  I urge my colleagues to support this resolution which strongly 
supports our troops and opposes this escalation
  Mr. SAM JOHNSON of Texas. Mr. Speaker, I just would like to correct 
something. We are not occupying Iraq. We are helping the Iraqi 
government, who has complete control over there trying to win this 
battle.
  Mr. Speaker, I yield 5 minutes to our new representative from 
Colorado (Mr. Lamborn).
  Mr. LAMBORN. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman for yielding.
  Mr. Speaker, I rise in opposition to this resolution. There are many 
flaws in this resolution. One of the most serious is that while it 
gives lip-service to a desire to support and protect the troops, it 
turns around and disapproves of the plan that is best calculated by the 
commanders on the ground to bring order to Baghdad.
  This surge is the best way, in the opinion of the commanders, to 
clamp down on the insurgency, to protect our troops and ultimately to 
lead to victory. I don't see how you can claim to protect and support 
the troops while taking away the best option for victory.
  That brings up another serious flaw in this resolution: It has no 
positive alternative. The resolution seems to say that we should go on 
as before, which I thought my colleagues across the aisle said was 
unacceptable.
  Yet another serious flaw is that Members of Congress, who are many 
thousands of miles away from the battlefield, are substituting their 
judgment for that of the commanders in the field. This is foolish and 
arrogant. This gives rise to a constitutional conflict as well. The 
Constitution gives the President the power of Commander in Chief. 
President Bush, who was reelected by a vote of the entire American 
people just 2 years ago, has the duty and authority to conduct the war 
in Iraq.
  Congress has the power to declare war and to fund or to not fund war, 
but does not have the power to conduct a war. This constitutional 
division of powers is vital, because, among other things, a clear chain 
of command is better calculated to lead to victory with the least 
possible loss of life. War by committee, on the other hand, does not 
best serve the interests of our country or our troops.
  Because this resolution is so deeply flawed, it will send bad 
messages if it is passed. It will send a message to our enemies that we 
are weak and unable to complete a difficult task. It will send a 
message to our allies that we are undependable. It will send a message 
to the families and loved ones of our fallen soldiers and marines, to 
our brave men and women who have been disabled and to the troops in the 
field, that their sacrifice is in vain because their mission is not 
worth our commitment. These messages will be destructive, and I urge my 
colleagues not to go down this road.
  If America does abandon Iraq, which many of my colleagues across the 
aisle want to be the ultimate outcome, destruction will spread across 
the entire Middle East and will be more likely to come to our own 
shores.
  I know that the struggle against terrorism is difficult, but we 
cannot give up. Yes, we must learn as we go, and, yes, we must adapt to 
changing circumstances. But we must not think that retreat will bring 
relief. We and the entire world will pay a terrible price if we go down 
that road. This resolution is the first step down that road. I urge the 
defeat of this resolution.
  Mr. ACKERMAN. Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to yield 5 minutes to the 
gentleman from Pennsylvania (Mr. Holden), the vice chairman of the 
Agriculture Committee and the chairman of the Subcommittee on 
Conservation, Credit, Energy and Research.
  Mr. HOLDEN. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman for yielding.
  Mr. Speaker, I rise today in support of House Concurrent Resolution 
63. I also rise in strong support of the brave men and women who have 
served or are serving in Iraq and around the world.
  I represent thousands of men and women on Active Duty and in the 
National Guard and in the Reserves. I have visited our wounded and 
injured troops at both Walter Reed and Landstuhl Regional Center in 
Germany. My commitment to our brave men and women is unwavering. 
However, I disagree with deploying more than 20,000 more U.S. combat 
troops to Iraq.
  The President has consistently said that the size of the force would 
be determined by military leaders on the ground. Yet the two previous 
leading commanders on the ground do not support the addition of more 
troops. General George Casey, the former commander of the Multinational 
Force in Iraq and current chief of staff of the Army, advocated 
transferring security duties to Iraqi soldiers.
  General Casey said, ``The longer we and the U.S. forces continue to 
bear the main burden of Iraq's security, it lengthens the time that the 
Government of Iraq has to make the hard decisions about reconciliation 
and dealing with the militias.'' He goes on to say, ``And the other 
thing is that they continue to blame us for all of Iraq's problems, 
which at face are their problems. It has always been my view that a 
heavy and sustained American military presence was not going to solve 
the problems in Iraq in the long run.''
  Additionally, General John P. Abizaid, the former commander of U.S. 
Central Command in the Middle East, has said that he did not believe 
that adding more American troops right now is the solution to the 
problem, and also advocated transferring responsibility to the Iraqis.
  General Abizaid said, ``I met with every divisional commander, 
General Casey, the Corps Commander, General Dempsey. We all talked 
together. And I said, in your professional opinion, if we were to bring 
in more American troops now, does it add considerably to our ability to 
achieve success in Iraq? And they all said no. And the reason is 
because we want the Iraqis to do more. It is easy for the Iraqis to 
rely upon us to do this work. I believe that more American forces 
prevent the Iraqis from doing more, from taking more responsibility for 
their own future.''
  During the course of the war, I visited Iraq twice, in 2003 and 2005. 
While I was there, the main goal, other than achieving victory, was 
developing Iraq's infrastructure. Yet after 4 years and hundreds of 
billions of dollars, we have not had much success in improving 
infrastructure and still face serious problems. Oil production is one-
half of the prewar level, while conditions of basic services, such as 
water, power and sewage, are below that. In Baghdad, electricity levels 
are at an all-time low. And while we have spent billions of dollars on 
these problems, $9 billion is lost and unaccounted for.

                              {time}  1300

  That is why I also rise today in support of the Blue Dog resolution 
which provides cost accountability for Operation Iraqi Freedom. This 
resolution will directly address the infrastructure and security 
failures in Iraq. More specifically, the resolution requires the 
Department of Defense Inspector General and the Special Inspector 
General for Iraqi Reconstruction to report to Congress every 90 days 
with:
  One, a detailed accounting of how military and reconstruction funds 
in Iraq have been spent;
  Two, a detailed accounting of the types and terms of contracts 
awarded on behalf of the United States;
  Three, a description of efforts to obtain support and assistance from 
other countries toward the rehabilitation of Iraq; and, finally,
  Four, an assessment of what additional funding is needed to complete 
military operations and reconstruction efforts in Iraq, including a 
plan for the security of Iraq.
  Mr. Speaker, our troops have done their job and performed with great 
courage and honor. The solution in Iraq can no longer be resolved 
militarily. We must win both politically

[[Page 4264]]

and diplomatically. We must ask Iraq's six neighbors to use influence 
that is consistent with our own objectives, and we must convince them 
that stability in the region is in their best interests.
  In closing, I want to offer my utmost gratitude and appreciation for 
our troops. Our thoughts are with these brave men and women and also 
with their families as we pray for them to return safely.
  Mr. SAM JOHNSON of Texas. Mr. Speaker, I yield 4 minutes to the 
gentlewoman from Washington (Mrs. McMorris Rodgers).
  Mrs. McMORRIS RODGERS. Mr. Speaker, this afternoon we continue here 
on the House floor another chapter in the long and healthy debate on 
promoting freedom and democracy around the world, while maintaining the 
security of our country, of our cities, of our homes and our families.
  The resolution before us today appropriately begins with the 
reaffirmation of our vigorous, unwavering commitment to the brave men 
and women now serving our country in uniform. We pledge to give them 
every tool they need to fulfill their assigned missions while providing 
the maximum protection possible. Additionally, we pledge their families 
every means of support when their loved ones are overseas and when they 
return home.
  My district in eastern Washington is the proud home to Fairchild Air 
Force Base that houses the 92nd Air Refueling Wing. These men and women 
have been an important part of fighting the global war on terror. Our 
community, like every community around the country, supports our men 
and women in uniform. Together, we have celebrated victory; and, 
together, we have mourned losses.
  We unanimously stand by our troops because, almost 5 years ago, this 
Congress asked them to step forward to protect our country and win the 
fight against terrorism.
  On October 10, 2002, before many of us were here, including myself, 
296 Members of this body, including 81 Democrats, passed a bipartisan 
bill authorizing the use of military force in Iraq. The next day, 77 
Members of the Senate approved a motion authorizing the same use of 
force.
  What Congress realized then was the importance to the security of our 
own country of a free and stable Iraq and a peaceful and secure Middle 
East. Five years ago, Congress was at a crossroads and made a very 
difficult decision. Today, young girls in Iraq can now attend school, 
democratic elections have been held, a fledgling government is in 
place, and Saddam Hussein, a murderer of over 300,000 Iraqis, is no 
longer a threat to his own people or to our national security. In Iraq, 
we have acknowledged victories and successes.
  In the past year, we all recognize the condition in Iraq has grown 
more grave. I know a lot has changed since I visited nearly a year ago. 
Al Qaeda operatives, Sunni death squads and Shia militias, propped up 
by the reckless dictatorship of Iran, have fueled violence and 
threatened the hopes and dreams of the Iraqi people.
  So Congress is once again at a crossroads. The reality of the 
circumstances in Iraq require a winning strategy. The information 
provided by our reformed intelligence community sends a clear warning 
in the National Intelligence Estimate on Iraq: ``Unless efforts to 
reverse these conditions show measurable progress, the situation will 
continue to deteriorate.'' The solution cannot be in leaving things as 
they are. The NIE continues: ``Coalition capabilities remain an 
essential stabilizing element in Iraq.''
  There are three courses of action: leave things as they are; we know 
this is not sufficient. Draw down Armed Forces in Iraq; this will only 
lead to deadly indiscriminate violence, costing the lives of hundreds 
of thousands of innocent people. Or respond by giving our commanders in 
Iraq the resources and the mission options needed for success.
  All of us here support our men and women in uniform. We must continue 
to empower them to defeat the enemies of freedom in Iraq.
  Congress is now in the midst of making a decision that will 
contribute to the future security of our great country or begin the 
process of chipping away at the core of this resolve. Supporting our 
troops by not supporting the war is not an option. Victory is the only 
real choice. The consequences of failure are unacceptable.
  Abandoning Iraq would embolden the militants. It would create a 
humanitarian crisis impacting millions. Instability in the Middle East 
will create more violence and leave the U.S. vulnerable to future 
attacks.
  I urge my colleagues to oppose this resolution.
  Mr. ACKERMAN. Mr. Speaker, I yield 5 minutes to the chairman of the 
Financial Services Subcommittee on Capital Markets, Insurance and 
Government-Sponsored Enterprises, the distinguished gentleman from 
Pennsylvania (Mr. Kanjorski).
  Mr. KANJORSKI. Mr. Speaker, I rise today to join the overwhelming 
majority of American people, the Congress and many top U.S. military 
commanders to voice my opposition to President Bush's ill-conceived 
plan to send more American troops into the middle of an ongoing civil 
war in Iraq. The President's plan, which has been attempted before on 
four separate occasions and failed, is simultaneously too little and 
too much. 21,500 troops is too little to make a difference in a city of 
6 million who are unwilling to see beyond their sectarian differences, 
and too much burden to place on an American military already stretched 
to the breaking point.
  Mr. Speaker, in October 2002, I voted in favor of the legislation to 
allow President Bush to defend the national security of our country 
against the stated threats posed by Saddam Hussein. In large part, I 
based my decision on the information I learned in several classified 
briefings with high-level administration officials about the 
capabilities of the Iraqis to deliver weapons of mass destruction to 
the United States.
  These officials pointed to an imminent threat posed by Saddam Hussein 
and his potential use of unmanned aerial vehicles to deliver weapons of 
mass destruction to our shores. Of course, we now know that these 
weapons, as well as the Bush administration's claims regarding Saddam's 
ties to al Qaeda, were fictional. The consequences of our action, 
however, are quite real.
  To date, the Iraq war has come at a terrible cost to the United 
States. More than 3,100 servicemembers have been killed and greater 
than 23,400 have been wounded. My home State of Pennsylvania has lost 
149 soldiers and over 1,000 have been wounded. Moreover, the United 
States has spent almost $380 billion to date, with hundreds of billions 
of dollars more requested by the Bush administration.
  The war in Iraq has also diverted much-needed resources away from 
fighting the war on terrorism and eradicating al Qaeda. The focus on 
Iraq and away from the real threat of al Qaeda has resulted in an 
increasing number of deadly attacks launched by Taliban and al Qaeda 
forces in and around Afghanistan.
  On Tuesday, The Washington Post reported that NATO's top commander, 
General John Craddock, does not have enough forces for the anticipated 
spring offensive by the Taliban. The general warned that ``failure to 
send reinforcements was weakening the mission and jeopardizing the 
lives of soldiers fighting'' in Afghanistan.
  More than 135,000 troops are currently serving in Iraq. Many have 
completed their second or even their third tour of duty. Multiple tours 
of duty for the National Guard and Reserve members have created 
hardships for many families in my district and throughout the United 
States. Currently, these brave American forces are caught in the middle 
of a religious dispute that began in the 7th century between rival 
Muslim factions. These underlying sectarian hostilities have come to 
the fore in Iraq and have grown into a full-blown civil war.
  Bringing stability to Iraq cannot be achieved through an escalation 
of our military involvement in that country. Rather, Shiites and Sunnis 
must decide for themselves to forge a political solution to this crisis 
in which the interests of all Iraqis are represented. Nevertheless, 
President Bush is ignoring

[[Page 4265]]

the advice of his top generals, the bipartisan Iraq Study Group, the 
majority of Congress, and, most of all, the American people by 
announcing his intention to send an additional 21,500 American troops 
into harm's way to continue pursuing a flawed policy.
  Mr. Speaker, I oppose this escalation of our troop presence in Iraq. 
The time for more troops was 4 years ago when General Shinseki 
presciently warned of the need for hundreds of thousands of military 
personnel to stabilize post-war Iraq. But the President, the Vice 
President, and the former Secretary of Defense believed they could 
fight this war on the cheap, with too few troops, too little armor, and 
too little help. They were wrong, and now it is too late.
  Mr. Speaker, from my perspective, the resolution before us today has 
been long overdue. The American people have called on this Congress to 
express their disapproval of this war of choice in Iraq and this 
President's prosecution of it. To that end, I will support this 
resolution and urge my colleagues to do the same.
  Mr. SAM JOHNSON of Texas. Mr. Speaker, I yield 3\1/2\ minutes to my 
friend and colleague, the gentleman from North Carolina (Mr. McHenry).
  Mr. McHENRY. Mr. Speaker, national security should be the highest 
priority of the U.S. Congress. I talk to my constituents in western 
North Carolina a lot about the situation in Iraq. We understand the 
challenges. I think the American people understand the challenges of 
this war. But we also know the consequences of quitting are too dire 
and too dangerous.
  We know that leaving an unstable Iraq endangers Israel, other Western 
democracies, as well as our own national interests and our constituents 
here in the United States.
  The President put forward a plan that he and his generals believe 
will lead to a safe, secure, and stabilized Iraq. Let me repeat that: 
he put forward a plan, a plan of action and a plan for success.
  The Democrats, in response, put forward a nonbinding resolution. Now, 
this is Washington-speak for legislation that does not have the force 
of law. Now, the disturbing thing is not that it is a nonbinding 
resolution; but the message that this legislative tool sends, it sends 
not only to our American people, not only to the troops in the field, 
but our allies around the world, and it also emboldens our enemies.
  This resolution says that this time the Democrats are not prepared to 
offer a new direction, a plan or a solution for the challenges we face 
in Iraq. I offer this bit of wisdom to the Democrats: you must be the 
change you want to see.
  If the Democrats are serious about developing a new plan, then the 
right thing to do is submit it. That is a true test of leadership, to 
submit solutions, solutions; and in order to effect change, you have to 
put forward ideas for that change.
  I ask the American people to imagine what it would be like if their 
Representatives used this time to hammer out ideas and positive 
solutions. That is the American ingenuity that we should focus on as a 
Congress. This is the American way.
  The Democrats say this debate is to send a message to the President. 
Well, I will tell you, I think he has heard you loud and clear.
  But let me give you a message from the battlefield from a friend of 
mine in Iraq. He says the argument over what got us to this point is a 
diversion. The problem set is the present. The terrorists and would-be 
terrorists that have flowed into Iraq will not stand at the border and 
wave us good-bye and good luck. They understand our politics, our 
systems, and our weaknesses.

                              {time}  1315

  They believe that it is a war of endurance, and that we have shown 
historically and repeatedly that we don't have the national will for 
prolonged engagement.
  Unfortunately the political grandstanding has endorsed their belief 
and ensures the terrorists' continued bloody engagement until November 
2008.
  The bottom line, we need reinforcements to set the conditions for 
success, and we need political support for the endurance to continue 
this fight. That is from my friend in the battlefield.
  And I say to my colleagues, the American people need better than 
this. We need a plan of action for results and success in Iraq.
  And I say, ``Madam Speaker, you have made your points. Now where is 
your plan?''
  Mr. ACKERMAN. Mr. Speaker, I yield 5 minutes to the chairman of the 
Energy and Commerce Subcommittee on Energy and Air Quality, the 
distinguished gentleman from Virginia, Rick Boucher.
  Mr. BOUCHER. Mr. Speaker, I rise in support of the resolution, and I 
hope that its adoption by the House will send yet another powerful 
message that a change in the direction of our Iraq policy is required.
  Sending an additional 21,000 troops into Baghdad only serves to put 
more American forces in harm's way. The troop increase will not bring 
long-term stability, it will not halt the sectarian strife which has 
plunged Iraq into a civil war, it will do nothing to speed the day when 
U.S. forces can hand over the mission to the Iraqis and come home. But 
there is a better way.
  Our Virginia colleague Frank Wolf originated the formation of the 
commission that was chaired by former Secretary of State James Baker 
and by Lee Hamilton, who for years, with distinction, chaired the 
Foreign Relations Committee in this House. I commend Congressman Wolf 
for his foresight and for the public service that he provided to our 
Nation when he originated the formation of the Baker-Hamilton 
Commission. That commission was bipartisan. It was composed of our most 
experienced foreign policy experts, spanning administrations of both 
Republican and Democratic Presidencies. Its recommendations were 
unanimously presented by the members of the Commission. They embody the 
collective wisdom of these highly experienced Americans for the best 
course that our Nation can take for a new and more promising direction 
in Iraq.
  At the core of their proposals was a bold recommendation: that the 
United States begin a dialogue with Iraq's neighboring countries about 
a way to achieve regional stability and, most particularly, stability 
in Iraq.
  Iran, Syria, Jordan, Saudi Arabia all have influence with the various 
warring factions in Iraq. Iran and Syria in particular have a strong 
interest in a more normal relationship with the United States. All of 
these countries have a long-term interest in a stable Iraq. The Baker-
Hamilton Commission's direction for a U.S.-led negotiation among these 
nations is the only real option we have left in order to achieve under 
United States guidance a peaceful Iraq. President Bush has rejected 
this recommendation. He has acted, in my view, very unwisely.
  More United States troops are not the answer. Blind faith in the 
Iraqi Prime Minister with his ties to the Shia militia leader, al-Sadr, 
is not the answer. A military solution standing alone is not the 
answer. The only path to success lies in diplomacy and accepting the 
wise counsel of the Baker-Hamilton Commission.
  Finally, the administration decided to try real diplomacy in North 
Korea, and it is working. It is also the only hope we have for 
stability in Iraq.
  Mr. SAM JOHNSON of Texas. Mr. Speaker, at this time we would like to 
allow 3 minutes to the gentleman from Florida, Tom Feeney.
  Mr. FEENEY. Mr. Speaker, first I want to thank the genuine American 
hero from Texas, Mr. Johnson, for leading us this afternoon.
  I supported the use of military force to remove Saddam Hussein's 
regime because it was in America's interests. Afterwards, it should 
have been up to the Iraqi people, and not Americans, to determine their 
fate and how they govern themselves. President Bush has stated: The 
survival of our liberty depends on its expansion throughout the world 
and America must actively construct those institutions. Which, to me, 
seems like a Wilsonian view of America's role in the world.

[[Page 4266]]

  In 2000, Candidate Bush rejected nation-building. A view held by the 
Founding Fathers who believed the exceptional calling of the American 
people was not to shape the world in our image, but to be a light that 
lightens the world. I prefer Candidate Bush's position.
  Having said that, I cannot support Representative Skelton's 
resolution. Nothing better illustrates America's democratic 
institutions than this body having a full and open debate about this 
topic.
  I hope the Commander in Chief will recognize the desires and concerns 
of the American people as expressed today through their elected 
Representatives. But America has only one, and not 535 commanders in 
chief. We cannot micromanage the conduct of a war. Representative 
Skelton's resolution sends horribly mixed signals to our troops who 
must solely focus on carrying out their assigned and dangerous mission.
  Once a decision has been made and mission assigned, this body should 
support the troops and their one and only Commander in Chief, as 
Representative Johnson's resolution, had it been heard, would have been 
done.
  Critics of tactics who resort to a congressional resolution tell our 
servicemen and women and their families, intentionally or not, that 
their mission is futile. When we undermine hope, we undermine resolve, 
and we reduce the likelihood of success.
  As Senator Lieberman has stated, a resolution would, in quotes, 
``give the enemy some encouragement, some clear expression that the 
American people are divided.'' Or, as Army Sergeant Daniel Dobson 
expressed, ``There is no honor in retreat, and there is no honor in 
what the Democrats have proposed.''
  Instead, the responsible thing for this Democratic-led Congress would 
have been to propose a new way forward, new tactics, new strategies, 
not just in Iraq but in the entire war on terror. Speaker Rayburn, a 
Democratic Speaker, once famously remarked, ``Any jackass can kick down 
a barn, but it takes a carpenter to build one.'' There are no 
carpenters at work with this resolution.
  God bless our troops. God bless their Commander in Chief. God bless 
America.
  Shortly after I entered Congress in 2003, America used military force 
to remove the Saddam Hussein regime. I supported that action because it 
was in America's interest.
  The Hussein regime repeatedly defied the terms that ended the 1991 
Gulf War--the transparent and verifiable dismantlement of the 
capability to produce weapons of mass destruction. Previously, that 
regime had used such weapons and wielded the potential of such weapons 
against its enemies. Rather than resorting to openness to demonstrate 
good faith compliance with its promises, the regime relied on Soviet-
style deception and defiance.
  In the face of such opaqueness, why are we surprised that the 
intelligence agencies of the United States and its Allies veered to a 
worst-case scenario? After all, the perceived ``missile gap'' that 
fueled the arms race between the United States and the Soviet Union 
stemmed from Soviet deception about its actual nuclear weapon 
capabilities. The fault lies with those who deceive and not those 
searching for the truth.
  The perceived threat extended beyond the Middle East and raised the 
specter of arming terrorists dedicated to harming the United States and 
the West. To those who scoff at this notion, I remind them about the 
dangers posed by ``loose nukes'' and how the West works everyday to 
counter this threat.
  Furthermore, this brutal regime repeatedly attacked its neighbors--
threatening the stability of America's allies and interests in this 
region.
  So with some sturdy allies, America took action. The Hussein regime 
was toppled. Others took notice. Libya surrendered its weapons of mass 
destruction capabilities to the U.S. including materials related to its 
nuclear weapons program and ballistic missile capabilities.
  Today's U.S. military is the finest in world history.
  America can defeat any contemporary enemy by itself. But, we cannot 
win the peace alone. We need help--not just from loyal friends like the 
British, Poles, and Australians. To win a peace, we need less reliable 
allies like France, Germany, and Spain to help. And we need support, or 
at least not hostile opposition, from former adversaries we are trying 
to befriend, like Russia and China. In this case, we have had too 
little help to win the peace.
  And instead of focusing on establishing a free and stable Iraq, 
America strayed from the wisdom of its Founding Fathers who warned us 
of the hazards of trying to shape the world in our image. As John 
Quincy Adams noted in his 1821 Fourth of July Speech:
  ``America does not go abroad in search of monsters to destroy.'' To 
do so would involve the United States ``beyond the power of 
extrication, in all wars of interest and intrigue, of individual 
avarice, envy, and ambition. . . . She might become the dictatress of 
the world. She would be no longer the ruler of her own spirit.''
  The Founding Fathers believed that the exceptional calling of the 
American people was not to shape the world in our image but to be a 
light to lighten the world. Our exercise and preservation of liberty 
served as an example to other peoples. In today's world, we can see how 
our culture and international trade influence other peoples. But a 
critical difference exists between being an example and trying to 
impose a set of beliefs.
  The historian Walter McDougall describes this original tradition as 
follows:

       . . . the leaders . . . did not interpret [American] 
     Exceptionalism to mean that U.S. diplomacy ought to be 
     pacifist, rigidly scrupulous, or devoted to the export of 
     domestic ideals. Rather, they saw foreign policy as an 
     instrument for the preservation and expansion of American 
     freedom, and warned that crusades would belie our ideals, 
     violate our true interests, and sully our freedom.

  Accordingly, I support using American military might to defend our 
interests as needed including preemptive strikes to those who would do 
us harm.
  But we strayed from this tradition by undertaking a mission to hold 
Iraq together, build a nation based on Western liberal democracy, and 
then spread that way of life throughout the Middle East. This 
Administration labels this effort ``transformational democracy.'' But 
it really is what Walter McDougall calls ``Global Meliorism,'' that 
assumes:

       The American model is universally valid, that morality 
     enjoins the United States to help others emulate it, and that 
     the success of the American experiment itself ultimately 
     depends on other nations escaping from dearth and oppression.

  Nothing is further from the conservative tradition. Conservatives 
understand that free societies and peoples take centuries to evolve. 
America traces its roots back to the Magna Carta. If you want to 
illustrate the shortcomings of social engineering and the illusive goal 
of remaking foreign societies, take these 792 years of hard earned 
experience and impose it on a nation cobbled together by the British 
after the collapse of the Ottoman Empire and on a people who identify 
more with a tribal than a national identity.
  Conservatives take a realistic assessment of human nature--including 
as George Will has noted ``the limits of power to subdue an unruly 
world.'' This sobriety contrasts with the idealistic dream of 
engineering the world--a dream with roots in Woodrow Wilson's visions 
for a post-World War I world. As George Clemenceau remarked after 
Wilson's 1917 Peace Without Victory speech:

       Never before has any political assembly heard so fine a 
     sermon on what human beings might be capable of accomplishing 
     if only they weren't human.

  President Bush has stated that the survival of our liberty depends on 
its expansion throughout the world and America must actively construct 
those institutions. In 2000, Candidate Bush rejected nation building. I 
prefer Candidate Bush.
  It is up to the Iraqi people--and not us--to determine their fate and 
how they govern themselves. That is why in 2003 I proposed that the 
Administration loan and not grant $20 billion for Iraqi infrastructure. 
We weren't rebuilding things we destroyed during the war. Rather, we 
were attempting to build an infrastructure degraded and neglected by 
the Hussein regime. I wanted the Iraqi people from oil proceeds--and 
not Americans--to build, fund, and protect their assets. As T.E. 
Lawrence noted in an earlier era:

       Do not try to do too much with your own hands. Better the 
     Arabs do it tolerably that you do it perfectly: It is their 
     war, and you are to help them, not to win it for them. 
     Actually, also under the very odd conditions of Arabia, your 
     practical work will not be as good, perhaps, as you think it 
     is.

  Having said that, I cannot support Representative Skelton's 
resolution. Nothing better illustrates America's democratic 
institutions than for this body to have a full and open debate about 
this war. We are a strong and outspoken people. This Chamber has 
witnessed similar debates at crucial times in our past. I hope the 
Commander in Chief will recognize

[[Page 4267]]

the desires and concerns of the American people as expressed through 
their elected representatives.
  But America has only one and not 535 Commanders in Chief. We cannot 
micromanage the conduct of a war. Representative Skelton's resolution 
cannot bring good. Rather, it sends horribly mixed signals to our 
troops who must solely focus on carrying out their assigned and 
dangerous mission. Once a decision has been made and a mission 
assigned, this body should support the troops and their one Commander 
in Chief as Representative Sam Johnson's resolution would. We should 
deny the enemy encouragement and provide resolve to our servicemen and 
women.
  Critics of tactics who resort to a Congressional Resolution tell our 
servicemen and women and their families--intentionally or not--that 
their mission is futile. When we undermine hope, we undermine resolve 
and reduce the likelihood of success. As Senator Lieberman has stated: 
such a resolution would ``give the enemy some encouragement, some clear 
expression that the American people are divided.'' Or as Army Sergeant 
Daniel Dobson expressed:

       Most service members would tell you the same thing: There 
     is no honor in retreat . . . and there is no honor in what 
     the Democrats have proposed. It stings me to the core to 
     think that Americans would rather sell their honor than fight 
     for a cause. Those of us who fight for [peace] know all too 
     well that peace has a very bloody price tag.

  Instead, the responsible thing for this Democratic Congress would be 
to propose a new way forward, new tactics, and new strategies--not just 
in Iraq but in the war on terror. Speaker Sam Rayburn famously 
remarked: ``Any jackass can kick a barn down, but it takes a carpenter 
to build one.'' No carpenters are at work with this resolution.
  God bless our troops. God bless their Commander in Chief. And God 
bless America.
  Mr. ACKERMAN. Mr. Speaker, I yield 5\1/2\ minutes to the 
distinguished chairman of the Science and Technology Committee, and 
Science Education, the gentleman from Washington, Representative Brian 
Baird.
  Mr. BAIRD. Mr. Speaker, every Member of this Congress, every Member 
is absolutely committed to the security of our families, our 
communities, and this Nation. And every Member is absolutely committed 
to supporting our troops and our veterans.
  The real question today is not whether we are committed to security 
or whether or not we support the troops; the real question is how we 
believe that security is best achieved. On that, there is legitimate 
disagreement which is, or should be, what this debate is about. To have 
this debate is not only a right but a responsibility of the elected 
Representatives in a Republic such as ours. Indeed, it is to defend 
that very right that our young men and women are serving not only in 
Iraq but around the world.
  None of us here today need to be reminded about the threat of 
terrorism from floor speeches or from Presidential homilies. But let us 
not forget that the terrorists of 9/11 did not originate in Iraq, they 
came from Afghanistan. And, with only one exception, every Member of 
this body, Democrat and Republican alike, voted to prosecute the war 
against the terrorists in Afghanistan, bring al Qaeda to justice, and 
topple the Taliban.
  We were united then, along with virtually the entire world, and the 
fight was right. Iraq, however, is different. The focus on Iraq has 
distracted and detracted from the mission in Afghanistan and the real 
battle against terrorists. The President and the rest of the 
administration took this Nation into an unnecessary and ill-conceived 
war based on false threats and with a deeply flawed plan.
  Before this war, I and many of our other colleagues asked the 
administration some fundamental questions: How many troops will this 
take? How many lives will be sacrificed? How long will we be there? 
What will it cost financially? How will we pay for it? And how will 
this impact our security profile elsewhere in the world?
  The fact is, this administration has never answered any of those 
questions fully or honestly. Never. Either they know the answers and 
refuse to say them, which is duplicitous; or, they do not know the 
answers, which is incompetent. Sadly, it appears a little of both is 
operating.
  I voted against this war from the outset, and believe to this day it 
was the right vote. But once we were committed and engaged, I, along 
with most of my colleagues, voted to continue to support our troops, to 
try to achieve success in our mission, and do our best to help the 
Iraqis rebuild their country. We fervently hoped and continue to hope 
the mission would succeed; but now, several years later, more than 
3,000 lives later, U.S. lives alone, and nearly $1 trillion later, as 
we consider the President's latest proposal, we must ask again, ``Mr. 
President, how many lives? How long will we be there? How much will 
this cost? And how will you pay for it? And what does it do to the rest 
of our security position?''
  We still have no answers to those questions. And lacking such 
answers, which are fundamental to the security of this country and the 
safety of our troops, I must vote ``yes'' on this resolution and ``no'' 
on expansion.
  My colleagues, it is irresponsible to allow a Commander in Chief who 
has not been honest or accurate from the outset to continue sacrificing 
the lives, the bodies, and the families of our troops in a mission that 
lacks a clear end point or a successful strategy. It is dangerous to 
permit a Commander in Chief to jeopardize our Nation's security by 
letting our military equipment, readiness, and troop morale continue to 
decline, and it is shortsighted and unwise to leave our National Guard 
and Reserve unprepared and under-equipped to respond to challenges 
overseas or at home. It is strategically unsound to concentrate so much 
of our intelligence resources in one nation. It is unsustainable for 
our economy to keep pouring billions of dollars every week into this 
ill-conceived plan, and to pile debt upon our children with no strategy 
for paying it back. It is a breach of trust to not fund the needs of 
our veterans when they return home. And it is immoral to leave our 
soldiers dying and bleeding in the midst of a centuries-old religious 
conflict that is not of our making and is not of our power or 
responsibility to resolve.
  In written comments, I describe what I believe is a better course. 
Some of our friends have said there are no plans. I have offered a 
plan, and I urge you to look at it.
  But before I conclude, I must also respond to those who suggest that 
if we don't give unquestioning support to this administration 
regardless of what they ask for, regardless of history, and regardless 
of the evidence on the ground, that we are empowering the terrorists or 
undermining our troops. I believe the evidence suggests, from this war, 
that while there may be differences of opinion about policy, this 
Congress and the American people have and will continue to support our 
troops. It is a sign of strength of our very form of government, which 
is, after all, what we are hoping to promote in Iraq and elsewhere in 
the world that we should have this debate.
  Our allies and adversaries understand that if we turn the course of a 
failed policy and the President has not been honest with us, that is 
not cutting and running; that is wisdom, it is courage, and it is 
honesty. That is what this resolution is about. That is what we owe the 
soldiers who have already given their lives, and that is what we owe 
the families and that is what we owe the future of this Nation.
  Mr. SAM JOHNSON of Texas. Mr. Speaker, I would like to yield now to 
the chairman of our Republican Study Committee, Mr. Jeb Hensarling from 
Texas, 5\1/2\ minutes.
  Mr. HENSARLING. First, I want to thank my dear friend, and a genuine 
American hero, for yielding time to me today.
  Mr. Speaker, speaker after speaker on the other side of the aisle 
have come to the floor to speak against the past decision to go into 
Iraq. They criticize past lapses of intelligence, they criticize past 
actions, they criticize past setbacks. They want to live in the past.
  Regardless of whose war this was in the past, today it is an American 
war. And the Democratic majority must decide do they support the 
mission, or do they not support the mission?
  Now, certainly we are all disappointed that we have not achieved the 
success that we would have desired

[[Page 4268]]

by now. And I myself do not know if the new strategy will prove 
successful. I think it can be successful. I hope it will be successful. 
And I know it is a strategy that has been recommended by the Iraqi 
Study Group and our new battlefield commander.
  So until such a time as somebody comes to me with a more compelling 
strategy, or until somebody convinces me that somehow my Nation and my 
family will be more secure by our premature withdrawal from Iraq and 
subsequent implosion, I feel I must support this new strategy. I will 
support this new strategy. Defeat is not an option.
  What are the options, Mr. Speaker? Clearly, many. Many, if not most, 
of my Democrat colleagues want to cut off funding for our troops and 
withdraw from Iraq. This is well known. And I respect their views when 
they are heartfelt. But since Democrats control a majority in both 
houses of Congress, why are we voting on a nonbinding withdrawal 
resolution?

                              {time}  1330

  That is why this is a sad day. Somewhere over in Baghdad right now is 
a marine sergeant who is tired, he is resolute, he has dirt on his 
face. But you know what? He volunteered, he loves America, he loves his 
freedom. He has a picture in his wallet. His parents are praying for 
him. He is thinking about his wife.
  Who, who in this body, what Member can go to that marine and say, you 
know what? I don't believe in your mission. I don't believe you can 
succeed. I don't believe you can win, and I am going to oppose 
reinforcements. Guess what? I have the power to bring you home, but I 
am just not willing to do it. Because if I do it now everyone will know 
it, and I have to take responsibility, and I am just not willing to do 
that.
  Mr. Speaker, if you believe in something, stand up for it. Where is 
the courage? Where is the conviction in a nonbinding resolution?
  Mr. Speaker, we all know that fighting this war is costly. Like many 
Members of this body, I have met with the mothers of the fallen 
soldiers. Their burden and sacrifice is profound. But I never, never, 
never want to meet with the mothers whose children may perish in the 
next 9/11 if we accept defeat in Iraq.
  Iraq must be seen in the larger context of the war with radical 
Islam, and whether we like it or not, the battle lines are drawn in 
Iraq. Don't take my word for it, listen to what the jihadists have to 
say. Listen to Osama bin Laden, ``The epicenter of these wars is 
Baghdad. Success in Baghdad will be success for the United States. 
Failure in Iraq is the failure of the United States. Their defeat in 
Iraq will mean defeat in all their wars.''
  We must soberly reflect on the challenge that we face. Listen to al-
Zawahiri, who is number two in command. ``Al Qaeda has the right to 
kill 4 million Americans, 2 million of them children.''
  Listen to Hassan Abbassi, Revolutionary Guard's intelligence adviser 
to the Iranian President. ``We have a strategy drawn up for the 
destruction of Anglo-Saxon civilization.''
  Listen to Iraqi Ayatollah Ahmad Husseini. ``Even if this means using 
biological, chemical and bacterial weapons, we will conquer the 
world.''
  This is the enemy we face, and we face him foremost in Iraq. If we 
leave Iraq before subduing him, he will follow us to America. Make no 
doubt about it, the consequences in Iraq are immense. Don't take my 
word for it. Read the report of the Iraq Study Group. Read the National 
Intelligence Estimate. Read the work of the Middle East scholars at the 
American Enterprise Institute, Heritage Foundation, Brookings 
Institute.
  If we do not pursue success, Iraq will become what Afghanistan once 
was. It will be a breeding ground, a safe haven for the recruitment, 
training, financing and sanctuary of radical Islamists bent upon 
attacking our Nation and our families. We cannot wish it away, we 
cannot hope it away, we cannot dream it away. There will be no greater 
event to empower radical Islam than our defeat in Iraq.
  Mr. Speaker, it doesn't have to be this way. We are Americans. We can 
meet this threat. We can work together. Vote against this resolution. 
Support our troops. Protect our Nation and our children from this 
threat.
  Mr. ACKERMAN. Mr. Speaker, I am glad to see so many people on the 
other side of the aisle have discovered the report of the Iraq Study 
Group.
  It is now my pleasure to yield 5\1/2\ minutes to a senior member of 
the Ways and Means and Agriculture Committees, the gentleman from North 
Dakota (Mr. Pomeroy).
  Mr. POMEROY. Mr. Speaker, yesterday morning I had an experience I 
will never forget. In the snow, in the slush and the ice, I joined the 
family of Major Alan Johnson as his body was laid to rest at Arlington 
Cemetery. He had lost his life in an IED explosion in Iraq just 2 weeks 
before.
  On behalf of the people of North Dakota, I expressed to the extent I 
could our profound condolences for the family's loss. The major's 
grieving widow stared into my eyes and said, ``Do what you can for our 
troops over there.''
  This is not just a plea and a prayer of the families of our soldiers, 
it is the demand of the American people. I believe each and every one 
of us here shares an intense commitment to our soldiers that comes 
right from the bottom of our heart. This debate is revealing a sharp 
difference between us in how to proceed in Iraq.
  But there are no differences when it comes to all we share about the 
valor our soldiers have displayed in service to our country. I have 
seen it personally in the four trips I have been to Iraq. I have seen 
soldiers in full battle gear, in 133 degree heat, doing their absolute 
best to perform their mission. I have seen North Dakota National Guard 
soldiers charged with training up Iraqi soldiers through an impossible, 
absolute, language barrier.
  I have seen other soldiers just back from the life-threatening 
business of finding and detonating these explosive devices, saving 
American lives while keeping essential roads open. Like most of you, I 
have mourned and prayed with shattered families whose sons and 
daughters have lost their lives in selfless service to our country and 
all we care about.
  So I cannot get Tori Johnson's fervent request out of my mind, take 
care of our soldiers over there. Honestly, there is nothing I care more 
about as a Member of this House.
  So, how do we respond? We take care of our soldiers over there by 
making certain they have the equipment they need as they undertake this 
most difficult and dangerous mission. We take care of our soldiers over 
there by making certain their deployments are only for acceptable 
periods and at acceptable intervals, with enough time at home in 
between to heal, to rest and to train. But beyond these things, we take 
care of our soldiers over there when we as a Congress make certain the 
mission they have been sent to perform has a reasonable chance of 
success.
  In a war where so many tragic mistakes have been made, this Congress 
must not sit quietly by while additional plans are cooked up in 
Washington, whose only certainty is to accelerate the loss of American 
lives, compound the already severe strain on our military capability 
and accelerate the burn rack of taxpayer dollars spent in Iraq.
  For these reasons, this resolution is a very important opening 
statement for this Congress to make in Iraq in 97 words. It states our 
support for our soldiers, while opposing the President's plan to 
escalate the number of troops we send into the middle of the Shia-Sunni 
violence taking place in Baghdad.
  On one of my trips to Iraq, a soldier said to me, ``We can stand up 
an Iraqi Army, but we cannot create a country for this army to 
defend.'' This simple truth goes right to the heart of the issue and 
exposes the flaw of the President's plan.
  Without the commitment between the warring parties in Iraq to stop 
the killing and create a political agreement upon which a national 
government can exist, 20,000 more U.S. soldiers are not likely to bring 
about a

[[Page 4269]]

lasting peace. Our soldiers are disciplined and determined. They have 
superbly performed everything that has been asked of them.
  However, the United States alone cannot create a democracy in Iraq. 
Only the Iraqi people can achieve that.
  A broad group of experts, including the bipartisan Iraq Study Group, 
former Secretary of State Colin Powell, the former senior military 
commander in the region, General John Abizaid, have all rejected the 
strategy of escalating U.S. troop numbers as a means of bringing the 
factions of Iraq together.
  The bottom line is that this troop escalation will increase the 
terrible cost of this endeavor, more lives lost, more young men and 
women maimed forever, more tens of billions spent, all without 
improving our prospects for an acceptable outcome.
  Under these circumstances, I will vote to oppose this escalation of 
troops. It is part of what I believe we must do. Under these 
circumstances, I will oppose this escalation of troops. It is part of 
what I believe we must do to support our soldiers over there and the 
American interests they have put their lives on the line to defend.
  Mr. SAM JOHNSON of Texas. Mr. Speaker, at this time I would like to 
yield 4\1/2\ minutes to Mr. Garrett from New Jersey.
  Mr. GARRETT of New Jersey. Mr. Speaker, the authors of this 
resolution say that we should provide our troops with all the resources 
they need, whether it be armor, bullets and Humvees. That is, all the 
resources they need, except two; and I would argue they are the two 
most critically important ones: manpower and the support of our 
national leaders.
  This Democratic resolution can be summed up in three simple words, to 
``stay the course.'' The irony here is inescapable. Just months ago the 
very same supporters of this resolution derided the Pentagon and the 
White House for proposing to stay the course, but today they bring 
exactly that same strategy to life in their resolution.
  This resolution doesn't propose a new course of action. It doesn't 
have the courage of its author's rhetoric, convictions, to change the 
course of the war. It simply states that this Congress will not support 
the new approach proposed by our new commander and the Iraq Study 
Group.
  General Petraeus, the chief architect of this new plan, was confirmed 
unanimously by the Senate, and yet many in that body and this body are 
adamantly opposed to this very strategy he now seeks to implement. So 
it begs the question: If the general is the right man for the job, then 
why is his plan now not appropriate?
  They claim to support the troops but seek to undercut their new 
leader's strategy. How can we support the troops when we insist that 
their orders are faulty? We cannot praise the general out of one side 
of our mouth while mocking him out of the other.
  We have heard it said that this resolution calls for a new direction 
in Iraq. But I defy those who say this, to say what that new direction 
is. It is certainly not apparent in this resolution. This resolution is 
only an empty opposition to the Commander in Chief's plan to deploy the 
Armed Forces as the generals on the field see fit.
  This two-sentence resolution, sense of Congress, is not a new plan 
for victory. In fact, it is not even a new plan for bringing the troops 
home now, but to leave them in the field with under-manpower. It is 
little more than a gift to our enemies who have been patiently awaiting 
the American naysayers to erode the American confidence in our mission.
  Our enemies do not lack morale, and we fuel their exuberance with 
this drive for success every time they hear us speculate on withdrawal. 
Our enemies are fighting us, against us and our servicemen and our 
allies, with the belief that each headline brings them closer to 
victory.
  Our brave men and women in uniform are up to the task. But they need 
our support, not empty proposals that doubt their ability to secure the 
peace.
  Millions of peaceful Iraqis are struggling to rebuild their Nation 
after the cruel reign of Saddam. They want an opportunity to build a 
better future for their children, and they ask for our help to secure 
that peace.
  Will we now stand aside while al Qaeda and Iran support factions that 
would enslave them once again? You know, it was Franklin Delano 
Roosevelt who knew the repercussions of failing to support those 
nations that are struggling for liberty, when he said, and I quote: 
``Enduring peace cannot be bought at the cost of other people's 
freedom.''
  FDR also declared that we are committed to full support of all those 
resolute people everywhere who are resisting aggression and are thereby 
keeping war away from our hemisphere. We cannot have peace in Iraq by 
handing over those who have worked to build a Nation based on freedom 
and justice and peace, turn it over to those violent brethren who seek 
only destruction of those principles. Make no mistake about it: If we 
stay the course, as this resolution would have us do, it will not be 
long before this war returns to our shores
  I would like to end with the words of two individuals. The paths they 
have traveled to now and the paths they desire to take in the future 
could not be any more different. But, they are equally strong in the 
passion they bring to their beliefs. And, their words should be 
instructive to us in this debate.
  First are the words of Abu Omar al-Baghdadi, the leader of al-Qaeda 
in Iraq. He says: ``We have drunk blood in the past, and we find no 
blood sweeter than that of the Christians. Know that offense is the 
best form of defense, and be careful not to lay down your weapons 
before the war is over.'' While we quibble over words here on the floor 
of the House of Representatives, our enemies speak with frightening 
clarity of conviction. Can there be any doubt that this resolution 
solidifies the resolve of the jihadists he leads and inspires?
  In stark contrast are the words of one of my constituents, Ron 
Griffin, who 45 months ago lost his son, Kyle, an Airborne Infantryman 
serving in Iraq. ``We never felt lost or alone for we were literally 
carried through our sorrow by the resolute, soothing and comforting 
hands of countless human beings whom I only hope can truly understand 
how they made life worth living. . . . What I see [now] is a people 
pummeled into acquiescence. The loss of these wondrous warriors is of 
itself a weight that is almost unbearable to struggle under, but when 
accompanied by the din of negativity it becomes to most people a 
burden.''
  Can there be any doubt that this resolution does nothing more than 
add to the din of negativity of which Mr. Griffin speaks?
  I have faith that we can stand strong. I oppose this empty resolution 
to stay the course. I stand up for an America that is just and free and 
a friend to those who seek liberty and peace.

                              {time}  1345

  Mr. ACKERMAN. Mr. Speaker, I now yield 5 minutes to the Chair of the 
Natural Resources Subcommittee on Water and Power, the distinguished 
gentlelady from California, Representative Grace Napolitano.
  Mrs. NAPOLITANO. I thank the gentleman for yielding.
  Mr. Speaker, I join my colleagues in total opposition to the 
President's plan, a plan that escalates the number of our young men and 
women, American troops, being sent to Iraq. But what are we talking 
about? What are the words in this resolution? It says, Resolved by the 
House of Representatives that, one, Congress and the American people 
will continue to support and protect the members of the United States 
Armed Forces who are serving or who have served bravely and honorably 
in Iraq; and, secondly, Congress disapproves of the decision of 
President George W. Bush announced on January 10, 2007, to deploy more 
than 20,000 additional United States combat troops to Iraq. That is 
what we speak to.
  I did not vote for the war resolution, and I do not believe that 
sending more young Americans to Iraq and putting their lives at risk 
will change the situation. Since the beginning of the Iraq conflict, 
our valiant men and women in uniform have not received the adequate 
training nor the proper life-protection equipment required to ensure 
their safety. I visited one of the armories where 2 years after the 
Iraq war had started. They were still making the doors for the Humvees 
to protect them from those bombs that were killing and maiming our men 
and women.

[[Page 4270]]

  The President's proposal to put more troops in harm's way, into the 
middle of a civil war, whether you like it or not, it may be local, but 
it is a civil war, where neither side backs our continued occupation, 
further endangers our troops.
  My constituents are not in favor of the escalation by a margin of 50 
to 1. We have had phone calls, e-mails, messages. They want our young 
men and women back. They do not want to escalate it any more. Families 
have suffered enough already. There is no justification for causing 
more pain and adding to the suffering of the mothers and of the fathers 
and of the husbands and the wives and the sons and the daughters and 
other loved ones. We speak of the soldiers who have lost their lives in 
Iraq in this war. We speak not of the thousands of injured and the 
suffering they and their families are being put through. The 
consequences of the war in Iraq extend far beyond the awful tally of 
the 3,100 killed and the 23,000 wounded.
  The Nation's economic consequences of the escalation are profound. 
Point one: every portion of our budget has been cut and continues to be 
cut except for defense spending. The worst budget cuts are taking 
funding away from our veterans, the very men and women who put their 
lives on the line in Iraq and in other wars. We regularly receive 
letters and phone calls, e-mails, from constituents who ask me to fund 
vital, successful, necessary programs for their communities; but we 
cannot support our communities with the funds they truly need as they 
are instead being diverted to a war we did not seek. Vital social 
services, critical to the well-being of the people of my district and 
certainly of all other districts, are again being cut.
  Other consequences of the war are the social consequences. These 
soldiers fortunate enough to return home alive and in good physical 
health suffer long-term mental health problems, Mr. Speaker, as a 
direct consequence of their deployment, not one, not two, but possibly 
three and more deployments in Iraq.
  Yet our services to them and their families not only are sadly 
lacking and underfunded; they are being cut. We have not enough money 
to be able to deal with the devastation in the minds of not only these 
men and women but their families to be able to deal with the 
consequences when they return home and try to regain a normal life.
  Families are being torn apart more so by this war than any other war. 
There are suicides. There is divorce. There is homelessness now. Their 
children are forced to grow up without their father or their mother. 
Parents are losing children. No mother should have to bury a son or a 
daughter.
  I urge the President to work with Iraq's neighbors and the 
international community to ensure other countries' commitments to 
Iraq's security situation, the training of Iraqi troops and police, 
and, of course, financial support. Escalation is certainly not the 
answer and I cannot and will not support such a policy.
  I certainly want to say thank you to our brave men and women in 
uniform for your bravery and your service. Our prayers are with you and 
your families
  Mr. SAM JOHNSON of Texas. Mr. Speaker, at this point I would like to 
yield 5 minutes to Mr. Todd Akin from Missouri.
  Mr. AKIN. Mr. Speaker, we rise today to discuss this resolution that 
is in two parts before us. The first part says that we support our 
troops. The second part says that we are not going to send them 
reinforcements. This seems to be kind of a curious proposition, almost 
a nonsensical proposition. How do you say you support and then say, but 
we don't want to send them any reinforcing troops? Certainly we say 
that we want to give them body armor, we want to give them up-armored 
Humvees, we want to send them tanks; but the most important thing that 
you need sometimes as troops is some other troops to support you. So we 
are saying, oh, we want support, but we don't want to support you.
  Picture Davy Crockett at the Alamo. He has his back to the wall. 
Santa Ana has got thousands of troops. So he gets his BlackBerry out. 
He checks with Congress. Congress says, Hey, Davy, we really support 
you but we're not going to send you any troops. That doesn't make a 
whole lot of sense to me.
  Now, as I said, this resolution has two parts. It says, We support 
you but we're not really going to send any troops over.
  The third part is what concerns me the most. As Congressmen, we have 
the responsibility to listen, to pay attention. If somebody has a 
better idea, that is just fine. Send your better idea forward. We are 
ready to be taught or to learn. If there is a better way to approach 
Iraq and the situation there, good. But this proposal has no positive 
suggestion whatsoever. It just says we support and we don't support. 
All that does is to encourage our enemies. And without any positive 
recommendation, this can only be viewed as something which strengthens 
our opponents' hands. They say, Goody, we've got the Americans all 
confused. They're saying support and don't support at the same time, 
with no positive recommendations whatsoever.
  Now, I have heard people say that this is a civil war. It is not 
really a civil war yet. If we pull all the troops out immediately, it 
will turn into a civil war, no doubt about that. But what we do have 
is, we do know this, that the terrorists have been involved in setting 
one group of people against another. They blow up a holy place of the 
Shias and the Shias start fighting the Sunnis. And so, yes, they have 
sparked a whole lot of unrest, particularly in Baghdad. It is not a 
civil war yet. But do we think that the terrorists aren't going to do 
the same thing in other countries where you have the one leadership 
with a majority of people in the other tribe.
  So I don't think it is much of an escape to say, oh, well, this is a 
civil war. What it is, it is a war against terrorists. Regardless of 
how you want to speculate what might happen if we leave all of a 
sudden, at least I would respect the Democrats more if you would just 
simply say, we need to cut and run, or we need to stay where we are. 
But don't just leave a blank piece of paper and say we support and 
don't support. It doesn't make any sense. All it does is help the 
enemy.
  It seems to me that we need to as Americans one more time as we have 
in the past take a good, serious gut check. I have a chance to speak to 
American audiences everywhere and lots of little kids and I always ask 
the same question. I ask the question, If you were to take America that 
you love and condense it down as to what do you really believe about 
this country, what is the heart and core of America? The answer that I 
almost always get is the word ``freedom.''
  But freedom needs a little bit more definition. The Tiananmen Square 
Chinese students wanted freedom and they greased the tank treads with 
their bodies. But they didn't get freedom. Just because you want 
freedom doesn't mean you can have it.
  So what is the heart of what we believe as Americans? Well, I will 
tell you. The first time we went to war we stated that and we had quite 
an argument and discussion about it. And it was put in the Declaration 
of Independence: We hold these truths to be self-evident that all men 
are endowed by their Creator with certain inalienable rights, that 
among these is life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness. And the job 
of government is to protect those basic, fundamental, God-given rights. 
That is what they believed and they had to decide: Are we going to 
fight the British or not? Those are the things that I taught to my 
children.
  This is a picture of the Marine Club with my 9-year-old son standing 
here, saluting the flag as it is going up. We taught him that there are 
some things in this world that are worth dying for and that one of 
those things is the fact that God gives us basic inalienable rights. 
That little Marine Club kid has grown up.
  There he is in Fallujah in 2005. That is the cache of terrorist 
weapons that they found in Fallujah. He has grown up. He understands 
the risk to his life. He almost died in Fallujah. He believes, as I do, 
that there are some things in this world that are worth defending. This 
is not a war about a civil

[[Page 4271]]

war. This is head to head with terrorists.
  And is it surprising that we find ourselves fighting terrorists? 
Terrorists believe, we blow up innocent people to make a political 
statement. We believe that the right to life comes from God, that it is 
an inalienable right. The terrorists terrorize people to compel you to 
take your liberty away and we believe that liberty is a gift that comes 
from God. We are going head to head with people that have always been 
the enemies of America, and I am concerned that if we do not stand up 
and show that we not only think that it is a nice idea in our 
Declaration but it is a conviction that we will defend with our lives, 
that we will be fighting the terrorists here.
  Mr. ACKERMAN. Mr. Speaker, I yield 5 minutes to the chairman of the 
Small Business Subcommittee on Regulation, Health Care and Trade, the 
distinguished gentleman from Texas, Charlie Gonzalez.
  Mr. GONZALEZ. Mr. Speaker, I would like to establish a ground rule 
for all my colleagues, and that is, regardless of how you vote on this 
resolution, no one will question your patriotism. If we can just start 
with that benchmark, I think we will have a higher degree of debate and 
in good faith.
  Mr. Speaker, this resolution is about duty and responsibility, the 
duty and responsibility that Congress owes to our men and women in 
uniform. Our first duty is to make wise and educated choices in 
identifying a threat, the necessity of action and the legitimacy of the 
goal before committing or continuing to commit more of our troops to 
the war.
  When considering this resolution, which reflects that an escalation 
of the war is unwarranted and is not in the best interests of our 
Nation and our troops, each of us must ask one fundamental question: Is 
escalating and continuing the war in Iraq worth fighting and dying for? 
Because that, in the final analysis, is what we decide. We seek an 
answer to this question, but we must be ever mindful that the courage 
and bravery of our troops is never questioned. Our soldiers' valor and 
commitment are not diminished by the errors in judgment made by their 
civilian leaders. The question is whether the mission in Iraq is worth 
their sacrifice. As we move forward with this decision, we must 
recognize the lessons of history, or we are doomed to repeat its grave 
mistakes.

                              {time}  1400

  For example, ``The public has been led into a trap from which it will 
be hard to escape with dignity and honor. They have been tricked into 
it by a steady withholding of information. The Baghdad communiques are 
belated, insincere, and incomplete. Things have been far worse than we 
have been told, our administration more bloody and inefficient than any 
that public knows. We are, today, not far from a disaster.''
  Now, the parallels are uncanny, and you are wondering who may have 
said that. The quote was 86 years ago, and it was a communication from 
T.E. Lawrence, better known as Lawrence of Arabia, in August of 1920, 
from Baghdad.
  Continuing. ``The situation in Iraq is grave and deteriorating. In 
addition, there is significant underreporting of violence in Iraq. The 
standard for recording attacks acts as a filter to keep events out of 
reports and databases.'' More Lawrence of Arabia? More 1920? No. 2006, 
the Iraq Study Group report.
  Let me continue. 1992, General Colin Powell. ``The Gulf War was a 
limited objective war. If it had not been, we would be ruling Baghdad 
today, at unpardonable expense in terms of money, lives lost, and 
regional relationships.''
  Now, a year earlier there was an observation, ``Once you got Baghdad, 
it's not clear what you do with it. It's not clear what kind of 
government you would put in place of the one that is there now, Saddam 
Hussein. Is it going to be a Shia regime, a Sunni regime, or a Kurdish 
regime? Or one that tilts towards the Baathists, or one that tilts 
towards the Islamic fundamentalists? How much credibility is that 
government going to have if it is set up by the United States military 
when it is there? How long does the United States military have to stay 
to protect the people that sign on for that government? And what 
happens to it once you leave?'' That was 1991, spoken by then-Secretary 
of Defense and current Vice President of the United States, Dick 
Cheney.
  We remain a good and great Nation, but we have done all the good in 
Iraq that we are going to do. An escalation only delays the day that 
the Iraqis assume the responsibility of setting aside their sectarian 
differences and embrace the promise of democracy that we have delivered 
to them. We cannot do this for them, whether we send in 20,000 or 
200,000 more troops. And we cannot ignore the lessons of history, the 
views of military experts and the will of the American people.
  It is time for our troops to start coming home. And it is time for 
the Iraqis to start building a home. Vote ``yes'' on this resolution.
  Mr. ENGEL. Madam Speaker, for the purpose of unanimous consent, I 
recognize the gentleman from Arizona.
  Mr. PASTOR. Madam Speaker, I rise in support of the resolution.
  Madam Speaker, I am proud that under our Speaker's leadership, 
Congress today is voicing the will of the American people in opposition 
to the Administration's deployment of more U.S. military personnel to 
Iraq. Voters made it clear in November that they do not support the 
administration's current strategy. It is time that Congress act to 
bring U.S. policy in line with reality.
  I opposed the initial resolution authorizing the President to invade 
Iraq, because I felt that the administration had failed to exhaust 
diplomatic remedies and allow the U.N. weapons inspectors to finish 
their job. Since the invasion, however, I have supported funding the 
war effort to ensure that our troops on the ground have the equipment 
and support that they needed. But increasing troop levels and failing 
to question the President's policy is a disservice to our courageous 
men and women in uniform. We cannot keep asking them to put their lives 
on the line every day for objectives that have become increasingly 
unclear.
  The President declared ``mission accomplished'' in May 2003, and in a 
sense he was right. Saddam Hussein and Iraqi weapons of mass 
destruction are no longer a threat to our nation. The Iraqi people have 
held free elections and drafted a constitution. The violence we see in 
Iraq today is based in sectarian conflict--it has become a civil war. 
The outcome depends not on the American will to stay in the fight, but 
on the will of the Iraqi people to forge their own future. We cannot do 
it for them.
  Troop surges in the past have not worked. No number of American 
troops in Iraq can fix what is essentially a political problem. The 
only surge I support is a surge of diplomacy. It is time to bring our 
brave young men and women home from Iraq. Their job there is done, and 
their skills and dedication can be better used on the real fronts of 
the war on terrorism, both domestic and abroad.
  Mr. SAM JOHNSON of Texas. Madam Speaker, at this time I would like to 
yield 3\1/2\ minutes to my colleague from Michigan, Tim Walberg.
  Mr. WALBERG. Madam Speaker, throughout our Nation's rich history, we 
have reached moments where we arrive at what President Ronald Reagan 
described as a time for choosing. Today is such a day.
  This week, the House is asking ourselves a simple question: Will we 
choose to go forward with the resolve and determination needed to win 
the war on terror by supporting our brave troops, or will we retreat 
and wait for the fight to return to American soil?
  It was Winston Churchill who once said, ``Never believe any war will 
be smooth or easy or that anyone who embarks on a strange voyage can 
measure the tides and hurricanes he will encounter.''
  With this in mind, I acknowledge that the war in Iraq is not going as 
well as we all had hoped or wanted. Mistakes have been made. Thousands 
of precious lives have been lost, and there are likely more tough times 
to come.

[[Page 4272]]

  My wife and I pray for the men and women in uniform and grieve for 
every loss of life and injuries inflicted on these heroes who proudly 
serve our Nation. I, as much as anyone else speaking today, want this 
war to be over. But this resolution essentially tells these soldiers to 
give up because the cause they have nobly served is no longer worth the 
courage and vigor necessary, and protecting the American people and 
keeping terrorists off American soil are no longer national priorities.
  As Americans we are reluctant warriors, but throughout history, when 
our troops have been in harm's way, America has supported them and made 
certain our troops have the necessary resources to accomplish their 
mission.
  In a cynical way, this resolution says America has already lost and 
the leaders of our country no longer believe our troops can achieve 
victory. It tells other nations that we are unreliable as an ally, and 
they can no longer count on us in times of distress.
  My son proudly served in the Army. And during this time of service, I 
got to know many of his peers in uniform. I am not prepared to say to 
these men and women, nor to the young man fallen in battle, that I will 
go to right after this speech at Walter Reed Hospital, that I support 
you but I don't support the mission you serve, and the blood you shed 
on the battlefield was in vain.
  I am not prepared to call for a precipitous withdrawal from Iraq that 
will leave the Nation ripe for terrorism and ultimately bring the war 
on terror back to American soil.
  My neighbors in south central Michigan and across the country deserve 
to be protected from enemies of freedom. And they ought to have a 
Congress that doesn't shirk its responsibilities to soldiers and 
sailors and airmen sent into harm's way to ensure this war is fought 
off American soil.
  So we come to this time of choosing today. Are we willing to abandon 
our troops as they implement the new strategy based on quantifiable 
goals and measurable results? I hope not.
  I challenge my colleagues to honor America's brave men and women 
serving in the name of freedom and oppose this resolution of retreat.
  Mr. ENGEL. Madam Speaker, I now yield 5 minutes to the gentleman from 
Massachusetts, a member of the Financial Services, Oversight and 
Government Reform Committees, and chair of the House Task Force on 
Anti-Terrorism Funding, Mr. Lynch.
  Mr. LYNCH. I thank the gentleman for yielding.
  Madam Speaker, I rise in support of House Concurrent Resolution 63, 
which opposes the President's plan to escalate the war in Iraq. I do so 
because I am in total agreement with Generals Casey and Abizaid, who 
have said that what is needed in Iraq is a political solution and not a 
military one, and that additional troops are not recommended.
  I have had a chance to travel to Iraq five times now, and based on my 
own observations in places like Fallujah and Tikrit and Al Qaim out on 
the Syrian border, I firmly believe that it is the Iraqi people who 
must ultimately decide whether they are committed to building a better 
life for their children through democracy, or whether they are more 
committed to an all-or-nothing sectarian conflict between Sunni and 
Shia.
  Madam Speaker, I believe that packing more troops into the narrow 
streets of Baghdad would be a disaster. As our daily briefings 
indicate, the dominant conflict now on the ground in Iraq is no longer 
Coalition forces against al Qaeda and supporters of the Baathist 
regime. As the daily body counts of tortured and executed Iraqis 
indicate, the prevailing conflict on the ground in Iraq now is a brutal 
civil war between the Sunni and Shia militias, with our troops in the 
middle.
  In fact, in a recent hearing here in Washington, it was entitled, 
``Iraq: What Will it Take to Achieve National Reconciliation?''
  Basically, as this hearing pointed out, the key mission that we have 
given to our troops is to somehow now reconcile the differences between 
Sunni and Shia in Iraq. Just to be clear on this, Madam Speaker, the 
Sunni and Shia have been in frequent conflict since the year 632 A.D., 
following the death of the prophet Mohammed. That is what we have asked 
our troops to do, in essence, to convince the Iraqis now to stop 
killing each other and to embrace democracy instead.
  The President has now asked our brave sons and daughters to take up a 
police action or essentially a civil affairs action, going door to door 
in Baghdad. The mission in Iraq has changed.
  I have to wonder, how many votes would the President and Vice 
President have gotten initially if they had been honest and said, We 
want to send our sons and/or daughters to Iraq in order to reconcile 
the differences between the Sunni and the Shia who have been fighting 
for almost 1,400 years. Not many, I think. But that is where we now 
find ourselves and our troops. While the mission in Iraq has changed, 
the President is staying the course. What's more, he has decided to 
push even harder in the wrong direction.
  Now is the time that the American people have fairly asked, What will 
Congress do? Many of my colleagues believe that this resolution doesn't 
go far enough; and in honesty, I tend to agree with that assessment. 
But I do believe that this resolution presents a solid and meaningful 
step in the right direction.
  There will be a further debate in coming weeks on the funding on how 
to best protect our troops while transitioning to Iraqi control in 
Iraq, and we will have more opportunity to do that.
  Lastly, I would like to address the argument that the continuing war 
in Iraq is necessary for fighting the global war on terrorism. As I 
have said before, I have been to Iraq five times now. One of the 
questions that I have repeatedly asked our people on the ground is, How 
much of this fight in Iraq is part of the global war on terror? How 
much of it is involving foreign fighters in al Qaeda? Unanimously, they 
have recommended that it is about 10 percent of the fight in Iraq.
  So 90 percent of our cost, 90 percent of our sacrifice, is in a 
matter that has nothing to do with the global war on terror. In fact, 
the Defense Department now says that the Mahdi Army, the main Shia 
militia, has replaced al Qaeda as the most dangerous force in the 
increasing violence there.
  If we are truly committed to the global war on terror, I might point 
out we have a situation in southeast Afghanistan and in Waziristan, 
where the Taliban, who actually did support al Qaeda and who actually 
did involve themselves in the attacks on September 11, are building 
support.
  While we spend $350 billion in Iraq, Pakistan has meanwhile allowed a 
safe haven to be established for the Taliban. If we are indeed 
committed to protecting America and the global war on terror, I would 
suggest that there are smarter and better ways to do that.
  Yes, the American people are waiting for this Congress to take a 
stand. It is time to step up. I ask my colleagues to support this 
resolution. It is the first step in eventually bringing the troops home 
safely


                Announcement by the Speaker Pro Tempore

  The SPEAKER pro tempore (Ms. Baldwin). The Chair must remind all 
Members that it is not in order to engage in personalities toward the 
President or the Vice President
  Mr. SAM JOHNSON of Texas. Madam Speaker, at this time I would like to 
yield 4 minutes to Mrs. Shelley Moore Capito of West Virginia.
  Mrs. CAPITO. I would like to thank the gentleman from Texas for 
yielding me time.
  Madam Speaker, I rise today realizing the seriousness of this 
resolution and the importance of the debate on the war in Iraq.
  As we continue this debate, I hope that all of us remember we have 
serious disagreements about what this resolution says or intends to do, 
but that we cannot and should not besmirch one another's opinions and 
the right to that opinion and belief.
  I would also like to say how proud I am to be an American, to realize 
the bounty of our Nation, to appreciate the

[[Page 4273]]

strength of our forefathers, and to stand in awe of our democracy.
  As the daughter of a World War II Purple Heart veteran, I have a 
great understanding of the sacrifices that have been made in the past 
to allow us to live freely. I understand and fullly appreciate the men 
and women who have so bravely put themselves on the frontline to 
protect our country.
  I have thought a great deal about what I want to say today and how I 
want to say it. When the President announced his plan for a troop surge 
last month, I expressed my disagreement. And as we debate this 
resolution today, I still harbor those grave concerns. While I have 
voiced a disagreement over tactics on how to achieve success in Iraq, 
the fact remains that I have not backed away from my belief that 
success in Iraq is vital, and that leaving Iraq prematurely would be 
disastrous for our Nation's security and the stability of the Middle 
East.
  And let me stress that I will never back away from my commitment to 
the men and women who serve in our military, and I will not support 
anything that I believe endangers their safety while they serve in 
harm's way to protect our country.
  So I rise today in opposition to this resolution. My opposition lies 
not in what this resolution says, but what it intends to do; and that 
is, to lay the foundation to begin cutting funding for our troops as 
they fight the radical jihadists who want to destroy our Nation. My 
fear is not based on wild assumptions or partisan politics, but what 
leaders are already saying they are planning to do.
  The passage of this resolution has been called a baseline. And the 
Speaker of the House has called it a first step. And then she added 
that approval of this resolution will set the stage for additional Iraq 
legislation which is set to come before the House.

                              {time}  1415

  Leaders have been tight lipped about the pending legislation. But we 
have learned that what they want to do is set the stage for legislation 
that will fence off and limit funding by tying the hands of our 
commanders on the ground, by presenting benchmarks that will be written 
so that certainly those funds cannot be spent. To be sure, such actions 
would restrict funds and tie the hands of our commanders in Iraq. I 
cannot and will not support any effort to systematically disassemble 
our greater effort, to defend our liberties and our way of life, and to 
provide our enemies with a breath of hope that we have lost our will.
  Let me be very clear to my constituents and the men and women in 
uniform. I will never vote to cut funding for our troops, nor will I 
allow my vote on a symbolic resolution, one that has the force of 
politics and not the force of law, to be used as a baseline or a first 
step towards cutting funding for our troops.
  I will assertively maintain my support for the troops in my words and 
my vote, and I will continue to analyze how I can best help achieve 
success in Iraq so that we may begin to bring our men and women home.
  In that spirit I plan to vote against this resolution.
  Mr. ENGEL. Madam Speaker, I now yield 5 minutes to the gentleman from 
Massachusetts (Mr. Neal), a classmate of mine and distinguished member 
of the Ways and Means Committee.
  Mr. NEAL of Massachusetts. Madam Speaker, I thank Mr. Engel for 
yielding.
  Last Saturday in my hometown of Springfield, Massachusetts, I spent 
the day welcoming back 150 brave American soldiers from the 181st 
Engineer Battalion of the National Guard who just completed a year-long 
deployment in Iraq. Their mission was to provide security for their 
fellow servicemembers and to protect military facilities. This group 
included members who possessed the Bronze Star, the Combat Action 
Badge, and the Purple Heart. Every Member of this House and Senate has 
participated in ceremonies similar to this across the country. We might 
have our differences about the war, but we find common ground in our 
steadfast support for these soldiers both in Iraq, on their way to 
Iraq, and around the world. And that is one of the reasons I intend to 
vote in favor of this bipartisan resolution today.
  There is a reason that the framers of our constitutional system chose 
in Article I to establish that Congress is the first branch of the 
government, to oversee the Executive. One of the reasons that we are 
here today is because the majority at the time never asked a question 
of the Administration. Everything the Administration said, the 
Republican majority at that time in Congress went along with.
  I am mindful of the thousands of soldiers who have died, more than 
3,200. I am mindful of the 21,000 today who have been wounded. I am 
mindful of those who continue to serve our country bravely and 
honorably, and that the burden of this war has fallen on these troops 
and their families. There has been very little sacrifice asked of the 
American people.
  But those who have sacrificed deserve a frank and honest debate about 
President Bush's policy. This is the debate we should have had 4 years 
ago.
  You cannot edit history. We know today there were no weapons of mass 
destruction. There was no enriched uranium from Niger. There was no 
connection to al Qaeda. We were not welcomed as liberators in war. And 
3\1/2\ years later, the mission has not been accomplished.
  Madam Speaker, like the vast majority of the American people, I agree 
that the war in Iraq is going badly and getting worse. I attach great 
significance to the National Intelligence Estimate. The overall 
security situation in Iraq has deteriorated, as they have said, with 
2006 being one of the deadliest years to date. The war has increased 
Islamic radicalism around the world and has helped to destabilize the 
entire Middle East. By any objective standard, Iraq has descended into 
something worse than a civil war, as noted by the Iraq Study Group, and 
our American troops are caught in the middle. And let us call it for 
what it is: a civil war.
  Yet President Bush, nearly 3 years after declaring an end to major 
combat operations in Iraq, is sending another 20,000 American troops 
into battle. And Vice President Cheney, in the face of insurmountable 
evidence, continues to declare that Iraq is a success.
  As we debate this resolution today, it is clear that support for the 
war is at a tipping point. Our intelligence community, speaking 
collectively in the recent NIE, they believe that the future of Iraq is 
grim. And, most significantly, our distinguished military commanders 
believe it is time for a new direction. General Powell, General Zinni, 
General Batiste, General Gregory Newbold, and others have all expressed 
concern about the future of Iraq. These are individuals who were 
involved in the planning and execution of the war; and, obviously, they 
do not like what they see.
  Even former director of the National Security Agency under President 
Reagan, retired Lieutenant General William Odom, acknowledged on Sunday 
that ``the President's policy in Iraq is based on illusions, not 
realities.''
  I do not believe that public opinion alone should shape public 
policy, but no one should underestimate the intelligence of the 
American people. They are convinced that ``stay the course,'' as 
President Bush has suggested, has not succeeded.
  Every Member of Congress wants our soldiers to succeed in Iraq. No 
elected representative in this institution would ever seek to undermine 
our servicemen and women. But the facts are clear. The war in Iraq is 
the most important issue facing America today, and our constituents are 
entitled to know where their representatives stand on the way forward. 
That is why this debate, finally, is so important. Just as the debate 
in 2002 led us into the war with Iraq, perhaps this conversation with 
the American people that we are having today will begin the process of 
bringing our troops back home.
  More than 4 years ago, I came to the floor of the House with deep 
reservations about granting President Bush unlimited powers to 
authorize this invasion of a sovereign country. It is the best vote of 
opposition that I have offered in my 19 years in this House of 
Representatives

[[Page 4274]]


  Mr. SAM JOHNSON of Texas. Madam Speaker, at this time I would like to 
yield 4\1/2\ minutes to the gentleman from Ohio, Mr. Jim Jordan.
  Mr. JORDAN of Ohio. Madam Speaker, I thank the gentleman for 
yielding, and I thank him for his amazing service to our country.
  Madam Speaker, I rise in opposition to this resolution. There have 
been many good arguments made as to why this resolution is not in the 
best interest of our military, not in the best interest of our country. 
But I want to focus on one point, and that is just how real and how 
serious the threat of terrorism is, because that is what this struggle 
in Iraq is really about. And I am just going to read the list of 
terrorist attacks against Americans, and we have heard this list 
before, but I think it is important to refocus on this:
  In 1979, 66 American hostages were taken in Iran. In 1983, 241 
Marines were killed in Beirut. In 1988, 189 Americans were killed in 
the PanAm bombing. In 1993 in the first World Trade Center bombing, we 
lost six Americans. In 1996, 19 servicemembers were killed in the 
Khobar Towers bombing. In 2000, 17 American sailors lost their lives in 
the USS Cole. And, of course, in 2001, that date we all remember, 9/11, 
2,973 Americans lost their lives in the World Trade Center bombing, in 
the Pentagon, and in Pennsylvania.
  When you think about the actions of these terrorists and how real and 
dangerous they are, I am reminded of last summer when the Pope made a 
statement in a speech about the radical element, small but radical 
element, within the Islamic faith and the violence associated with that 
element. And the reaction to the Pope's statement about violence among 
this radical, but small, element, the reaction to his statement about 
violence was violence. It was the destruction of churches, the 
destruction of buildings. It was the taking of a life of an innocent 
nun in Italy. That is what we are up against.
  This Democratic resolution puts us on a path towards leaving Iraq 
before victory is attained. It puts us on a path that will cut funds to 
our brave men and women already in battle. It puts us on a path that is 
wrong for America. And, most importantly, I think, it puts us on the 
wrong path that will most assuredly embolden the very people who are 
responsible for the terrorist acts I just listed.
  If you remember, shortly after 9/11 the President gave a series of 
speeches where he outlined a policy. He said if you are a country that 
harbors terrorists, if you are a country that provides financing to 
terrorists, if you are a country that trains terrorists, if you are a 
country that is producing weapons that are going to harm vast numbers 
of people, if you are doing those things, we are going to put you on 
notice that we are not going to tolerate it.
  And if you remember, it was amazing how quickly Moammar Kadafi in 
Libya found the Lord and saw the light and how quickly he was willing 
to say, I am going to work now with the United States. He understood 
that when America says something, we mean it. If we just do what this 
Democratic resolutions puts us on the path to do, I am afraid of the 
message it sends to the Kadafis around the world and what that can mean 
for the future safety of Americans and for our military.
  This is a great country. We have been able to overcome whatever 
challenges have presented themselves to us throughout our history. And 
it is important that we have the same resolve as we approach this 
challenge.
  I am just a freshman Member of the Congress; and just a few weeks ago 
it was put on display about what is so great about America, as we said, 
in this Chamber during the State of the Union address. And during that 
speech, the President pointed up to the gallery, and he highlighted 
some great Americans, some American heroes. And the one that stuck out 
in my mind, and many of you may remember this, was Wesley Autrey, the 
subway man. And I thought it was so amazing to see what this man had 
done and how that contrasts with the actions of the terrorists. Wesley 
Autrey in the subway, willing to jump in front of a train on the track 
to save a complete stranger simply because he was a fellow human being. 
Contrast that action with the action of the terrorist who will jump 
into that same subway, blow himself up to kill as many innocent people 
as he can.
  What is great about this country is the respect we place on human 
life, the preciousness and sacredness that Americans have for human 
life. That is the difference between us and the terrorists. That is why 
it is so important to confront these folks wherever they choose to 
fight us. Right now that place is Iraq. That is why this resolution is 
bad.
  Ladies and gentlemen, we should not pass a resolution in which 
politicians second guess our military leaders in the field. We should 
not pass a resolution that will embolden our enemy. And, most 
importantly, we should not waver in our commitment to protect human 
life and to confront the evil that is among us.
  I urge a ``no'' vote on the resolution
  Mr. ENGEL. Madam Speaker, I now yield 5 minutes to my sister's 
Congressman, a gentleman who worked hard to become a member of the Ways 
and Means Committee, the gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Pascrell).
  Mr. PASCRELL. Madam Speaker, the Wall Street Journal accused us of 
trying to micromanage this war. Well, this President has not listened 
to the generals. He hasn't listened to the American people. And he 
hasn't listened to the Iraqi people. He has micromanaged this failure.
  Four and a half years ago, Madam Speaker, on this floor I stood in 
this Chamber, along with 295 of my colleagues, to support the 
resolution authorizing the President to attack Iraq. I regret that vote 
deeply. And I told my constituents in my district 1\1/2\ years ago that 
I made a mistake. Down the street they make no mistakes. They are 
infallible.
  I did so because the premise on which we authorized this war was 
false, the military plan for victory has been weak, and more than 5 
years later, this war has made our Nation less safe.
  We stand ready to vote on a different resolution that could take a 
significant step towards remedying the historic mistake we made in 
October of 2002. The troop escalation advocated by President Bush will 
only widen our involvement in this conflict and put more brave American 
troops in the middle of a vicious civil war. Voting in favor of the 
President's escalation plan is an historic error, and I stress the 
historic nature of this debate because I am a firm believer that 
history is telling of the future.
  The history of this war shows that this President cannot form the 
right policy for victory. He should have sent additional troops in 2003 
when the generals asked him to do that, when it was possible to restore 
order in Baghdad, instead of now in 2007 when violence reigns supreme.
  The history of Iraq shows it has been wracked by sectarian and ethnic 
division long before it was even a state, a fact conveniently ignored 
by this President and his supporters on their march to Baghdad.
  Remember, Iran and Syria and others are possibly fighting a proxy war 
by supplying insurgents against an unpopular foreign occupier, the same 
role that we played in helping the Afghans to fight the Soviets 20 
years ago; and we know how that conflict turned out.
  In history I see the lessons, Madam Speaker. As I speak today, in 280 
B.C. when King Pyrrhus of Greece defeated the Romans during the Pyrrhic 
War, his army suffered irreplaceable casualties in battle. And when he 
was congratulated on his victory, he replied: ``Another such victory 
like that over the Romans and we are undone.''
  We have heard the word ``success'' and we have heard the word 
``victory'' so many times that they are now as pyrrhic, empty, 
fleeting, hollow.

                              {time}  1430

  The lesson is clear. The President's escalation plan offers an 
illusion, when only the real hope is that it offers a Pyrrhic victory 
at best.
  Our Armed Forces have been used, abused, refused and accused. They 
have

[[Page 4275]]

been overstretched. They were ill-equipped from the very beginning. 
Don't tell us we don't support the troops, when you did not give what 
they deserved in the field of battle. Our military readiness to fight 
the ongoing war on terror is now in serious doubt because of this war. 
Don't question our patriotism. Don't question our support or the 
American people's. Listen.
  By the way, Madam Speaker, have we asked the Iraqis what they feel? 
Well, 80 percent of them want us out. Don't they count? Can't we ask 
and listen to at least the very people whose country we occupy, this 
sovereign nation? This is unbelievable. It is illusionary at best. And 
what will we say to these Iraqi people? I want to hear the answer from 
the other side. What is your answer for them when they say, Don't stay 
here, and certainly don't escalate. I ask the loyal opposition to our 
resolution to tell the American people how much do the intentions of 
the Iraqi people really matter to you?
  The epicenter of our fight against terror is on the border of 
Afghanistan and Pakistan. Many of us have been there. Many of us have 
gone there. You have forgotten that part of the world, which many did 
not even know on September 11, 2001, where Afghanistan was in the first 
place.
  The clear message we send to the Iraqi people and the American people 
is that we will bring freedom to Iraq, even if it takes the blood of 
every Iraqi and the lives of more American soldiers. That is not good 
enough. That is not acceptable.
  You have heard the statistics from speaker after speaker. Previous 
escalations in this war have not worked. Why will this one work? Our 
ill-fated presence in Iraq is being used as a propaganda tool for the 
enemy, al-Qaeda, and other terrorists worldwide.
  In the years since 9/11, more terrorists have been created through 
this President's policies than were captured or killed. There weren't 
any terrorists in Iraq in 2003, but there are now.
  I urge my colleagues to support this resolution.
  Mr. SAM JOHNSON of Texas. Madam Speaker, I yield 4 minutes to Mr. 
Peter Roskam from Illinois.
  Mr. ROSKAM. I thank the gentleman for yielding.
  Madam Speaker, we are here to debate a House Concurrent Resolution, 
and the root verb of ``resolution'' is resolute. I just want to 
challenge the House today to consider the resolution of our enemies. I 
would like to read three quotes to you.
  Resolved, by Osama bin Laden. The whole world is watching this war, 
and the two adversaries, the Islamic nation on the one hand and the 
United States and its allies on the other. It is either victory and 
glory or misery and humiliation.
  Or how about this? Resolved, in the al-Qaeda charter: There will be 
continuing enmity until everyone believes in Allah. We will not meet 
the enemy halfway, and there will be no room for dialogue with them.
  Or how about this, and I am paraphrasing: Resolved, from Osama bin 
Ladens deputy, who said that the plan is to extend the jihad wave; to 
expel the Americans from Iraq and extend the jihad wave to secular 
countries neighboring Iraq, clash with Israel and establish an Islamic 
authority.
  Is there anyone among us who doubts the resolve and clarity with 
which our opponents are speaking? I don't.
  I think what is lacking today in our conversation is the consequences 
of failure. The previous speaker used the words ``victory'' and 
``success.'' He had a very low view of them, and I understand his 
characterization of those words. He said we have heard those words 
before. That is what the gentleman from New Jersey said.
  But, do you know what? We will hear the word ``failure'' when it is 
used in the context of this challenge that is before us.
  There is no question that there has been great difficulty that has 
gone before us in this fight. There is no question that there have been 
great mistakes that have been made, and I am wholeheartedly in favor of 
us acting as a coequal branch of government and calling for benchmarks 
and demarcation and holding the administration accountable for its 
decisions.
  But if we fail in this, if we pull out, if we retreat, if we yield, 
what will happen? Is there anybody really who thinks that Iran, for 
example, will be less provocative? Is there anybody who thinks that al-
Qaeda will be less provocative?
  If we fail, extremism in this world, will it be ascendant or will it 
be descendant?
  Madam Speaker, I close with a simple question, and that is, we need 
to ask, What is it about this resolution that will do one of two 
things? Does this encourage our troops, or does this discourage our 
enemies? I would suggest that this resolution, while it is serious, oh, 
it is very serious, it is not substantive. This is the ultimate 
expression of legislative passive aggression. It offers no substantive 
alternative.
  Madam Speaker, I rise in opposition, and ask my colleagues to do the 
same.
  Mr. ENGEL. Madam Speaker, I yield 5 minutes to my dear friend in the 
adjoining district, the gentlewoman from New York (Mrs. Lowey), the 
Chair of the Foreign Operations Subcommittee of the House 
Appropriations Committee.
  Mrs. LOWEY. Madam Speaker, a violent civil war is raging in Iraq, 
with atrocities against innocent civilians mounting every day. Our 
troops, our brave troops, are caught in the crossfire, dying and being 
maimed driving on local roads, patrolling neighborhoods and moving 
about by helicopter. What is their mission today? What is the strategic 
objective of the escalation proposed by the President?
  President Bush's plan to deploy 20,000 additional U.S. combat troops 
to Iraq is not a new strategy, and nothing I have seen or heard has 
convinced me that this escalation will make a positive difference in 
Iraq or hasten the safe return of U.S. troops. In fact, General Abizaid 
said that ``more American forces prevent the Iraqis from taking 
responsibility for their own future.''
  Four previous troop surges between December 2003 and October 2006 
have not made a dent in the level of violence nor in the number of U.S. 
casualties. We have spent nearly $500 billion in Iraq and Afghanistan, 
and yet inexplicably our troops still do not have the protection they 
need. Throughout this war, many in Congress have addressed the lack of 
equipment and protection for our troops. Now, military leaders are 
saying there are not enough armor kits and vehicles to protect these 
additional five brigades the President plans to send to Iraq. It is 
unacceptable to send more soldiers to Iraq, but it is unconscionable to 
send them without proper armaments or an explanation from the 
administration about how our troops will be protected.
  Madam Speaker, 3,132 Americans in uniform have died and 23,417 have 
been wounded since the start of the war in Iraq. I visited our wounded 
soldiers at Walter Reed, Bethesda Naval Hospital, and, most recently, 
at Landstuhl Military Hospital in Germany during my visit to Iraq with 
the Speaker.
  I stood at the bedside of a 23-year old severely wounded soldier, a 
soldier who was holding the hand of his 21-year old brother, currently 
serving in Iraq, and the hand of his father, who had also served in the 
Armed Forces, a soldier who will likely never come home. These families 
are making the ultimate sacrifice for our family. I am humbled by their 
commitment, their professionalism and dedication. We have a 
responsibility to our Armed Forces, our citizens, and the constituents 
who have elected us to bring them home as quickly and safely as 
possible.
  I am convinced that the thorough analysis and conclusions of the 
bipartisan Iraq Study Group are correct. Iraqi leaders must take 
responsibility for the country's security and government and we must 
engage the international community to work towards stability in the 
region. There is no military solution to the crisis in Iraq, and we 
cannot send more brave men and women to police a civil war.
  As I have said many times before, there are no good solutions to the 
quagmire in Iraq. This war was ill-conceived, poorly planned and 
incompetently executed. The best military

[[Page 4276]]

minds must now focus their efforts on the safe and responsible 
redeployment of our troops rather than on this escalation. I cannot 
support sending more of our brave men and women in uniform on a last-
ditch, misguided mission.
  We best support our troops, my colleagues, and our national 
interests, by adopting this resolution, and by expressing clearly on 
behalf of the American people our firm determination to change course 
in Iraq.
  Mr. SAM JOHNSON of Texas. Madam Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the 
gentleman from Idaho, Bill Sali.
  Mr. SALI. Madam Speaker, before I begin, I would first like to thank 
you for reminding the body of the need for decorum in our remarks
  Madam Speaker, several points. First is, it is stunning to me that 
this body will consume over 36 hours of floor debate on a nonbinding 
resolution. This should be on the consent calendar. Irrespective of 
one's position on the war in Iraq, all taxpayers are right to be 
incensed at such waste in this Congress.
  This legislation will not have the effect of law, will neither 
inspire nor impede military action in Iraq or elsewhere, will not 
encourage our troops on the ground nor foster victory over America's 
enemies that practice terror. It will have one effect: poking the 
President of the United States in the eye, diminishing his credibility 
among the international community and eroding his ability to lead here 
at home. It will also have the very genuine result of undermining and 
demoralizing our soldiers that are now in harm's way.
  Second, equally stunning is the apparent preoccupation with demeaning 
President Bush while ignoring those who are our real enemies. Our 
enemies are not in the White House or the Defense Department. They are 
not people like David Petraeus or his staff. They are not the vast 
majority of Muslims throughout the world, who, like us, want simply to 
live peaceful and secure lives.
  America's enemies are radical Islamists, less than 1 percent of all 
Muslims, whose faith requires that a pure Islamic state be established 
and that violence is the instrument by which to establish it. Their 
faith requires terrorist acts against the West and all Muslims who 
stand in the way of that agenda. That is why Osama bin Laden can say 
that he and his followers are ``in love with death.'' Indiscriminate 
slaughter is, for these sick people, merely a tool in their arsenal of 
moral barbarity.
  That is why his second-in-command has declared that Iraq and 
Afghanistan are ``the two most crucial fields'' in their war. That is 
why al Qaeda in Iraq has declared an Islamic state in Iraq's Anbar 
Province.
  Third, how do America's enemies view us? For one thing, they fear 
George W. Bush and our military. That is why Libya's Mu'ammar Qadhafi 3 
years ago surrendered his nuclear materials to the U.S. That is why 
Moqtada al-Sadr, Iraq's most powerful militia leader, just made a 
beeline for Iran; not for a sunny vacation from long, tiresome days of 
planning suicide bombings, but because he feared for his life.

                              {time}  1445

  But America's enemies view Congress quite differently. They see us as 
divided, irresolute, unwilling to face honestly their concerted plan 
for our destruction. Hence, this nonbinding resolution.
  In light of this reality, I would ask my friends across the aisle, 
what is your binding plan for defeating America's enemies? America, our 
allies and our enemies are still waiting for your binding plan.
  More than 3,000 Americans have died upholding the hope of defeating 
America's real enemies and bringing freedom to Iraq. We must not allow 
their deaths to become a pretext for the abandonment of that hope of 
victory or abandoning the Iraqi people. But rather, they must serve as 
the inspiration of a renewed commitment to hope of victory and security 
for Iraq. We owe to their heroism and sacrifice nothing less than one 
thing, victory over America's enemies in Iraq.
  America is the last best hope of man on Earth. A victory in Iraq is 
our last best hope of defeat of America's most dangerous enemies and 
also the freedom and security in the Middle East. We must not fail.
  Mr. ENGEL. Madam Speaker, I yield myself 5\1/2\ minutes.
  Madam Speaker, I am going to come here and speak from the heart. I do 
not want to read a speech because I think it is important to speak from 
the heart. I am not here to point fingers. I am not here to chastise 
anyone. I am not here to talk about what might have been.
  I support our soldiers. I support the war against terror, but I rise 
in support of this resolution which is Congress' responsibility. We 
have to look, Madam Speaker, at the current situation in Iraq as it is, 
not as we might wish it to be, but as it is.
  Several years ago, I voted to give the President the authority to go 
to war in Iraq based on what we were told then. I must say that I 
regret that vote.
  I regret it not only because no weapons of mass destruction were 
found or that there was no connection between al Qaeda and Iraq at that 
time, even though we were told there was. There was obviously faulty 
intelligence. We will never quite know if we were misled or if our 
intelligence was bad. But one thing is very, very clear to me, that 
this war has been mishandled from the beginning.
  The President is now talking about a surge of sending 21,500 more 
troops to Iraq. When we first went into Iraq, I am a big believer if 
you are going to do something, you do it right or you do not do it at 
all. We were told by General Shinseki that there were not enough troops 
in Iraq, not enough troops at that time several years ago to be able to 
protect the borders, to protect insurgents from coming in, to protect 
people that would do us ill from coming in.
  And his statements were dismissed. Not only were his statements 
dismissed, but then he was dismissed; and now here it is 3 or 4 years 
later, we are being told that the solution is to send more troops 
again. It is obvious to me that this is too little too late.
  The war in Iraq has morphed into a civil war. It is obvious to 
anybody who looks at the situation that the Shia and the Sunni are 
fighting each other, and our brave men and women are caught right in 
the middle of it. Eighty percent of the people of Iraq on both sides do 
not want us there, and more and more our people are becoming sitting 
ducks.
  I grieve for the more than 3,200 brave Americans who have died and 
the countless thousands more who have been injured; but it is one 
thing, Madam Speaker, to die in fighting for the freedom of your 
country, defending your country. It is quite another to die in a 
senseless civil war that more and more we see we cannot control nor 
probably should we attempt to anymore.
  From the minute we came into Iraq, unfortunately, not only did we 
have no troops, there was mistake after mistake. We fired the Ba'ath 
Party people. So we had people who were angry at us to begin with. We 
have not been able to give the Iraqis what we said we would give them. 
They find that their way of life is worse now than ever before. We were 
not greeted as liberators, but we were greeted as occupiers.
  And when we look at what we supposedly are there to protect, we look 
at the leader of Iraq, Mr. Maliki. He is propped up by the al-Sadr 
brigade, viciously anti-American, viciously killing Iraqis. He cannot 
go after them. They are the base of his support, and we are to believe 
that somehow he is a great patriot and is fighting for democracy in 
Iraq.
  We talk about al Qaeda. Al Qaeda is certainly a threat. I am a New 
Yorker. I will never ever forget September 11, 2001. And we have to go 
after al Qaeda and we have to fight terrorism, but I believe that the 
war in Iraq has now become a distraction against the war on terror.
  So by staying in Iraq, are we fighting the war on terror, or are we 
making it more difficult? A troop surge will not work. There are other 
priorities that we have. Our young people are sitting

[[Page 4277]]

ducks. This is more and more like Vietnam. You cannot leave and you 
cannot stay.
  We support our troops. This surge will not work. Congress needs to 
send this message to the President and to Iraq and to the world.
  Mr. SAM JOHNSON of Texas. Madam Speaker, I yield 5 minutes to the 
gentlewoman from Michigan (Mrs. Miller).
  Mrs. MILLER of Michigan. Madam Speaker, I am proud to be yielded time 
from a true American hero.
  If at any time while I am in the Congress and I am asked to vote to 
authorize war, I will ask myself two fundamental questions, two caveats 
to such action. Number one, what are the United States' vital 
interests? How are our vital interests being advanced? Number two, what 
is the mission and how is the mission being defined?
  I was not in the Congress when the vote to give the President the 
authority to go to war in Iraq was taken, but as I remember the debate 
during that vote, it was heavily predicated on the fact that we thought 
that Saddam Hussein had weapons of mass destruction, and the mission 
seemed to be principally defined as finding WMDs. It is clear that he 
had them at one time because he used them on his own people.
  However, since we have gone into Iraq, whether it is because they 
have transited the country or they were destroyed, or whatever the 
reason, we have not found them.
  Then the mission was defined as toppling the oppressor, the butcher 
of Baghdad, Saddam Hussein. And we have done so. We let the Iraqi 
courts exercise their due diligence in a court of law, and he is dead 
now. Good riddance, and hanging was too good for him.
  Then we defined the mission as providing a stable framework that 
would allow the Iraqis to build a democracy because we can all agree 
that having a democracy in an Arab country in the Middle East would be 
optimal for the entire world. They have had their elections. They have 
adopted a Constitution, and they have elected leadership that is in 
place.
  Again, I ask about the United States' vital interests and how we are 
defining the mission because, Madam Speaker, the mission needs to be 
understood. It is important that those of us in Congress can understand 
it, of course. It is important that the American people can understand 
it. But most importantly, the brave men and women who wear the uniform 
and are in theater risking their lives and their limbs need to be able 
to understand the mission.
  President Bush has said that the mission is to achieve stability in 
Iraq, to train the Iraqi forces so that they will be able to stand up 
so that we will be able to stand down. He says that the so-called surge 
is a necessary thing to do.
  As a member of the Armed Services Committee, I have listened to the 
testimony from the Joint Chiefs of Staff, the Secretary of Defense as 
well, about how this surge will work, and in my mind, a surge is a 
quick, overwhelming show of force. However, as it has been explained to 
me, this action will have two of a total of five brigades begin to 
deploy to Baghdad and the Anbar province and then gradually the other 
three brigades will be deployed as an assessment can be made on how the 
first two are doing.
  I will note that I have read that General Schoomaker, Army Chief of 
Staff, has said in a closed door hearing that he thought the surge had 
a 50-50 chance of success.
  Madam Speaker, our troops have done everything that we have asked 
them to do and more, and you cannot blame America for the Iraqis' 
failure to stop killing one another in a religious frenzy.
  I am a product of the Vietnam era. My husband was an Air Force pilot 
in Vietnam. My county has the largest chapter of Vietnam veterans in 
the entire Nation, and although I have resisted making any analogy from 
Iraq to Vietnam, I will make this one personal observation.
  From the very beginning of the Iraq conflict, we should have allowed 
our troops to go in and use overwhelming force; but we were told, no, 
that we had enough. Those that suggested otherwise were dismissed, and 
so they micromanaged from the White House, and now I think they are 
doing the same with this surge. Our troops can win, but they are being 
held back. They are being micromanaged by our politicians. We are not 
letting them win, and this is the lesson that I learned from Vietnam.
  In Vietnam, we used a graduated response. We held back our troops. We 
did not use overwhelming force, and after many died, we left the field 
and I cannot believe in my lifetime that once again we are repeating 
this mistake.
  I support the troops and I support victory. I recognize how 
incredibly complex this situation is. I recognize that having our 
troops leave will probably result in a loss of human life that will be 
horrifying. I recognize that leaving will probably encourage the 
neighbors to move in to protect their own interests, and I recognize 
that the war on terror will follow us if we leave.
  Yet, recognizing all of this, since the Iraqis will, for whatever 
reason, not stand up to ensure their own freedom, how can we ask 
Americans and for how long to continue to do so for them? Either use 
overwhelming force to win, or get out and do not continue to ask our 
troops to fight with one hand behind their backs.
  Mistakes have been made, as they always are in war; but another 
lesson that I learned from Vietnam is that the only thing worse than 
micromanaging a war from the White House is micromanaging it from here 
in Congress. And this is a time when every Member in this House needs 
to dig down deep and vote their conscience, knowing that sending the 
right message to the administration has the very real consequence of 
sending the wrong message to the troops who so bravely and 
professionally fight for freedom and liberty and democracy.
  Vote ``no'' on this resolution.
  Mr. ENGEL. Madam Speaker, I yield 5\1/2\ minutes to my fellow New 
Yorker (Mr. Bishop).
  Mr. BISHOP of New York. Madam Speaker, I rise in strong support of 
this resolution which is a clear and concise response on behalf of the 
majority of Americans who share our opposition to the President's 
misguided plan to escalate the presence of U.S. troops in Iraq.
  We can all agree upon and indeed must take this opportunity once 
again to affirm that our support for the brave men and women of the 
United States Armed Forces is steadfast and unyielding.
  As this resolution declares, our first priority must continue to be 
protecting the brave men and women in uniform who have served this 
Nation honorably and valiantly. The decision to invade Iraq is the 
single most devastating and misguided foreign policy decision our 
Nation has ever made, and the process of protecting our Nation from 
compounding this tragic error must begin this week under new leadership 
with a clear vision and a plan that finally acknowledges that we can no 
longer stay the course in Iraq.

                              {time}  1500

  After nearly 4 years of war, the sacrifice of more than 3,100 brave 
servicemen and -women, tens of thousands more injured, and over $600 
billion spent on the war to date, President Bush's ``mission 
accomplished'' declaration certainly rings hollow.
  We must not forget whose war and misguided strategy failed us, and we 
must ask who the President is listening to beyond the small circle of 
advisers who were the architects of this fiasco in the first place.
  The only strategy this administration has proposed is to stay the 
course, augmented by four earlier surges, along with the most recent 
plan to deploy the additional 21,500 U.S. troops, likely to escalate 
further to 40,000 to 60,000 more troops before the year's end. This 
latest policy is stay the course writ large.
  The President's plan operates under the assumption that somehow, 
despite all the evidence to the contrary, there is a military path to 
success if only more forces are on the ground. Not only is this logic 
flawed, it flies in the face of the wisdom of his top generals in the 
field, such as the former commander of the U.S. Central Command,

[[Page 4278]]

John Abizaid, who told the Senate Armed Services Committee that ``more 
American troops right now is not the solution to the problem.''
  I agree. We cannot afford to inject more of America's best and 
bravest into the chaos, particularly without the armor and training to 
protect them. Shortchanging our heroes in the face of a relentless 
insurgency is unworthy of this Nation. If we can't supply our troops 
with what they need, how can we possibly contemplate an escalation?
  Without a reduction to the violence against U.S. troops, without 
stability in the region, and without evidence of a correlation between 
the raging violence and the number of U.S. troops and the number of 
trained Iraqi troops, now is the time to reduce the U.S. combat 
presence in Iraq, not expand it.
  The Republican mantra has been that the Democrats don't have a plan 
for Iraq other than cut and run, an assertion that is simply false. We 
do have a comprehensive plan for Iraq that includes implementing the 
recommendations of the Iraq Study Group, a regional conference to 
engage Iraq's neighbors diplomatically, and seeking political solutions 
to the escalating turmoil in the region. But again I would ask, what 
evidence is there to suggest that this President will listen to 
anyone's plan other than his own?
  This is simply not an insurgency that needs to be crushed. Confirmed 
by the President's most recent National Intelligence Estimate, Iraq is 
in a state of civil war, and thus political solutions are needed to 
address the real problem. Although al Qaeda remains active in Iraq, 
they have been surpassed by ethnic violence, the primary source of 
conflict and the most immediate threat to stability in Iraq.
  Proponents of the war claim that those opposed to the surge aren't 
supporting the troops. I would ask them how we are supporting our 
troops while keeping them in a country where 70 percent of Iraqis 
believe it is acceptable to attack U.S. troops, where 78 percent 
believe that our troops provoke more violence than they prevent, where 
three-quarters of them would feel safer if American forces left Iraq.
  By staying the course in Iraq, we are putting our troops in a 
situation that has no positive outcome. Aren't the lives of our troops 
more valuable than saving political face and trying to prove a point?
  And while it is well known that the claims of weapons of mass 
destruction were based on faulty intelligence and there was no 
connection between Saddam Hussein and al Qaeda, why are we committing 
our troops and resources towards refereeing a civil war in Iraq, 
thereby diverting resources required to win the global war on terror 
rather than fighting al Qaeda in Afghanistan, tracking down Osama bin 
Laden, and preventing another terrorist attack against America?
  The President's earlier NIE made it very clear last September that 
the war in Iraq has become a primary recruitment vehicle for violent 
Islamic extremists, motivating a global jihadist movement and a new 
generation of potential terrorists around the world whose numbers may 
be increasing faster than the United States and our allies can reduce 
the threat.
  Opposition to this surge does not mean a lack of support for our 
troops; rather, it affirms what the American people made clear last 
November, that our policy in Iraq is not working and that we need a new 
direction. I will vote for this resolution, and I will continue to join 
with colleagues on both sides of the aisle to bring our involvement in 
this misguided tragedy to an end
  The NIE also indicates that, rather than contributing to eventual 
victory in the global counter-terrorism struggle, the situation in Iraq 
has diminished America's position, What additional evidence does the 
President need to prove that his policies in Iraq are only making 
matters worse for Iraqis and making the world decidedly less safe for 
America?
  And to those who would argue that this resolution sends a signal to 
our enemies that we are weak and divided, you are wrong. This debate 
proves why democracy works, unites us, makes us stronger, more 
resolute, and why these strengths--that our enemies envy and seek to 
overcome--will ensure that we ultimately prevail over them.
  Opposition to this surge does not mean a lack of support for our 
troops. Rather, it affirms what the American people made clear last 
November--that our policy in Iraq is not working and we need a new 
direction.
  I will vote for this resolution, and I will continue to join with 
colleagues on both sides of the aisle to bring our involvement in this 
misguided tragedy to an end. Voicing opposition to this war, to this 
President's policies, and to more of the same is our solemn 
responsibility, consistent with the objectives of this resolution, the 
hopes of the American people, and the mission of the U.S. Armed Forces.
  Mr. Speaker, I commend the Majority leadership and the distinguished 
chairmen of the Armed Services and International Relations Committees 
for their hard work and making this debate a priority of this Congress.
  Mr. SAM JOHNSON of Texas. Madam Speaker, at this time I would like to 
yield 5 minutes to my friend from Virginia, Virgil Goode.
  Mr. GOODE. Madam Speaker, it is an honor to receive time from someone 
who served our Nation in the finest way and who knows firsthand how 
hurtful a resolution such as this can be to those in theater.
  We are in the middle of a 4-day marathon here. While I cannot say 
that I agree with all of the actions of the President in dealing with 
Iraq, I will not be supporting H. Con. Res. 63. The eyes of the world 
are upon this House, and there will be commentary from the Middle East 
to the streets of small-town America about what we do here over this 4-
day period, even though this resolution does not carry the weight of 
law.
  When the commentary begins in the Middle East, in no way do I want to 
comfort and encourage the radical Muslims who want to destroy our 
country and who want to wipe the so-called infidels like myself and 
many of you from the face of the Earth. In no way do I want to aid and 
assist the Islamic jihadists who want the green flag of the crescent 
and star to wave over the Capitol of the United States and over the 
White House of this country. I fear that radical Muslims who want to 
control the Middle East and ultimately the world would love to see ``In 
God We Trust'' stricken from our money and replaced with ``In Mohammed 
We Trust.''
  I am not sure that reinforcing the existing troops by 20,000 will 
save us from the jihadists, and I am not sure it will prevent chaos in 
Iraq. I do hope that these additional forces will stabilize Baghdad and 
will lead to democracy and a tolerance of divergent views and religions 
in Iraq. Unfortunately, the history of that region does not bode well 
for such conclusions.
  In my view, the United States by removing Saddam Hussein has provided 
a great opportunity for Iraq to be a showcase for tolerance and 
understanding. Perhaps one day Iraq may want to adopt something like 
the first amendment of our country. That may only be an optimistic 
hope.
  I hope my fears and the fears of others about chaos and calamity 
prove false. If the Shiite and Sunni controversy escalates and the 
situation worsens, we could be faced with a clamor to admit thousands 
and perhaps millions into this country. I call on the President and our 
Secretary of State to not allow a mass immigration into this country 
with the dangers and pitfalls that it could bring to our safety and 
security. The terrorists would surely enter into this country in such a 
way as the 9/11 terrorists swam around in a sea of illegal immigration 
before we were struck on September 11.
  Let us vote ``no'' and let us forestall, if not prevent, calamity.
  Mr. ENGEL. Madam Speaker, I now yield 5 minutes to one of our 
freshmen, Representative Jason Altmire of Pennsylvania, surely a rising 
star.
  Mr. ALTMIRE. Madam Speaker, in the lead-up to the war in Iraq, the 
President offered the American people many reasons why we should enter 
into this conflict. We were told unequivocally that Iraq possessed 
weapons of mass destruction and posed an imminent threat to the United 
States. We have since learned that pre-war intelligence was completely 
inaccurate.
  We were told that proceeds from Iraq's oil reserves would pay for the

[[Page 4279]]

cost of the war. Instead, the American people have paid for the cost of 
the war. So far, $400 billion, with an additional supplemental request 
of $100 billion pending.
  We were told that we would be greeted as liberators. Nothing could be 
further from the truth. More than 3,000 American troops have been 
killed, more than 23,000 injured, and violence in Iraq continues to 
escalate. There are over 900 weekly attacks on U.S. troops.
  These predictions were in the past, but they are instructive as we 
consider the President's current predictions on how to achieve success 
in Iraq.
  The American people have expressed their clear frustration with the 
conduct of the war. The bipartisan Iraq Study Group offered a 
comprehensive strategy to successfully move combat forces out of Iraq. 
High-level military leaders, including General John Abizaid, have 
expressed opposition to an escalation of troops. But the President 
continues to ignore public opinion, rejects sound advice, and 
stubbornly adhere to his failed go-it-alone policies.
  He says he wants a bipartisanship study; but when his results are not 
to his liking, he dismisses it. He says he wants to hear from his 
advisers; but when they disagree with them, he dismisses them. He says 
he wants to hear from his generals on the ground; but when they tell 
him what he doesn't want to hear, they are reassigned.
  The fact is, Madam Speaker, the President's plan to escalate the war 
in Iraq is not a new policy, just more of the same failed policy.
  The solution in Iraq requires the Iraqis themselves to reach a 
political solution and take responsibility for their own government. 
The continued open-ended commitment of U.S. forces only deters the 
Iraqis from making the appropriate political decisions, training 
security forces, and enacting the reforms necessary to achieve 
stability.
  The Iraq war resolution before us today is simple and straight 
forward. Let me explain what it does and what it doesn't do.
  First and foremost, this resolution expresses our continued support 
for our military men and women who are serving bravely and honorably. 
It also expresses the sense of Congress that we disapprove of the 
decision made by the President to send additional troops to Iraq.
  So make no mistake, this resolution is in support of our troops. 
Anyone who says otherwise is simply wrong. No Member of this House, 
Republican or Democrat, wants anything less than victory in Iraq and to 
support our troops.
  This resolution does not affect the funding levels to carry out the 
war. And on that point, let me be clear. As long as we have troops in 
the field of battle and brave Americans in harm's way, I will never 
vote to withhold their funding.
  I support this resolution because we have the duty as representatives 
of the American people to continue to voice their opinion that, with 
his policy of escalation, the President is heading down the wrong path.
  The best way forward is for the President to work with Congress, to 
change course, and adopt a responsible strategy that protects American 
interests in Iraq, around the region, and at home.
  I urge every Member of this House on both sides of the aisle to heed 
the call for change and vote for this resolution.
  Mr. SAM JOHNSON of Texas. Madam Speaker, at this time I would like to 
yield 4 minutes to the gentlewoman from Oklahoma, Mary Fallin.
  Ms. FALLIN. Madam Speaker, I would like to begin by reviewing a 
little history. There have been a number of times in American history 
when wars didn't go as we had hoped or planned. That winter at Valley 
Forge was certainly difficult. During the War of 1812, the British 
occupied this very building, and the Civil War was far more costly and 
far longer than we hoped it would be.
  In World War II, the North African campaign was something of a mess. 
And the bloody island campaigns of the South Pacific were not something 
we had foreseen.
  In Korea and Vietnam, we brought limited force to bear, and we wound 
up settling for stalemate and ultimately defeat.
  So some of our wars went well, but more often they look a lot simpler 
and cleaner in the history books than they really were in reality. And 
if there is one constant warning that runs throughout our history, it 
is this: Congress has a vital role to play in helping America win its 
wars. But it can also play a role that is unintended in losing them if 
it says or if it does the wrong thing at the wrong time. And that is 
what this resolution says and does, the wrong thing.
  This is a nonbinding resolution, which is nothing more than a 
political game. But the war on terror is not a game. We have to 
consider what our enemies will read into this resolution. What if 
Congress during the Valley Forge winter had passed a resolution saying 
it is time to send our troops home, retire General Washington, and go 
ahead and pay the tax anyway? What if Congress in the spring of 1863 
had looked at the results of Bull Run and said, We can't win this, it's 
a civil war. Forget the idealism about freeing the slaves.
  What if Congress in 1942 or 1943 had told Franklin Roosevelt to pull 
out of North Africa and Italy and to give up those silly ideas of 
liberating France? What would our enemies have thought about America's 
lack of will? They would have assumed that we had lost our will to win, 
and they would have said America can't cut it.

                              {time}  1515

  Well, make no mistake, Iraq is just one battle in our overall war on 
terror. If this resolution passes, it is sending a very clear message 
of our weakness, and our enemies are watching today. Just listen to the 
words of Osama bin Laden. He said, The whole world is watching this war 
and the two adversaries, the Islamic Nation on the one hand, and the 
United States and its allies on the other. It is either victory or 
glory, or it is either misery or humiliation.
  We cannot be the Nation of humiliation. The terrorists know what is 
at stake, and it is time that we show them that we know as well, and 
that failure is not an option for our Nation. We have to ask ourselves, 
what is at risk for the future of our Nation? Will our Nation be safer 
from radical Islamic terrorists if we pull out before the new Iraqi 
democracy becomes stable and an ally in the war on terror? Ask 
yourself, what Islamic terrorist leader has said that if America leaves 
Iraq that he will be satisfied and the terrorists will end their 
attack? Has not been said.
  We must take extraordinary precautions to protect our Nation from 
those who would do us harm, and someday our children and our 
grandchildren will look back on this decision this week, and they will 
reflect on their lives, and the question we have to ask ourselves today 
is will our children live in a safer America?
  I urge the rejection of this resolution.
  Mr. ENGEL. Madam Speaker, before I yield to my next speaker, I am 
told we are rapidly running out of time, and I will not be able to 
yield additional time to anyone beyond the 5 minutes.
  I now have the pleasure of calling on another new star in this 
Congress, Representative Bruce Braley of Iowa, for 5 minutes.
  Mr. BRALEY of Iowa. Madam Speaker, I grew up surrounded by heroes. My 
father, Byard Braley, got permission from his mother at the age of 17 
to enlist in the Marine Corps, and 1 year later found himself landing 
on Iwo Jima, the same day the flags were raised on Mount Suribachi. 
Thirty thousand marines and Japanese soldiers lost their lives in 1 
month on an island the same size as my hometown of Brooklyn, Iowa.
  My father saw one of his best friends vaporized by a shell burst, and 
we did not learn that fact until 15 years after he died.
  The same night that my father landed on Iwo Jima, another marine from 
my hometown of Brooklyn slept under those flags as Japanese bombs flew 
overhead. Harold Keller was the real

[[Page 4280]]

deal. He was the second marine to reach the summit of Mount Suribachi, 
and he single-handedly fought off a Japanese counterattack and rescued 
the people you see depicted in Flags of Our Fathers.
  When he came home to my hometown, he repaired milking equipment for 
area farmers. My uncle Gordon Braley served in the merchant marine, 
guarding allied shipping lanes in the North Atlantic.
  My Uncle Bert Braley served in the Army Air Corps, and my Uncle Lyle 
Nesselroad served in the Navy. My cousin, Dick Braley, was a Marine 
Corps artillery officer at a firebase in Vietnam.
  These ordinary men taught me that patriotism is not something you 
claim by putting down others who disagree with your viewpoints. It is 
something you earn by the way you live your life, the respect you have 
for the institutions that make the United States a great beacon of 
liberty, freedom and justice.
  When I return to my hometown of Waterloo, Iowa, I am still surrounded 
by heroes. These heroes belong to the battalion of the Ironman 
Battalion of the Iowa National Guard. They are approximately 560 
fathers, mothers, brothers and sisters from Waterloo, Dubuque, Oelwein 
and everywhere in between.
  One of them, Ray Zirkelbach, is missing his second consecutive year 
in the Iowa House of Representatives, because their latest tour was 
recently extended. A flag is draped over his desk in the House chamber.
  These heroes are the reason why I stand here today in opposition to 
the President's plan to escalate the war in Iraq. On November 7, 2006, 
the voters of this country went to the polls and clearly stated that it 
is time for a new direction in Iraq.
  Soon after, the bipartisan Iraq Study Group presented President Bush 
with a desperately needed blueprint for change. They recognized that 
the deteriorating crisis in Iraq couldn't be solved by military action. 
Instead, it required a political solution between warring factions for 
a stable democracy to evolve.
  The Iraq Study Group recognized that ``stay the course'' was a failed 
strategy, and that three prior troop surges had done little to stem the 
growing violence. They knew that the Iraqis would never get serious 
about standing up for their own country until they were confronted with 
a timetable for redeploying our forces.
  After I was sworn in as a Member of Congress on January 4, I hoped 
that President Bush would listen to the advice of this bipartisan group 
whose recommendations he welcomed.
  I hoped that he would move to fulfill the promise of the Defense 
Authorization Act of 2006, when this Congress stated that 2006 would be 
a period of significant transition in Iraq, with the Iraqi Security 
Forces taking the lead for their own security, so we could begin a 
phased redeployment of U.S. forces from Iraq. Instead, the President 
ignored the recommendations of the study group and chose to escalate 
the war in Iraq without charting a new course.
  To my friends on the other side of the aisle who disagree with the 
resolution we are debating today, by all means vote your conscience. I 
will be voting my conscience and joining well-known Republicans who 
agree that the escalation is a mistake:
  People like Senator Chuck Hagel of my neighboring State of Nebraska, 
who called the President's escalation plan the most dangerous foreign 
policy blunder in this country since Vietnam, if it is carried out.
  People like former Iowa Representative Jim Leach, who said that the 
President's policy in Iraq may go down as the greatest foreign policy 
blunder in U.S. history.
  Well-respected military experts also oppose this escalation, 
including General Colin Powell, General George Casey and the Joint 
Chiefs of Staff.
  The President truly stands alone with a strategy that his own 
generals, key Republicans, and the American people oppose. The time is 
long overdue for the people's House to reassert its rightful place in 
our constitutional system of checks and balances.
  We have a duty to send a message that it is time for real change in 
Iraq, change characterized by accountability and redeployment of our 
troops. There will be no more blank checks. There will be tough 
questions in oversight, and I will work hard to make sure that this 
happens. I ask everyone to support the resolution
  Mr. SAM JOHNSON of Texas. Madam Speaker, I yield 4 minutes to the 
gentlelady from North Carolina (Ms. Foxx).
  Ms. FOXX. Thank you, a true patriot, Mr. Johnson.
  Madam Speaker, I rise today not only in support of the brave men and 
women of the American Armed Forces, but also in support of the cause 
for which they fight. They heroically give of themselves every day to 
ensure the safety of our Nation and the freedom that we Americans 
enjoy.
  Like my colleagues on both sides of the aisle, I want America's 
troops home as soon as possible, but disengaging at this time would 
invite the terrorists to follow us home. This resolution sends the 
wrong message and will have grave consequences. It will demoralize our 
troops and embolden our enemies. We are combating a global adversary 
who sees an enemy in any Nation that supports the ideals of freedom. In 
the interest of democracy, global safety and rural peace, victory in 
Iraq is absolutely crucial.
  While some seem happy to complain about the war, they have offered 
nothing in the way of a solution to defeat the jihadists. It is fine to 
disagree, but your opinion holds little weight if you fail to offer a 
constructive alternative. Leadership takes strengths and courage to 
succeed in the face of adversity, although mistakes may be made along 
the way.
  Many comments have been made by those who support this resolution, 
but one that deserves a response is the oft-repeated phrase that this 
is an impossible war to win. What a terrible attitude for Members of 
the United States Congress to have.
  What if George Washington had succumbed to the critics of his day who 
said those things? What if Abraham Lincoln, FDR and President Truman 
had taken that attitude? Where would we be now? We are here today 
because people who came before us refused to listen to the naysayers 
and the defeatists.
  The true leaders of this Nation have always focused on the possible 
and accomplished it. These people remind me of the attitude of the 
Carter administration in dealing with Iran.
  Let me quote a recent article by Dinesh D'Souza. `` . . . they are 
willing to risk the country falling into the hands of Islamic radicals. 
Little do the people waging 'the war against the war' know that in 
exchange for a temporary political advantage, they are gravely 
endangering America's security and well-being, ultimately even their 
own.''
  Let us band together as Americans, put aside political differences to 
show that we understand the need to defend freedom for the long and 
short terms. This is the decisive battle of our generation, and this is 
a defining moment of our time.
  We cannot afford to lose and should vote ``no'' on this resolution.

             [From the American Legion Magazine, Feb. 2007]

     How We Lost Iran--And Why We Can't Afford Another Loss in Iraq

                          (By Dinesh D'Souza)

       There are four important Muslim countries in the Middle 
     East: Iran, Iraq, Egypt and Saudi Arabia. Islamic radicals 
     control Iran, and have since the Khomeini revolution a 
     quarter century ago. Now they have their sights on Iraq. If 
     they get Iraq, we can be sure they will target Egypt and 
     Saudi Arabia. Let's remember that this is a region upon which 
     the United States will continue to be oil-dependent for the 
     foreseeable future. If the Islamic radicals succeed, the 
     American way of life will be seriously threatened.
       To understand the high stakes in Iraq, it's helpful to 
     understand what happened in Iran a generation ago. How did 
     America ``lose'' Iran, and how can we avoid another debacle 
     in Iraq? Islamic radicals have been around since the 1920s, 
     but for decades they were outsiders even in the Muslim 
     countries. One of their leading theoreticians, Sayyid Qutb, 
     argued that radical Muslims could not just

[[Page 4281]]

     promulgate theories and have meetings; they must seek to 
     realize the Islamic state ``in a concrete form.'' What was 
     needed, he wrote, was ``to initiate the movement of Islamic 
     revival in some Muslim country.'' Once the radicals 
     controlled a major state, he suggested, they could then use 
     it as a beachhead for launching the takeover of other Muslim 
     countries. The ultimate objective was the unification of the 
     Muslim community into a single Islamic nation, governed by 
     Islamic holy law.
       In 1979, Qutb's goal was achieved when the Ayatollah 
     Khomeini seized power in Iran. Muslim scholar Hamid Algar 
     terms the Khomeini revolution ``the most significant event in 
     contemporary Islamic history.'' It was an event comparable to 
     the French or the Russian revolutions. Virtually no one 
     predicted it, yet it overturned the entire imperial structure 
     and created a new order, even a new way of life. The mullahs 
     restored the Islamic calendar, abolished Western languages 
     from the schools, instituted an Islamic curriculum, declared 
     a new set of religious holidays, stopped men from wearing 
     ties, required women to cover their heads, changed the 
     banking system to outlaw usury or interest, abolished 
     Western-style criminal and civil laws, and placed the entire 
     society under sharia, or laws based on the Koran.
       The importance of the Khomeini revolution is that it 
     demonstrated the viability of the Islamic theocracy in the 
     modern age. Before Khomeini, the prospect of a large Muslim 
     nation being ruled by clergy according to 8th-century 
     precepts would have seemed far-fetched, even preposterous. 
     Khomeini showed it could be done, and his successors have 
     shown that it can last. To this day, post-Khomeini Iran 
     provides a viable model of what the Islamic radicals hope to 
     achieve throughout the Muslim world. Khomeini also 
     popularized the idea of the United States as a ``great 
     Satan.'' Before Khomeini, no Muslim head of state had said 
     this about America. Muslim leaders like Nasser might disagree 
     with the United States, but they never identified it as the 
     primary source of evil on the planet. During the Khomeini 
     era, there were large demonstrations by frenzied Muslims who 
     cursed the United States and burned its flag. For the first 
     time, banners and posters began to appear all over Iran: 
     DEATH TO AMERICA! THE GREAT SATAN WILL INCUR GOD'S 
     PUNISHMENT! USA, GO TO HELL! AMERICA IS OUR NO. 1 ENEMY! 
     These slogans have since become the mantra of Islamic 
     radicalism. Khomeini was also the first Muslim leader in the 
     modern era to advocate violence as a religious duty and to 
     give special place to martyrdom. Since Khomeini, Islamic 
     radicalism has continued to attract aspiring martyrs ready to 
     confront the Great Satan. In this sense, the seeds of 9/11 
     were sown a quarter of a century ago when Khomeini and his 
     followers captured the government in Tehran.
       Khomeini's ascent to power was aided by the policies of 
     Jimmy Carter and his allies on the political left. The Carter 
     administration's own expert on Iran, Gary Sick, provides the 
     details in his memoir ``All Fall Down,'' a riveting story 
     that has been largely erased from our national memory. Carter 
     won the presidency in 1976 by stressing his support for human 
     rights. From the time he took office, the left contrasted 
     Carter's rights doctrine with the Shah's practices. The left 
     denounced the Shah as a vicious and corrupt dictator, 
     highlighting and in some cases magnifying his misdeeds. Left-
     leaning officials such as Secretary of State Cyrus Vance, 
     U.N. envoy Andrew Young and State Department human-rights 
     officer Patricia Derian pressed Carter to sever America's 
     longstanding alliance with the Shah. Eventually Carter came 
     to agree with his advisers that he could not in good 
     conscience support the Shah.
       When the Shah moved to arrest mullahs who called for his 
     overthrow, the United States and Europe denounced his 
     actions. Former diplomat George Ball called on the U.S. 
     government to curtail the Shah's exercise of power. Acceding 
     to this pressure, Carter called for the release of political 
     prisoners and warned the Shah not to use force against the 
     demonstrators in the streets. When the Shah petitioned the 
     Carter administration to purchase tear gas and riot-control 
     gear, the human-rights office in the State Department held up 
     the request. Some, like State Department official Henry 
     Precht, urged the United States to prepare the way for the 
     Shah to make a ``graceful exit'' from power. William Miller, 
     chief of staff on the Senate Intelligence Committee, said the 
     United States had nothing to fear from Khomeini since he 
     would be a progressive force for human rights. U.S. 
     Ambassador William Sullivan even compared Khomeini to Mahatma 
     Gandhi, and Andrew Young termed the ayatollah a ``20th-
     century saint.''
       As the resistance gained momentum and the Shah's position 
     weakened, he looked to the U.S. government to help him. Sick 
     reports that the Shah discovered he had many enemies, and few 
     friends, in the Carter administration. Increasingly paranoid, 
     he pleaded with the United States to help him stay in power. 
     Carter refused. Deprived of his last hope, with the Persian 
     rug pulled out from under him, the Shah decided to abdicate. 
     The Carter administration encouraged him to do so, and the 
     cultural left celebrated his departure. The result, of 
     course, was Khomeini.
       The Carter administration's role in the downfall of the 
     Shah is one of America's great foreign-policy disasters of 
     the 20th century. In trying to get rid of the bad guy, Carter 
     got the worse guy. His failure, as former Democratic senator 
     Daniel Patrick Moynihan once said, was the result of being 
     ``unable to distinguish between America's friends and 
     enemies.'' According to Moynihan, the Carter administration 
     had essentially adopted ``the enemy's view of the world.'' 
     Carter does not deserve sole discredit for these actions. 
     This intellectual framework that shaped Carter's misguided 
     strategy was supplied by the political left.
       Of course, the primary force behind the Shah's fall was the 
     fundamentalist movement led by Khomeini. But it is possible 
     that the Shah, with U.S. support, could have defeated this 
     resistance. Another option would have been for the United 
     States to use its influence to press for democratic 
     elections, an option unattractive both to the Shah and to the 
     Islamic militants. Even after the Shah's departure, a U.S. 
     force could have routed the Khomeini regime--an action that 
     would have been fully justified given Iran's seizure of the 
     U.S. embassy and the taking of American hostages. Determined 
     at all costs to prevent these outcomes, the left sought not 
     only to demonize the Shah but also to favorably portray 
     Khomeini and his radical cohorts. In Sick's words, Khomeini 
     became ``the instant darling of the Western media.'' The tone 
     of American press coverage can be gleaned from Time's cover 
     story on Feb. 12, 1979: ``Now that the country's cry for the 
     Ayatollah's return has been answered, Iranians will surely 
     insist that the revolution live up to its democratic aims. 
     Khomeini believes that Iran should become a parliamentary 
     democracy. Those who know the ayatollah expect that 
     eventually he will settle in the holy city of Qom and resume 
     a life of teaching and prayer.''
       Immediately following Khomeini's seizure of power, 
     political scientist Richard Falk wrote in the Feb. 16, 1979, 
     New York Times, ``To suppose that Ayatollah Khomeini is 
     dissembling seems almost beyond belief. He has been depicted 
     in a manner calculated to frighten. The depiction of him as 
     fanatical, reactionary and the bearer of crude prejudices 
     seems certainly and happily false. His close advisers are 
     uniformly composed of moderate, progressive individuals . . . 
     who share a notable record of concern with human rights. What 
     is distinctive about his vision is the concern with resisting 
     oppression and promoting social justice. Many non-religious 
     Iranians talk of this period as Islam's finest hour. Iran may 
     yet provide us with a desperately needed model of humane 
     governance for a Third World country.''
       The naivete of Falk's essay is of such magnitude as to be 
     almost unbelievable. Falk should have known better, and I 
     believe he did know better. Sick notes that in terms of the 
     kind of regime he wanted to institute in Iran, ``Khomeini was 
     remarkably candid in describing his objectives.'' As an 
     expert on international relations, Falk was surely familiar 
     with what Khomeini had been consistently saying for three 
     decades. Along with Ramsey Clark, former attorney general in 
     the Johnson administration, Falk met with Khomeini on his 
     last day in Paris, before his triumphal return to Iran. 
     Shortly after that meeting Clark conducted a press conference 
     to champion Khomeini's cause. Falk, too, seems to have acted 
     as a kind of unpaid public-relations agent for the 
     ayatollah's regime.
       Upon consolidating his power, Khomeini launched a bloody 
     campaign of wiping out his political opposition and reversing 
     the liberties extended by the Shah to student groups, women's 
     groups and religious minorities. In one year, the Khomeini 
     revolution killed more people than the Shah had executed 
     during his entire quarter-century reign. Despite the fact 
     that many progressive figures were imprisoned, tortured and 
     executed,
       Khomeini's actions produced a great yawn of indifference 
     from America's cultural left. The same people who were 
     shocked and outraged by the crimes of the Shah showed no 
     comparable outrage at the greater crimes of Khomeini. They 
     knew, as well as everyone else, that liberty would be largely 
     extinguished in Iran, and they greeted this prospect with 
     equanimity.
       Even when radical students overran the U.S. Embassy in 
     Tehran on Nov. 4, 1979, and took more than 60 American 
     hostages, the left's sympathy was with the hostage-takers. 
     During this period, three liberal clergymen--William Sloane 
     Coffin of New York's Riverside Church, National Council of 
     Churches executive director William Howard and Catholic 
     Bishop Thomas Gumbleton--visited the hostages and looked with 
     approval as they recorded anti-U.S. statements for use as 
     Iranian propaganda. The U.S. religious leaders did not seem 
     embarrassed to be used by the Iranian hostage-takers. Many of 
     the allegations against the United States launched by the 
     Iranian radicals corresponded exactly with the views of these 
     liberal clergymen. Going beyond the expectations of the 
     hostage-takers, Coffin even faulted his fellow Americans for 
     ``self pity'' and urged them to hold hands with their captors 
     and sing. In

[[Page 4282]]

     the hostage crisis, these clergymen quite consciously 
     contributed to America's humiliation.
       By aiding the Shah's ouster and with Khomeini's 
     consolidation of power, the left collaborated in giving 
     radical Islam its greatest victory in the modern era. Thanks 
     in part to Jimmy Carter, Muslim radicals got what they had 
     been seeking for a long time: control of a major Islamic 
     state. Now, irony of ironies, Carter and some of the same 
     people who lost Iran are back in the news, criticizing the 
     Bush administration for what it is doing in Iraq. Some of 
     their points may be valid, but once again, they are 
     forgetting that when you try and get rid of something 
     terrible, you should at least make sure that you don't get 
     something even more terrible. Carter never understood that, 
     and he still doesn't. Rather than dispensing advice, the 39th 
     president should be offering the United States an apology.
       Yes, what's going on in Iraq today is not pretty, but that 
     could be said of just about any war. In trying to escape from 
     a difficult situation, America should not put itself into an 
     even more perilous situation. We should always keep in mind 
     what's at stake in this conflict. Today in Iraq, the Islamic 
     radicals are after their second big prize. Iraq is, in a 
     sense, even more important to the radicals than Iran. The 
     reason is that the Khomeini Revolution, despite its global 
     aspirations, proved to be very difficult to export. Iranians 
     are Persian, and thus ethnically distinct from the Arabs who 
     dominate the Middle East.
       Even within Islam, Iranians belong to the Shia minority, 
     while 80 percent of Muslims worldwide are Sunni. 
     Consequently, Islamic radicals have been attempting for the 
     better part of two decades now to carry the revolution beyond 
     Iran, to bring a second Muslim state under radical control, 
     and to establish a model for theocracy and terrorism that the 
     Sunni majority in the Islamic world can emulate. So unlike in 
     Vietnam, the United States faces an adversary that is not 
     merely ideologically hostile, but one whose success would 
     threaten our vital interests and our security, as well as our 
     economic well-being.
       Given this, the insouciance and even anticipation with 
     which some of the Bush administration's critics propose 
     prompt U.S. withdrawal from Iraq is remarkable. In a recent 
     article in Harper's, former presidential candidate George 
     McGovern proposed that the United States get out of Iraq, 
     give up its bases there, apologize for having invaded in the 
     first place, accept responsibility for any bloodbath that 
     ensues, and offer to pay reparations to Iraq for its war 
     crimes. This advice goes beyond recklessness. What do 
     McGovern and his allies think is going to happen when U.S. 
     troops leave? They seem eerily eager for the insurgents to 
     topple the elected government and seize power.
       Apparently their dislike for President Bush is great enough 
     that they are willing to risk the country falling into the 
     hands of Islamic radicals. Little do the people waging ``the 
     war against the war'' know that, in exchange for a temporary 
     political advantage, they are gravely endangering America's 
     security and well-being, ultimately even their own.

  Mr. ENGEL. Madam Speaker, it is my pleasure now to call on another 
one of our great new freshmen I have gotten to know, the gentleman from 
Iowa (Mr. Loebsack) for 5 minutes.
  Mr. LOEBSACK. Thank you, Mr. Engel, for yielding.
  Madam Speaker, today with all my colleagues I stand here in support 
our brave men and women of the Armed Services, as well as their 
families. We should honor their great commitment and sacrifices without 
hesitation. I support this resolution because I believe the President's 
plan for escalation is the wrong approach to the conflicts in Iraq.
  But this must not be the end of our efforts in Congress. For too 
long, Congress refused to stand up to the administration. Our actions 
today must mark the beginning of Congress' role, not the end. The time 
has come to tell President Bush enough is enough.
  Last November, the American people spoke. They spoke loudly and 
clearly on a number of issues, but none more passionately and 
forcefully than the war in Iraq. The American people, long before this 
debate this week, decided that the misadventure in Iraq must end.
  Our troops have performed valiantly in Iraq. In just a matter of a 
few weeks they removed from power a brutal dictator and began to 
provide the Iraqi people the opportunity to construct a new political 
order. Our troops have also contributed mightily to the reconstruction 
and development of the Iraqi economy and infrastructure.
  But over the course of this conflict, the mission of our troops has 
been transformed, and now they find themselves in the middle of a civil 
war that involves not just two sides, but almost innumerable factions 
in conflict with one another.
  What is worse is the continued presence of American troops in Iraq 
will likely only inflame the ongoing sectarian strife and create more, 
if not fewer, enemies of America. The bottom line is that a continued 
presence of American troops will only exacerbate the multiple conflicts 
in Iraq.
  As a member of the Readiness Subcommittee of the House Armed Services 
Committee, I have additional concerns regarding President Bush's 
proposed escalation. I believe such an escalation will further strain 
the limited resources available to our military. Already we know our 
readiness levels for our troops not yet deployed are inadequate.
  A further escalation of troop levels in Iraq will only exacerbate 
this problem and put more servicemen and women in harm's way without 
the proper training or equipment. Our troops were not trained to be 
peacemakers in situations such as today's Iraq. Some have argued that 
we need to increase the number of troops, so that we can engage in an 
action similar to what our forces did in Bosnia.
  Madam Speaker, this is at best a false analogy. Iraq today is not 
Bosnia of 1995. Today's Iraq is in the early stages of a series of 
conflicts that may indeed intensify, but this will occur irrespective 
of whether we insert another 21,500 troops. We simply cannot solve the 
sectarian conflicts militarily. While it was the Bush administration 
who initiated hostile actions in March of 2003, I believe it is now 
necessary for the Iraqi people to step up and assume responsibility for 
their future.
  What is also needed now more than ever is for this administration to 
reach out to our traditional allies and those in the region who have a 
significant stake in the future of Iraq. The Bush administration must 
do something that it has been woefully reluctant to do. It must admit 
that it made a major strategic and foreign policy mistake when it 
invaded Iraq in the first place. And I am willing to wager that such an 
admission would go a distance towards at least beginning to repair our 
relations with the rest of the world, and the improvement of our 
relations with our traditional allies beyond the British is a 
prerequisite to securing their help on Iraq.
  Madam Speaker, I call on my colleagues to support this resolution 
today, as the beginning of this Chamber's efforts to protect our troops 
and bring our country's involvement in this war to an end.
  Mr. SAM JOHNSON of Texas. Madam Speaker, in closing, we have heard a 
lot of excellent presentation points today. I might just clarify the 
fact that the study group did recommend a surge in one part, and the 
President has eliminated the rules of engagement that we had laid on 
our troops over there, so we have a way to make this thing really 
happen.
  I really want to know, if the Democrats insist they are supporting 
our troops, why they would not let me introduce my measure that 
mandates that Congress would support and fully fund the men and women 
in uniform.
  I am positive that Democrats will attempt to cut funding as soon as 
the spending bills come up this spring, and maybe earlier, because 
there was a press conference earlier today that indicated exactly that.

                              {time}  1530

  I fear what that means for our troops on the ground, for their 
morale. The reality is that President Bush realized he needed to change 
the course in Iraq, and that is why he worked with folks on the ground 
in Iraq to hear fresh ideas and came up with a new plan.
  The President wants change and that is why he changed the rules of 
engagement, enabling our guys to shoot at any suspected terrorists. The 
President wants change. That is why he removed political protections of 
all insurgents, so all of the bad guys could be brought to justice 
regardless of who they knew or who they worked for.
  These ideas are huge breakthroughs and real solutions. These ideas 
represent fresh starts and new plans. What

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is the Democratic plan to move forward and win? They do not have one. 
Thirty-six hours of political grandstanding, nonbinding resolutions and 
petty posturing, they are not proposing solutions. They are not even 
encouraging new ideas. In fact, they stop them like when they squashed 
my amendment.
  Many hope that the troop surge is the beginning of the end. We should 
all want that if it gets the job done. Yet the Democrats just say no. 
You know, the time will come when you can put the money behind these 
nonbinding resolutions. You better believe we will be watching and 
calling for those funding cuts loud and clear. America needs to know, 
cutting funds for our troops in harm's way is not a remedy. It is a 
ruse.
  Madam Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time, and yield the 
balance of my time to the next moderator, Mr. Saxton.
  Mr. ENGEL. Madam Speaker, I now yield to another one of our rising 
freshman stars, the gentleman from Maryland, Representative John 
Sarbanes, 5 minutes.
  Mr. SARBANES. Madam Speaker, the resolution we are debating today is 
simple and direct. It declares strong support for our troops on the 
ground in Iraq and opposition to the President's decision to send an 
additional 21,000 men and women into harm's way. I wholeheartedly 
endorse the resolution and pray that the President will heed its call.
  Most agree now that it was a mistake to invade Iraq. Hearings in the 
Senate and the House are stripping away the last thin veneers of 
justification for that fateful decision. They are offering compelling 
evidence that the administration sacrificed wisdom, judgment, and 
conscience in favor of shock and awe.
  Many of us sense a similar impulse at work in this administration's 
dealings with Iran. Let us serve notice, this Congress will not allow 
the administration to pursue yet another ill-fated mission. Madam 
Speaker, bringing our troops home from Iraq is no longer a whispered 
prayer; it is now the clarion call of the American people.
  One year ago those proposing a new direction in Iraq were labeled as 
unpatriotic and marginalized in the national discourse. But we have 
come a long way. Elections do matter. On November 7, the people in my 
district in Maryland and across the Nation sent a strong message.
  The next day Secretary Rumsfeld resigned. Shortly thereafter the Iraq 
Study Group issued its report sharply criticizing the war. And in the 
next few days the United States House of Representatives will pass this 
resolution signaling stiff opposition to the administration's proposal 
for a troop surge in Iraq.
  To those patriotic Americans who have been relentless in their call 
for an end to the war, know this: collective voice has been heard. In 
my home State of Maryland, nearly 400 men and woman have died or been 
wounded in Iraq.
  Two days ago, one of my constituents reminded me that the war is no 
longer being measured in time, but in lives. To the families who have 
sacrificed so much and who have suffered the ultimate loss, do not fear 
for a moment that a change in our policy in Iraq, that the effort to 
stop the escalation and begin drawing down our troops in any way 
dilutes the value this country places on the service of your loved 
ones.
  History will treat harshly those policymakers at the highest levels 
who let ideology trump sound and informed judgment. It will fairly 
criticize politicians who have exploited this war for partisan gain. 
But it will reserve only pride and lasting gratitude for the sacrifice 
of our men and women in uniform amidst this sad tale of bungled 
intelligence and ill-advised policy. They alone are untarnished.
  Madam Speaker, I have never been to the war. Never kissed my wife and 
children goodbye, wondering whether I will ever see them again. Far 
from the harsh reality in Iraq, I am blessed with the sweet ebb and 
flow of life's daily routines.
  But like many Americans who witness our soldiers dutifully pushing 
forward every day under impossible circumstances, I am ill at ease. I 
know that the current policy in Iraq will only lead to more pain for 
many families and for our country.
  Madam Speaker, the American people are tired, they are tired of 
rhetoric, they are tired of promises to put politics and partisanship 
aside when all they see is bickering and recrimination. Let's give them 
hope. Let's send a powerful message contained in this resolution, but 
let's not stop there.
  Let all of us, the President, the House, the Senate, have the decency 
and dignity of purpose to put differences aside and work every day, 
beginning this day, to bring our troops home to their families, to 
their communities, and to a Nation that stands humbled by their 
sacrifice
  Mr. SAXTON. Madam Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the gentleman from 
Arizona (Mr. Flake).
  Mr. FLAKE. I thank the gentleman for yielding.
  Madam Speaker, I rise today in opposition to the resolution before 
us. I wish I could do so with the type of certainty that seems to 
motivate many of my colleagues on the issue. But such resolute 
certainty escapes me. I do not have a military background. In fact, few 
of us debating this resolution do.
  But each of us can find generals or former generals who will support 
virtually every option we wish to put on the table. In the end, as 
legislators, we are left with our own council. Hopefully, such council 
is informed by briefings, hearings, meetings, and visits to the region.
  But we cannot and should not try to place ourselves in the position 
of Commander in Chief. Our system of government wisely gives that role 
to the Chief Executive.
  This is not to say, however, that we should not be having this 
discussion. Some have said that simply debating this resolution 
emboldens our enemies. Perhaps they are right, but we would not suspend 
due process in this country because it might embolden criminals. It is 
a price we are willing to pay.
  Likewise, debating the merits of war is what democratic nations do. 
My own thoughts on the situation in Iraq are as follows: I have little 
confidence that a surge in troop levels will change the situation in 
Iraq in any substantive fashion. It seems clear that the violence in 
Iraq is increasingly sectarian, and inserting more troops in this 
atmosphere is unlikely to improve matters very much.
  Without a more sincere commitment to step up to the plate from the 
Iraqi Government, we are unlikely to make significant progress. But 
when all is said and done, we have a Commander in Chief whom we have 
authorized to go to war.
  Inserting ourselves as legislators into the chain of command by 
passing a resolution, nonbinding though it may be, that questions the 
President's decision to conduct a mission that is clearly already under 
way strikes me as folly.
  I urge my colleagues to vote ``no'' on the resolution.
  Mr. ENGEL. Madam Speaker, it is my pleasure to again introduce one of 
our freshman rising stars, Steve Kagen of Wisconsin. I yield 5 minutes 
to him.
  Mr. KAGEN. Madam Speaker, my name is Dr. Steve Kagen. I am from 
Appleton, Wisconsin, and during the past 30 years I have cared for 
thousands of military veterans as their physician.
  The resolution under consideration today and voted on tomorrow will 
answer these questions: What kind of Nation are we? In which direction 
shall we move? During these past several days we have all benefited 
from listening to hundreds of points of view from our elected 
representatives from every region of this great country on our ongoing 
involvement in Iraq.
  During these past several months, I have been listening to the people 
who sent me here from northeast Wisconsin, people a lot like you, 
fiscally responsible and socially progressive, the citizens of 
northeast Wisconsin.
  People in Wisconsin, like many elsewhere, voted for a positive change 
and a new direction. The new congressional

[[Page 4284]]

class of 2006 has given us hope again. We are indeed not just in name 
but in spirit America's hope, and I am proud to be associated with 
these talented individuals.
  I rise today in support of our troops and their families and to 
encourage all of you to support this resolution. For it is the first 
step in bringing an end to our costly involvement in a senseless civil 
war between the Sunni and Shiite people.
  Like every American, I strongly support our troops, but I cannot 
support the President's poor judgment in promoting violence instead of 
diplomacy. The President has been wrong in every decision he has made 
in Iraq.
  Indeed, on four separate occasions, prior escalations have failed. 
And his current plan makes no sense even to the generals who understand 
it most.
  The reality is this, it was poor judgment that took us to war in the 
first place. It is time to take a different course. For the path we are 
on now is morally unacceptable. And here are the facts: more than 
650,000 Iraq civilians dead; over 3,000 American heroes gone forever; 
over 20,000 of our troops maimed for life, many with scars we will 
never see, at an economic cost that may rise above $2 trillion.
  Make no mistake, we must do whatever it takes to defend America and 
keep hostilities from our shores. But what we need now is a tough and 
smart national defense policy. It is time now to get the smart part 
right.
  This resolution has been criticized on both sides. Some say it is not 
enough; some say it is too tough. But I am convinced it offers us the 
opportunity to ask these questions again: What kind of Nation are we, 
when a President takes us to war based on lies and deceptions, when our 
energy policy is decided behind closed doors, and when in our free 
elections not everyone's vote is counted?
  What kind of Nation will we be when all of our manufacturing jobs are 
taken overseas, when workers lose their rights to effective collective 
bargaining, and when our government closes its eyes to global warming? 
What kind of Nation are we and in which direction shall we move? Let's 
begin now to work together and take a different path, a path where 
people come first ahead of political parties, ahead of profit and loss 
statements, ahead of politics of fear. When we put people ahead of 
political calculations, we will begin to see a different world. We will 
see that we must begin to solve our differences by means other than 
going to war. After all, war is our greatest human failure.
  This is not an idealistic sentiment, a realistic assessment of the 
chronicle of horrors witnessed every day in Iraq, and even our own 
experiences here at home, in New York City, in Virginia, in 
Pennsylvania, in Oklahoma City.
  We must teach our children and our leaders alike that in the end 
diplomacy defeats violence. We must begin to think differently in 
America as we establish a new direction for hope in the world and a new 
beginning for our American era. By working together we will build a 
better future for all of us, beginning right here and right now.
  Like the new congressional class of 2006, America's hope, I strongly 
support our troops, but not the President's failed policy. I encourage 
all of my colleagues to join the class of 2006 and vote ``yes'' on this 
important resolution. Join us. Be part of America's hope.
  Mr. SAXTON. Madam Speaker, I yield 5 minutes to the gentleman from 
California (Mr. Nunes).
  Mr. NUNES. Madam Speaker, I rise today in opposition to this 
intellectually dishonest resolution. I do so in order to challenge the 
majority party to put their legislating where their mouths have been. 
The endless criticism to the war in Iraq is clouded by political 
opportunism and has done little or nothing to improve our chances of 
victory.
  We need an honest debate. We need answers from those who support this 
resolution. What is next? What is your plan? It should come as no 
surprise that the resolution we are debating today says very little. 
There are less than 100 words. And while the rhetoric has been flying 
during the debate, it seems to me that the new Democratic majority is 
hoping to avoid debate in which they might have to defend their plan in 
Iraq.
  What we have here is nothing more than a political exercise, a 
nonbinding resolution, words with no meaning. Make no mistake, their 
opposition to the President's plan is political. There is no 
constructive criticism here. Read their resolution.
  Iraq is the battleground, Madam Speaker, a key battleground against 
extremism, terrorism and the expansionist goals of our enemies.

                              {time}  1545

  If we fail, Iraq will be a hotbed of radical Islamic activity, a 
pivotal safe haven, a base from which to plan and fund attacks against 
us.
  Madam Speaker, how is the danger associated with defeat in Iraq not 
clear? I ask my colleagues, what evidence do you need? Have you 
listened to the words of our enemies? Must we have more casualties in 
American cities before you accept the nature of this global threat? How 
quickly we forget, Madam Speaker.
  I urge my colleagues to listen carefully to the words of Osama bin 
Laden. Last year, bin Laden said, ``Iraq is the focal point of the war 
on terror. The most important and serious issue today for the whole 
world is this Third World War. It is raging in Iraq. The world's 
millstone and pillar is in Baghdad, the capital of the caliphate.'' 
Another one, ``Jihad against America will continue. Jihad against 
America will continue economically and militarily. By the grace of 
Allah, America is in retreat. But more attacks are required.''
  Madam Speaker, Osama bin Laden, as well as other Islamic extremists 
around the world, view the conflict in Iraq as the central battleground 
in their ideological struggle.
  Make no mistake, we are at war, and it is about time that some of our 
members of our government figured it out.
  Someday soon, the Representatives who are supporting this resolution 
will have to explain to the voters what they have done to make us safer 
at home and abroad. Since this resolution does nothing more than 
embolden our enemies, demoralize our troops, and send mixed messages to 
our allies, they will have a difficult task before them.
  Today, unfortunately, we won't hear much about the Democrat plan for 
Iraq. We will, instead, hear a lot about failure and defeat. We might 
even hear a conspiracy theory or two. And, of course, we will hear a 
lot of political posturing.
  But Madam Speaker, the American people deserve to know the truth. 
What happens next, Madam Speaker, to those who believe the President is 
wrong, to those who believe we rushed to war, to those who can't get 
beyond our national intelligence failures and, instead, persist on 
conspiracy theories? Tell us, what is next? What is your plan to 
protect the American people?
  Madam Speaker, I demand answers from the authors of this resolution. 
The American people have a right to know. Is your plan to simply stand 
aside and allow an ideology of hate to consume the Middle East?
  I implore my colleagues, if you won't heed the warnings of our 
military and intelligence organizations, listen to al Qaeda's own 
words. They are speaking directly to you.
  This is from Deputy leader al-Zawahiri recently. ``I wish to talk to 
the Democrats in America. You aren't the ones who won the midterm 
elections, nor are the Republicans the ones who lost; rather, the 
Mujahadin are the ones who won and the American forces and their allies 
lost.''
  I ask my colleagues, how can you offer this resolution, knowing the 
enemy we face? Do you really have nothing to offer the American people 
but this? Is this resolution the best effort of the new Democrat 
majority in response to our challenge in Iraq?
  Madam Speaker, we should have an honest debate about Iraq. And my 
friends who are convinced that the war is wrong need to be accountable 
for failing to say what is right.
  In closing, I want to say how proud I am of the men and women who are 
fighting for our freedom and security

[[Page 4285]]

all over the world. They don't deserve what we are doing to them today. 
This resolution is a sham. It is nothing more than political 
grandstanding, and it is feeding the propaganda machine of our enemy.
  I have been to Iraq. I have seen the efforts of our soldiers 
firsthand. They want to win. They have seen the face of the enemy and I 
can assure you they are committed to winning. If you are committed to 
winning, vote ``no'' on this resolution.
  Mr. ENGEL. Madam Speaker, I now yield 5 minutes to Representative 
Mike Arcuri of New York, another rising star from my home State.
  Mr. ARCURI. Madam Speaker, Americans are outraged with the present 
course in Iraq. Here we are more than 4 years later with 3,100 of our 
brave men and women killed, fighting a war that has cost our Nation 
$370 billion.
  It has become overwhelmingly clear that the current strategy to 
secure the peace of Iraq is failing. And yet the administration 
contends that sending more combat troops into Iraq is somehow a silver 
bullet that is going to quell the ongoing violence. I couldn't disagree 
more.
  The resolution before us today establishes two overwhelmingly clear 
and concise principles that are supported by a large majority of 
Americans, and I am confident will garner a great deal of support for 
many of my colleagues on the other side of the aisle.
  First and foremost, we support our brave service men and women. They 
have done everything that has been asked of them, bravely and 
honorably; and for that, we in Congress and the people all over America 
will be forever grateful.
  Second, and simply, we oppose sending additional troops into Iraq.
  Madam Speaker, during this debate some of my colleagues have used the 
term ``victory'' in their remarks. Victory. But no one, not one of my 
colleagues in this Chamber, nor anyone in this administration, has yet 
to clearly define what victory in Iraq really means.
  At one point we were told victory meant getting rid of weapons of 
mass destruction. Then, of course, we learned there were no weapons of 
mass destruction. When that didn't work, we were told victory meant 
toppling a dictator, and that we would be greeted as heroes. We toppled 
the dictator, but of course we were never greeted as heroes. And yet, 
still no victory.
  The administration then told us establishing elections would 
constitute victory. There have been several elections in Iraq, yet 
still no victory. And all the while, the casualties have continued to 
rise.
  Earlier this week, I had an opportunity, for the first time, to visit 
with wounded soldiers recovering at Walter Reed Army Medical Hospital. 
Seeing firsthand the devastating injuries that some of our brave 
soldiers have endured has troubled me in a way that I have not known 
before. As an American who loves his country very much, and as a father 
of two teenagers, it became crystal clear to me right then and there 
what exactly victory in Iraq means. I think victory in Iraq means 
bringing as many of our troops home alive as possible, the way I would 
want to see my two children brought home, if they were in Iraq. That is 
what victory is about, is bringing as many Americans home alive as we 
possibly can.
  Madam Speaker, my colleagues on the other side of the aisle had the 
better part of 3 years to use their position in the majority to change 
the course in Iraq. They did nothing. No resolutions; few, if any 
hearings; and no accountability. How many more American lives are worth 
risking to continue an ill-conceived and poorly planned strategy that 
is clearly not working?
  The American people answered that question last November. They have 
had enough, enough political rhetoric, enough stay the course, and most 
importantly, enough of the loss of life.
  Some of my colleagues are trying to mischaracterize this resolution. 
They say this resolution somehow demonstrates a failure to support our 
troops. That is ridiculous.
  Let me be clear, perfectly clear. Everyone in this Chamber, 
Republicans and Democrats alike, support our brave men and women 
serving in the Armed Forces. Simply because we believe the best way to 
support our troops is to bring them home does not mean that we don't 
stand behind them. In fact, I think it means a greater commitment of 
support to them.
  Madam Speaker, I was not elected to blindly follow along. I was not 
elected to accept the status quo, and I was not elected to be a rubber 
stamp. I was, however, elected to stand up when necessary and say no, I 
disagree. And that is exactly what we are doing here today, we are 
standing and saying we disagree.
  The American people have run out of hope. They are tired of the 
failed policies of this administration. It is time for a new approach. 
It is time for a new strategy, and it is time for a new direction
  Mr. SAXTON. Madam Speaker, I yield 5 minutes to the gentleman from 
Roanoke, VA (Mr. Goodlatte).
  Mr. GOODLATTE. Madam Speaker, I rise in opposition to the nonbinding 
resolution being offered by the majority which, despite the rhetoric, 
amounts to nothing more than a vote to maintain the status quo in Iraq.
  This resolution offers no change from the recent course of events in 
Iraq. It does not take into consideration the recommendations of the 
bipartisan Iraq Study Group. It does not require the Iraqi people and 
their elected leaders to step up and take responsibility for their own 
future. It certainly does not set any benchmark that must be met by the 
Iraqis. Most importantly, passage of this nonbinding resolution does 
not protect the funding of our troops in Iraq and, according to many 
Democrats, it is likely the first step in cutting off that funding 
altogether.
  Madam Speaker, we have spent 3 days debating a resolution that does 
nothing more than serve as a vote of no confidence in the brave men and 
women who are fighting for freedom and democracy in Iraq. Not only is 
this resolution discouraging to our commanders and forces, it will fuel 
the efforts of our enemies who are determined to spread terror and 
suppress freedom.
  Despite numerous attacks by terrorists on U.S. military and 
diplomatic targets throughout the 1990s, Americans on September 11, 
2001 awoke to the painful realization that we are engaged in a long-
term global war with terrorists, an international campaign to combat an 
ideology that spreads hate and destruction.
  Iraq is now the central front in this global war. Success in bringing 
about a stable and democratic Iraq in the heart of the Middle East is a 
goal that I believe we all share.
  While the difficulties cannot be minimized, neither can the 
consequences of failure and withdrawal. If we fail, the resources now 
devoted by terrorist organizations and nations sponsoring terrorism in 
Iraq will be turned to spreading terror around the globe including, 
again, on American soil. Do not embolden them with this resolution.
  The United States and our allies, in fact, all freedom-loving 
peoples, need to support the popularly elected Iraqi Government in 
establishing control over their country and providing a stable 
environment for the Iraqi people and our troops as they assist in this 
process. Together, we have made significant progress, despite numerous 
obstacles.
  Iraqis made history when they turned out in record numbers, despite 
increased violence, to vote in the first free elections in over 50 
years. Millions of Iraqis waved their purple-tipped fingers with pride 
as they came out of the voting stations, a message to the world that 
they chose freedom.
  The President is the Commander in Chief and has the authority to make 
decisions about the best way to accomplish our goals in Iraq. He has 
initiated changes to our course in Iraq.
  However, today we will not be voting for change. We will not be 
voting for a comprehensive review of our strategy in Iraq. It is too 
bad that when we all have concerns about how best to achieve success in 
Iraq, the Democratic leadership has brought this polarizing and 
political resolution to the floor to

[[Page 4286]]

divide us, rather than unite us, on the most serious question facing 
the country today.
  For this reason, I urge my colleagues to vote against this nonbinding 
resolution, which lacks any substance. I remind my colleagues that a 
``no'' vote on this resolution is certainly not a rubber stamp for the 
President's troop surge.
  While I continue to support the mission in Iraq, I think it is clear 
that the administration's efforts to achieve the mission have not been 
flawless. But a vote against this resolution is a clear vote to support 
our commanders and troops and all those who have lost their lives 
spreading freedom to the people of Iraq.
  I believe that more should be done to press the now established Iraqi 
Government and U.S.-trained Iraqi military to take the lead. I believe 
more can be done on the diplomatic front to engage the countries of the 
Middle East to help.
  But unfortunately, no such resolution offering concrete evidence has 
been allowed, and this hollow process has resulted in a hollow 
resolution.
  I urge my colleagues to vote ``no.''
  Mr. ENGEL. Madam Speaker, it is my pleasure to yield 5 minutes to a 
great new member of our Foreign Affairs Committee, Mr. Albio Sires of 
New Jersey.
  Mr. SIRES. Madam Speaker, I rise today in support of this resolution 
on behalf of the 32,000 men and women from my State of New Jersey, and 
all the other servicemen and women that have been deployed since 9/11. 
I am so proud of their sacrifice and service to our Nation, and I will 
continue and always support them. After all, I am standing in front of 
you as a product of the sacrifices our soldiers have made in the name 
of liberty and freedom throughout the history of this country.
  I also rise on behalf of my constituents, the people of New Jersey, 
and the people of this Nation whose tax dollars are paying for this war 
in Iraq. Since the beginning of the war, $379 billion has been 
appropriated. Another $235 billion is slated for the upcoming 
supplemental appropriations. We are currently spending $8 billion a 
month in Iraq, and the American people are footing the bill.
  All this money could have been used to declare war on some of our 
domestic problems here at home such as poverty, improving our schools, 
ensuring access to health care and investing in affordable housing. 
This money could have been used to invest in our children, our family, 
our veterans, and especially our elderly. But it wasn't.
  Instead, American taxpayers have also committed more than $38 billion 
to Iraq reconstruction. About 33 percent of this money is targeted for 
infrastructure projects like roads, sanitation, water, electric power 
and oil production. However, I am concerned that only 25 percent of the 
Iraqi population has access to drinkable water.

                              {time}  1600

  I am concerned that of the 136 sanitation and water projects, only 49 
are said to be completed. I am concerned that the residents of Baghdad 
only have 4\1/2\ hours of electricity per day. And I am concerned that 
the current oil production in Iraq is half of what it was prior to the 
war.
  Since the reconstruction project started, the Coalition Provisional 
Authority can't account for almost $9 billion of the taxpayers' money. 
Every year, $4 billion has been lost because of lack of oversight.
  There have also been many problems with poor project and quality 
management. For example, the Baghdad Police College cost $75 million, 
and it was built without the proper plumbing for waste water. It has 
become a health and a structural hazard. The Basrah Children's Hospital 
is running $48 million over budget and is a year behind schedule. And 
after spending $186 million, Parsons has only 6 of the 150 planned 
health care centers completed and only 14 more will be finished. The 
list goes on and on.
  Madam Speaker, the Iraqi Government says $100 billion is needed over 
the next 4 years to rebuild the country's infrastructure. Madam 
Speaker, the Iraqi Government seems to think they have open access to 
U.S. dollars. The Iraqi Government and the Iraqi people must take 
responsibility and help rebuild their country. Our support is not open-
ended, and neither are our tax dollars.
  Madam Speaker, I support this resolution and this debate because our 
troops and our constituents can no longer afford to have this Congress 
support the administration's failed Iraqi policies. They failed to give 
us the necessary oversight for Iraq reconstruction efforts, they failed 
to listen to the advice of the military commanders, they failed to 
listen to the American people, and, as a result, they failed to provide 
a plan to success in Iraq.
  Mr. SAXTON. Madam Speaker, I would like to yield 4 minutes to the 
gentleman from York, PA (Mr. Platts).
  Mr. PLATTS. I thank the gentleman for yielding.
  Madam Speaker, I want to first take this opportunity to express my 
heartfelt gratitude and deep respect for our troops and civilians 
serving in harm's way. I have had the privilege of visiting our troops 
in Iraq on four occasions and Afghanistan twice, and they and their 
families are truly the heroes in America.
  I rise today in opposition to this resolution, a resolution that 
seeks to maintain the status quo, in essence, to stay the course, a 
scenario that everyone agrees is unacceptable. This resolution offers 
no alternative strategy.
  As we consider the challenges in Iraq, we need to remember and learn 
from the lessons of Afghanistan. In the 1980s, we supported the people 
of Afghanistan in defeating the Soviets, helping throw the Soviets out 
of that country. In 1989, when that happened, what did we do? We walked 
away. We did not finish the job. We did not help the people of 
Afghanistan to stand up a secure and stable government. Instead, we 
walked away. Who filled the vacuum? The Taliban, and ultimately al 
Qaeda, a safe haven for them to plan attacks against America and its 
interests.
  In 1989, I imagine that few Americans believed that what went on in 
the mountains of Afghanistan would impact the lives of Americans here 
at home. On September 11, 2001, in a tragic fashion we learned that 
that was the case, that what went on in Afghanistan mattered here at 
home. We cannot afford to make the same mistake now in Iraq, to allow 
Iraq to become a safe haven for al Qaeda and other enemies of our 
Nation and our citizens.
  The Iraq Study Group offered a comprehensive approach to the 
challenges of Iraq. It included political, diplomatic, and military 
options. As part of the military proposal, it dismissed increasing our 
troop levels by 100,000 to 200,000 troops, saying it was not feasible 
and would lend to the argument of an occupation.
  However, the Iraq Study Group did support more limited troop 
reinforcements. And I quote from the Iraq Study Group report: ``We 
could, however, support a short-term deployment or a surge of American 
combat forces to stabilize Baghdad or to speed up the training and 
equipping mission if the United States commander in Iraq determined 
that such steps would be effective.''
  The report goes on to dismiss the idea of an immediate withdrawal. 
Well, our commander in Iraq today, General Petraeus, an individual 
confirmed unanimously by the United States Senate, is on record 
supporting the need for these additional reinforcements.
  Ultimately, the key to long-term success in Iraq is the Iraqi people 
themselves. They need to show the ability and the will to stand up and 
secure their emerging democracy. Having liberated Iraq from a regime of 
terror and torture, our role today is to assist the Iraqis in achieving 
a stable and secure nation. This reinforcement effort is part of that 
effort, along with regional diplomatic efforts and internal Iraqi 
political reconciliation efforts. We are now in the role of helping the 
Iraqis help themselves. We cannot forget the lessons of Afghanistan and 
walk away.
  I urge a ``no'' vote.

[[Page 4287]]


  Mr. ENGEL. Mr. Speaker, it is now my pleasure to yield 5 minutes to 
another great new freshman, Representative Zack Space of Ohio.
  Mr. SPACE. Mr. Speaker, I rise today to share with you my belief that 
we, as a people, are at a crossroads unlike any in our history. We have 
seen our manufacturing-based economy assaulted by the forces of 
globalization, the challenges of the ensuing revolution and energy 
production squarely upon us, and we are at the dawning of a new 
understanding, the fragileness of our environment. All of these things 
are, in their own right, seminal concerns of a profound scale, but in 
spite of the gravity and import of these issues, there is perhaps no 
more compelling matter before us than that of the war in Iraq.
  My colleagues on both sides of the aisle are distressed by the tragic 
turns that this war has taken. I do not, at this moment, nor do my 
colleagues, I presume, wish to draw upon the motivations or lack of 
candor exhibited by our President in letting slip the dogs of war. But 
I do long for leadership, leadership seasoned and honest enough to 
admit when a mistake has been made, leadership that has a vision for 
the future, leadership able to meld the inherent wisdom of man with the 
realities of the modern world.
  Under our form of government, it is the President who is singularly 
endowed with this leadership; yet at this critical historical moment, 
our call for leadership and inspiration has been unmet. As a result, 
Mr. Speaker, I today voice my opposition to the President's plan to 
deploy additional troops to Iraq.
  The crisis that Iraq has become will not be resolved merely with 
more, more, more, more troops, more tours and deployment extensions, 
more injuries, more deaths. Simply providing more without a blueprint 
is not enough. Without a clear plan and a clear objective, a troop 
increase will not help our Iraq policy. In fact, it will only deepen 
the disaster that Iraq has become.
  I do not utter these thoughts lightly. I share these sentiments, 
knowing that all of the people that I represent will not necessarily 
agree with me. I fear that my remarks will be misconstrued as 
reflecting something less than a full commitment to the brave men and 
women who have served or are serving their country in uniform, or to 
those heroes who have given their very lives for this cause.
  Let there be no mistake, Mr. Speaker, I have at the very heart of my 
motivation for these remarks a sincere appreciation for the sacrifice 
of our brothers and sisters who have been dispatched to fight this war. 
They, and their families by extension, have been called into action 
under trying circumstances, and I am profoundly moved by their sense of 
courage and dedication to country. In fact, it is my admiration and 
respect for our brave warriors that motivate my decision to express my 
dissatisfaction with the President's plan to subject more of them to 
the ravages of war.
  To date, over 3,000 Americans have fallen in this war. All of them 
loved their country enough to place themselves in harm's way in her 
defense. All of them left behind their families, who will never stop 
grieving. All of them have been deprived of the pleasures and 
privileges of a full life, just as we who remain have been deprived of 
the contributions to our society that each would have given.
  Fifteen young men from Ohio's district have died in this war, all of 
them were loved dearly. They are fathers, sons, brothers, and husbands. 
Ohio's 18th is exclusively rural in makeup, dotted by one small town 
and village after another. Our people are decent, hardworking, and 
imbued with a strong sense of personal responsibility. Our community is 
close knit and supportive. The death of each one of these brave 
soldiers was met with a deep sense of communal grief.
  This resolution stresses a message that many believed in. We support 
our troops, we support their commitment to and sacrifice for our 
Nation, we support their families and those of the fallen in their 
silent and eternal heartache. We cannot fully understand their pain, 
but perhaps we can learn from it.
  Mr. Speaker, I cannot support a troop surge without real answers as 
to how it will bring success in Iraq. I cannot support escalation 
without regard to diplomacy, without regard to the political realities 
of the region, and without regard to the underlying dynamics of this 
conflict.
  There is an unspoken pledge between a soldier of war and the 
mechanisms of power. That warrior unquestioningly serves, defends and, 
if need be, dies. In consideration, he expects his government to only 
place him in harm's way when need be, and only through a painstakingly 
thought-out plan for victory.
  Our troops have fulfilled their pledge to our country. It is time 
that our country fulfill its pledge to our troops.
  Mr. SAXTON. Mr. Speaker, at this time I would like to yield 3 minutes 
to the gentleman from Nevada (Mr. Heller).
  Mr. HELLER of Nevada. Thank you for the time.
  Mr. Speaker, I rise today to talk about the issue before us, the war 
in Iraq.
  In this past year, the American people clearly demanded change. I am 
new to this body, but I know Nevadans wanted me to help institute 
changes in the direction of this country.
  As we debate this resolution, I really have to wonder if we have 
heard the American people. This resolution brought forth by the 
majority says two conflicting things: we are opposed to the war in 
Iraq, but we are for staying the course. These two positions are 
irreconcilable.
  As I watch this debate, I have not seen any proposals for change. 
What we are debating today is the same as what has been debated in the 
past. We stand here in this body controlled by a new majority who 
campaigned on instituting change, claimed to be the party of change, 
and has control of the gavel in both Houses of Congress. Instead of 
offering a path to victory, they are playing politics.
  My question is, what does this vote actually accomplish? Does it 
implement new ideas to win the war in Iraq? Will our country be safer 
because of this resolution? Does it enable our troops to fight more 
effectively by giving them the supplies that they need? The answer to 
these questions is a simple ``no.''
  As a newly elected Member, I came here to find solutions to our 
country's problems. To that end, I am supporting legislation to 
institute benchmarks. I am supporting legislation that will make our 
troops and their needs fully funded. I support diplomacy and making the 
Iraqi Government more accountable.
  The message that I want to send on our troop is, I am with you, and 
you can count on me.

                              {time}  1615

  Because, really, we are counting on them.
  Mr. Speaker, why can't we be for something today, an actual 
alternative, instead of debating a nonbinding resolution that tells our 
soldiers we don't support your mission? Our enemies believe America is 
weak and their propaganda says the United States is losing the war 
against terrorism.
  Osama bin Laden's deputy and terrorist network have stated that Iraq 
is the central front in their fight against American and Western 
ideals. Iraq is the central front to push their radical ideology of 
hate and intolerance. These are the real bad guys. These are the people 
we should be focusing our attention on, not tearing down our leaders, 
commanders and brave soldiers in the field. The reality is the 
terrorists are determined to kill Americans, wherever we may be. 
Therefore, we must take the fight to them.
  The fact is, this resolution only strengthens our enemies and does 
nothing to solve or address any of the national security issues facing 
our country. The stakes are high in Iraq. Nothing less than our very 
safety and survival is at issue. Nothing less than the lives of the 
courageous members of our armed services are on the line. It is 
critical that we have a real debate on the issues and address these 
points.

[[Page 4288]]

  Let's, instead, together look for a new way forward, for a path to 
victory and for the best way to support our brave men and women 
overseas who are fighting to keep us safe. Let's instead focus on what 
we need to win this vital conflict, not a meaningless resolution, which 
is what we are offered here today.
  To paraphrase the late Charlie Norwood, a decorated war veteran, 
``The choice before us today is clear: either America or al Qaeda.''
  Mr. ENGEL. Mr. Speaker, I yield 5 minutes to a great new Member, the 
gentleman from New Hampshire (Mr. Hodes).
  Mr. HODES. Mr. Speaker, I come to the floor today to voice support 
for our troops, without reservation, and to oppose the administration's 
proposed escalation in Iraq.
  We are at a turning point in American history. This Congress will 
shortly vote on a bold, clear resolution, repudiating the 
administration's failed policy in Iraq, a fiasco which has weakened our 
security, threatened our military readiness, cost thousands of lives 
and wasted billions of dollars.
  I was elected to Congress from the great State of New Hampshire, 
promising return of congressional accountability and oversight. For the 
past 6 years, while Congress was under Republican control, only 12 
hearings were held on the Iraq war, but in the past 6 weeks this 
Congress has held 52 hearings.
  The evidence is clear that the American people and Congress were 
misled into the war in Iraq. No weapons of mass destruction, no links 
between Saddam Hussein and al Qaeda, no imminent threat to our national 
security. Our resources, effort and attention were recklessly diverted 
from the war in Afghanistan, which I supported, and which continues to 
require our vigilance and commitment.
  This administration has now lost its credibility with the American 
people and with the world. To succeed in the Middle East, we must 
regain our moral compass and embrace a new direction in Iraq. The 
administration's stubborn arrogance and incompetence has magnified the 
chaos in Iraq.
  Our brave troops have done everything asked of them, but the 
administration's failures in planning postconflict reconstruction and 
its shocking incompetence in management have opened the Pandora's box 
of sectarian violence and civil war.
  Escalation has been tried before and it has failed before. The 
administration claims this escalation is different. The administration 
says there are benchmarks for the Iraqis, but what I have concluded 
from our hearings and briefings is that no firm benchmarks for the 
Iraqis have been set.
  Clearly, the administration intends to escalate, whether or not the 
Iraqis step up. And today it is reported that they plan to send our 
troops off to Iraq without up-armored Humvees. This is deja vu all over 
again, a lack of planning, combined with a lack of candor.
  Relying on a military force alone as a strategy continues the 
administration's one-legged-stool approach to foreign policy. Absent an 
Iraqi Government committed to forging a political solution to the 
country's woes and absent the infrastructure for jobs and 
reconstruction programs, the one-legged stool cannot stand. We have 
already lost billions in U.S. and Iraqi dollars to fraud, waste and 
abuse.
  Baghdad is a city of some 7 million people. In a city that size, an 
injection of 20,000 troops is too little too late. The administration 
talks of victory in Iraq. The word is meant to stir our patriotic 
fervor. But in this matter, it has, unfortunately, a sad and hollow 
ring.
  As a result of the administration's ineptitude, we are left making 
the best out of a bad situation. We owe it to our troops, the American 
people, and the Iraqis to act wisely and strategically. The 
administration talks tough. We must be tough, smart and fearless. That 
means a new direction in Iraq.
  Our first order should be to address the missing second leg of the 
stool. Replace the military surge with a diplomatic surge, convene a 
high-level team of special envoys, send them to the region, and send 
them there until the job is done.
  The third leg of the stool is economic. We need a real economic 
reconstruction program, but only on strict conditions that the Iraqi 
Government step up to quell the violence and engage in reconciliation 
and oil revenue-sharing.
  It is past time to remove our troops from the middle of this civil 
war, redeploy them strategically in the region to give pause to our 
foes and send the troops we need to Afghanistan where they can support 
the government and deal with the resurgent Taliban. Dealing with Iran 
is, of course, challenging; but harsh rhetoric and saber-rattling are 
counterproductive in the complex, destabilized Middle East.
  The true test of leadership is facing reality and having the good 
judgment and wisdom to adapt to the reality. By passing this 
resolution, we are sending the administration an unambiguous message: 
No more blank checks. We have had enough. It is time to face the 
reality in Iraq and develop a responsible and comprehensive strategy to 
protect American security in the region.
  Much has been asked of this country in the past, and the future will 
inevitably require sacrifice, but it does not require sending 20,000 
more American troops to Iraq. It does not require an escalation of this 
war. I urge my colleagues to support the resolution, and I oppose the 
administration's escalation of the war in Iraq.
  Mr. SAXTON. Mr. Speaker, I yield 5 minutes to the gentlelady from 
Cape Girardeau, Missouri (Mrs. Emerson).
  Mrs. EMERSON. Mr. Speaker, it literally breaks my heart to be here 
today. Young Americans from my district have gone to Iraq and we have 
lost some of our best, brightest soldiers. One of the finest men I ever 
met, who I had the privilege of appointing to West Point, lost his life 
in Iraq just last September. I feel responsible in part. We all are, in 
part.
  Very little has been asked of most Americans in this war, but too 
much has been asked of a very few.
  If anything comes from this debate, Mr. Speaker, I hope it is a 
consensus for our responsibilities in this conflict. This House is 
about different points of view, speech and debate, in an institution 
that belongs to the people.
  Our Nation is protected by the bravest of the brave, who leave their 
homes and families to stand guard on foreign shores. Some of them are 
the first in their families to wear the uniform of our country. Others 
have done so for generations.
  These young men and women hold dear connections to every town in 
America. We are wrapping the fallen in our flag. They deserve the best 
planning, the clearest execution, the utmost care in their deployments, 
and heroes' welcomes when they return.
  But it is not enough to give them parades. It is not enough to give 
amputees the best VA care. Nor is it enough to bury them well. We 
cannot allow their service to be undermined.
  Congress and the administration have been locked in a struggle to 
show the proper support very nearly from the beginning of this war. 
Personnel armor, communications equipment, vehicle kits, the things 
these Americans need, not for comfort but to preserve their lives amid 
danger, have in some cases been supplied by soldiers' families and 
others because the Department of Defense, which received $500 billion 
last year, has run out. Supply-chain issues abound. Training has been 
incomplete or insufficient for the new demands on our troops. I still 
cannot discern a clear articulation of the mission of these men and 
women in the field. I loathe revisiting these failures, but responsible 
representation demands we do so.
  Every American knows that America cannot do the work of Iraq's 
natural allies. We cannot supplant Iraq's neighbors who depend on the 
nation's viability for their own stability. We can be many things in 
Iraq, but we cannot be all things to Iraq.
  We can make good on our commitment to American troops serving in 
Iraq, and here is how: We can offer them the support of a robust 
American Diplomatic Corps to do jobs our soldiers should not have to do 
and to

[[Page 4289]]

avoid conflicts and enemies they should not have to engage.
  We can secure funds for Iraq that guarantee our soldiers have the 
gear and training they need to stay safe, and that means more than 
writing the taxpayers' check. That means diligent, scrutinizing 
oversight of how our money is spent.
  We can assure that the deployment of American troops is deliberate in 
every way.
  We can offset the engagement of American troops far from home with 
the engagement of Iraqi troops in their own cities and towns. We can 
speed this transition by immediately securing Iraq's borders, by 
providing aggressive training to Iraqi units and by lending our 
expertise to building Iraqi institutions in addition to building the 
Iraqi army. We can do these things, and we must.
  We can do much more than debate a nonbinding resolution, one that 
allows politics to creep into the question of support for our troops at 
a time when our support must be complete and it must be unquestioned.
  The liberation of Iraq means more than words and more than weapons. 
Liberation needs diplomacy, libraries, schools and economic stability, 
steady work and clean water, safe streets, as well as safe passage. The 
measures of this progress must be widely known and the planners of this 
war must be completely accountable.
  Every day we do not define the terms of progress, we lay a grave 
transgression at the feet of the mothers of the fallen, of the brothers 
of the killed, of the soldiers who were just far enough away from the 
IED that, when it exploded, they lost their limbs but not their lives.
  Mr. Speaker, I cannot lend my support to this resolution. It sets too 
poor a precedent in this Congress when our standards for action must be 
high. Words cannot replace deeds in support of our American troops.
  Mr. ENGEL. Mr. Speaker, I can't tell you how much pleasure it gives 
me to introduce our next speaker, who represents a district adjacent to 
mine. I am so delighted to have him in Congress, and I know his 
constituents are as well.
  I yield 5 minutes to the gentleman from New York (Mr. Hall).
  Mr. HALL of New York. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman.
  Mr. Speaker, I stand with the other members of my freshman class to 
support this important resolution. My election and those of my fellow 
freshman colleagues were an unmistakable signal from the American 
people. They believe the President's path in Iraq is wrong and they 
want new voices to produce change.
  Mr. Speaker, I am one of those voices, and today I rise to speak with 
the American people to oppose the President's escalation.
  The United States requires a new path in Iraq, a path that will 
deploy our troops out of Iraq; a path that will force the Iraqi 
Government to plan for its own defense; a path that will engage 
countries throughout the region and around the world to help stabilize 
and protect Iraq; and a path that will allow the United States military 
to rebuild and refocus on the important mission of destroying al Qaeda 
and defending America from the threat of international terrorism.
  Sadly, the escalation proposed by the President does none of these 
things. The President's plan continues down the same path we have 
traveled for the last 4 years. These years have taught us that U.S. 
military power alone is not sufficient to stabilize Iraq, yet it is the 
only tool this President employs.
  From the outset, this administration has been wrong. The 
administration led us into a war with flawed intelligence. That is one 
wrong. The administration went to war without a plan to win the peace. 
Two wrongs. This administration chose to protect Iraqi oil fields 
before securing the ammunition dumps throughout the country. Three 
wrongs. This administration sent our troops into harm's way without 
enough body armor or armored vehicles. Four wrongs. This administration 
gave no-bid contracts to its friends and political allies. That is five 
wrongs.

                              {time}  1630

  Years ago now, President Bush stood on the deck of the USS Abraham 
Lincoln before a banner declaring mission accomplished and said, 
``Major combat operations in Iraq have ended.'' That is six wrongs.
  Now, this administration wants us to blindly place our faith and the 
lives of 20,000 more of our troops in an Iraqi Government that has 
failed to meet every security obligation it has pledged. Sadly, once 
again, this President is wrong, and no amount of wrongs is going to 
make the President's policy towards Iraq right.
  It is time for a new kind of escalation on the diplomatic front. A 
stable Iraq is in the United States' interests and in the interests of 
Iraq's neighbors. However, the President has done next to nothing to 
gain the assistance of regional partners.
  Inside Iraq, the government must meet its promises to reach out 
beyond its base of support and unite the Iraqi people. Sending more 
troops into Iraq does nothing to push the Iraqi Government towards 
greater self-reliance. At a time when it is incumbent upon the Iraqi 
Government to step up and do more, why should we give them the 
opportunity to do less?
  This resolution is an important first step that voices loud and clear 
the message America sent last November, and it puts the President on 
notice that the Congress will no longer stand by and allow him to 
recklessly endanger American lives and security. If the President 
refuses to change course, this Congress will be forced to act.
  We will no longer allow him to send underequipped and underprepared 
units into combat. We will demand appropriate accounting standards and 
no longer allow billions of taxpayer dollars to disappear unaccounted 
for into the rabbit hole of Iraq. And we must not let our National 
Guard continue to be decimated by repeated and extended activation.
  I recently met a young man from my district who has been accepted at 
West Point and who will soon serve as a future leader in the United 
States Army. I want to ensure that when he graduates from West Point 
and accepts his commission, the Army he joins will not be decimated by 
the mistakes in Iraq.
  I also want to talk about the veterans of this war and the unique 
challenges they will face. I am proud and honored to be on the 
Veterans' Affairs Committee. I am proud that one of my first votes in 
Congress was to provide an increase in VA health care funding.
  Currently, there is a backlog of nearly 600,000 pending veterans 
claims at the VA. We must reduce this number so that all veterans can 
be better served. We must provide funding to better diagnose and treat 
post-traumatic stress disorder. I am appalled that during this time of 
war the administration would cut funding for research on prosthetic 
technologies that will let our wounded veterans lead more normal lives.
  My district is the home of West Point Military Academy and, as such, 
has a unique perspective on the war. The leaders that emerge from the 
halls of that institution are an invaluable resource for our Nation. 
Sadly, we have lost over 50 West Point graduates in Iraq and others in 
the services and throughout my district.
  My brother-in-law is a lieutenant colonel who works at West Point. My 
nephew is a cadet. The courage, devotion and conscientiousness of the 
men and women of the United States Military Academy embody the best of 
America.
  In the words of the sheriff of Putnam County, a retired brigadier 
general, one should never send our Armed Forces to do a job which is 
not militarily achievable.
  I support this resolution
  Mr. SAXTON. Mr. Speaker, I yield 4 minutes to the gentleman from 
Alaska (Mr. Young).
  Mr. YOUNG of Alaska. Mr. Speaker, I have listened to this debate on 
both sides of the aisle for the last 2 days, the third day in fact, and 
probably will listen to it tomorrow.
  I rise in opposition to H. Con. Res. 63, and I would like to make a 
quote: ``Congressmen who willfully take actions during wartime that 
damage morale and undermine the military are

[[Page 4290]]

saboteurs and should be arrested, exiled or hanged,'' Abraham Lincoln, 
who had the same problem this President had with a very unpopular war. 
The same problem with people trying to redirect the Commander in Chief; 
the same problem, if they had been successful, we would not have had 
the freedom of the people in this country.
  What I say today is for my daughters, my Joanie, my Dawn; my 
grandkids, Wyatt, Guy, James Duffy, Katie, Jessie, Don, Niky, Dougy and 
Don, Eric and all the rest of them I missed and I apologize, because 
what we are about to do tomorrow in voting for this resolution is 
beginning a slippery slope down the slide of not being able to provide 
the freedom and the position in this world this country has done for 
the last 90 years, beginning in 1916, 1917, in World War I, which my 
father fought in; in World War II, where five of my cousins were shot 
numerous times for freedom of the people and freedom of this country; 
and, yes, the Korean War, the time in which I was drafted.
  Fortunately or unfortunately, I did not serve, but my colleagues did. 
Each time we went there to make freedom, never once did the Congress in 
that role undermine the military or the Commander in Chief.
  Then we came to Vietnam, and we began to fight a war by the media, a 
war without allowing the troops to do the job they should have done, 
and in fact, we lost that war. And immediately after withdrawing, we 
saw what happened. Khymer Rouge killed 2 million people. People forget 
that. Two million heads were laying around, lolling around Cambodia. 
And then we had Grenada, which was very short and very sweet, and of 
the course, the Gulf War was 110 days. And now we come to the 
Afghanistan war and the Iraq war.
  I suggest to you this resolution will undermine and cause a morale 
disruption to our troops. Nowhere can you be in the field and 
understand the Congress of the United States now is not going to 
support them when they say they do, when they say they are going to cut 
their funding in the future.
  It is a slippery slope down this slide of not being the leaders of 
this Nation for freedom, and this is what I thought this country is 
about, freedom for each individual in this world and in our country. 
And to have this occur tomorrow on the 16th is a disservice to the 
future generations, the generations of Americans who will not have the 
opportunity to be in the greatest country in the world because of the 
action of this Congress.
  I urge a very, very strong ``no'' on H. Con. Res. 63.
  Mr. REYES. Mr. Speaker, it is now my privilege to yield 5 minutes to 
the gentleman from Pennsylvania (Mr. Carney).
  Mr. CARNEY. Mr. Speaker, I stand today as a proud veteran in support 
of this bipartisan resolution which states that Congress and the 
American people support our men and women in uniform, but do not 
support deploying over 21,000 additional troops to Iraq.
  I fear that President Bush's plan to increase troop levels is a 
mistake. Sending more troops will not reduce the violence. Indeed, in 
the past 2 years, we have had three surges to Iraq, only to see 
dramatic increases in violence. Why would we think a fourth surge will 
be different?
  Mr. Speaker, 21,000 troop is far less than a half measure of what is 
truly needed to secure Iraq, but the unfortunate reality is that we no 
longer have the troops available to do the job properly. Indeed, the 
Army's strategic reserve is used up. They told us so. We are now less 
able to respond in other trouble spots around the globe because of this 
failed policy.
  Why are we not matching our military surge with a diplomatic surge? 
Why are we not engaging every nation in the region to end this civil 
war?
  A superpower at war uses all means at its disposal to win, including 
diplomacy. Diplomacy is the only way for us to succeed now, and I urge 
the administration to launch a diplomatic offensive in the region.
  Our enemies are encouraged and emboldened by the successes that they 
have enjoyed already. We do not need to send 21,000 troops additional 
to reinforce this. Instead, we should be changing our focus. Rather 
than sending more American troops into combat, we should be training 
Iraqis to handle the job for themselves. For every Iraqi battalion we 
train, we need to bring an American battalion home.
  My district in northeastern and central Pennsylvania has many of its 
bravest men and women in harm's way. I am very proud of them, so are 
their families and their communities. Our district, sadly, has lost 22 
men in this war, brave troops who paid the ultimate sacrifice for their 
country. I rise today to honor them and also to stand up for the troops 
currently in combat.
  The stories I hear from soldiers who return home leave me concerned 
that the administration has not done enough to protect them. One of my 
own former students, a member of a Pennsylvania National Guard unit, 
told me how his unit had to scrounge through Iraqi junkyards for scrap 
metal to weld on to their trucks for more protection.
  Junkyards? Scrap metal? Where is the outrage that this administration 
has not given the troops the protection that they need? Where is the 
outrage that our fine men and women, whose job it is to protect our 
Nation, are scrounging through foreign junkyards for that protection?
  The troops have won the war, but the administration has failed to 
secure the peace. We must now pursue policies worthy of our troops and 
their sacrifices.
  Mr. Speaker, I came to Congress to serve and protect my country. That 
is why I rise in support of this resolution.
  In the Navy, when we run a ship aground, we change the course. It is 
now time to change the course in Iraq, not needlessly send more 
American troops in harm's way.
  Mr. SAXTON. Mr. Speaker, I yield 5 minutes to the gentleman from 
Mobile, Alabama (Mr. Bonner).
  Mr. BONNER. Mr. Speaker, as my colleagues and certainly the people 
from my home in south Alabama know, I do not often come to this floor, 
either to hear my own voice or to offer some prophetic words of wisdom 
on whatever the topic of the day happens to be.
  My father often taught me that you learn a lot more from listening 
than you do from talking. So in many ways, that is what I have been 
doing the past few days, listening to my colleagues and thinking about 
the consequences of the words that we are debating.
  After a lot of listening to a lot of words, however, I find myself 
compelled to come and say in the most direct way I know that I am 
opposed to this nonbinding resolution. Let me say that again for that 
is, after all, what we are talking about. This is a nonbinding 
resolution. It is nothing more than a few words on a piece of paper, 
and yet they are powerful words that have the potential of being 
demoralizing and possibly even destructive.
  Make no mistake that the resolution we are debating today does not 
have the force of law behind it. So for those of you who are watching 
at home, let us be clear. At a time when the President recognizes that 
the situation in Iraq is unacceptable and it is clear that we need to 
change our strategy, this resolution will not stop the deployment of a 
single soldier or marine to Iraq, nor will it bring a single soldier or 
marine home to their families or loved ones.
  More importantly, this resolution does not offer any alternative 
strategy. Nothing. Zip. It is silent with regard to our country's 
ongoing efforts in fighting the global war on terror. Instead, it is 
simply and unfortunately a method by which the House Democratic 
majority is seeking to send a message to the President of the United 
States.
  But let us not kid ourselves. The words spoken in this Chamber this 
week will travel much farther than the distance between this building, 
the Capitol, and where the President lives, the White House. In 
reality, these words will travel far beyond our shores, across the 
globe to the 140,000 men and women who are currently deployed in Iraq 
and engaged in but one part, admittedly an important part, of the 
global war on terror and the Islamic militant extremists we are 
fighting.
  I know we have heard Democrat after Democrat and a few Republicans, 
to be

[[Page 4291]]

fair, come to this floor and say, we support our troops and we support 
this resolution; but with all due respect, I find it totally 
inconsistent to say you support our troops and at the same time you 
support this resolution.
  How can we really expect our soldiers to have the will to succeed 
when this body as a whole does not have the resolve to stand by them 
and their mission? Do we think our troops do not listen to what is 
being said here in Washington and around the country? During my visits 
to Iraq, I found just the opposite to be the case.
  So while the underlying message of this resolution is intended for 
the President, it is only logical to ask who else might be listening. 
What about the families of these soldiers who are anxiously awaiting 
their safe return home. Make no mistake, they will hear this message 
loud and clear.
  And then there is the very real chance that the families of the 
thousands of Alabama National Guard members who have been deployed to 
Iraq and Afghanistan, as well as the families of all active and Reserve 
forces, will read the glaring subtext of this resolution and hear the 
people's House signaling that we will not be able to prevail in Iraq, 
the cause is lost, and their loved one's sacrifice is for naught.

                              {time}  1645

  Unfortunately, the words of this resolution will also travel to the 
ears of our enemies. And what could be better news for our enemies than 
that America is divided, an America that does not have the will to 
succeed.
  On this topic, let's look to the man who knows the enemy in Iraq 
better than anyone, General David Petraeus. You remember General 
Petraeus; he just received an overwhelming vote of confidence when he 
was unanimously confirmed by the United States Senate to command our 
forces in Iraq. At his confirmation hearing, General Petraeus was asked 
if a congressional resolution disapproving the deployment of additional 
troops would encourage the enemy. His response was direct and 
unequivocal. ``That is correct, sir.''
  Let me say that again. General Petraeus, our commander in the ground 
on Iraq, believes that a resolution disapproving the deployment of 
additional troops, which is what we are debating today, will encourage 
our enemy.
  He went on to say that this is a test of wills, and at the end of the 
day a commander in such an endeavor would obviously like the enemy to 
feel that there is no hope. But instead of saying there is no hope to 
the enemy, we are saying there is no hope to the American soldier and 
the American people.
  Let's not forget that our words as well as our actions do have 
consequences. Vote ``no'' on this resolution.
  Mr. REYES. Mr. Speaker, it is now my privilege to yield 5 minutes to 
the gentleman from Florida (Mr. Klein).
  Mr. KLEIN of Florida. Mr. Speaker, I stand here today in support of 
House Concurrent Resolution 63 which opposes the President's decision 
to deploy 21,000 additional U.S. combat troops to Iraq.
  I am also here to specifically honor the Broward County Veterans 
Council, who recently adopted a resolution concerning the war in Iraq. 
The Broward County Veterans Council represents a host of veterans 
groups throughout Broward County, Florida, including the Broward 
chapters of the American Legion, AMVETS, Disabled American Veterans, 
Fleet Reserve, Gold Star Mothers, Italian American Veterans, Jewish War 
Veterans, Marine Corps League, Navy League Council, The Order of the 
Purple Heart, The Paralyzed Veterans Association, Reserved Officers 
Association, Retired Officers Association, Veterans of Foreign Wars, 
Vietnam Veterans of America, and World War I Barracks.
  The Broward County Veterans Council led by its Chairman, Bill Kling, 
adopted this resolution unanimously on January 16, 2007. And the spirit 
of this resolution is as follows:
  Whereas, the President of the United States has put forth a plan to 
the American people and to Congress which calls for an escalation of 
20,000 or more of our troops going to Iraq to combat the insurrection 
in Baghdad and the Anbar province; and
  Whereas, the majority in Congress has put forth several plans that do 
not include an escalation of combat troops; and
  Whereas, the American people have made it clear they want a new 
direction in Iraq and Afghanistan; and
  Whereas, the administration's attempts to escalate the war previously 
by sending additional troops to Iraq have unfortunately failed to stop 
the bloodshed between the Sunnis and the Shia;
  Therefore, the Broward County Veterans Council believes that the best 
plan is to bring troops home in a phased redeployment so that we may 
get them out of harm's way.
  Veterans groups, along with families across my district, are very 
concerned about the direction this war has taken and are demanding a 
change in strategy.
  To President Bush their message is loud and clear: This war has been 
mismanaged, the strategies for success have failed; our national and 
personal security interests, most importantly, are not being enhanced 
and in fact may be undermined. And, therefore, they overwhelmingly 
oppose President Bush's plan to send more troops to Iraq.
  Traveling through my district, people in South Florida are demanding 
that Congress ask the tough questions concerning our policy in Iraq. 
Well, we have asked these tough questions, and I along with many of my 
fellow Members of this House, both Democrats and Republicans, have come 
to the same conclusion: The President's plan to increase troops is 
wrong.
  The administration has based this plan in part on the readiness of 
the Iraqi Security Forces to stand up and take control. I have heard 
nothing from our military experts that would indicate that the Iraqi 
troops are anywhere near prepared to bring order to this troubled 
country.
  General Colin Powell recently told the associated press, and I quote, 
``I am not persuaded that another surge of troops in Baghdad, for the 
purposes of suppressing this violence, this civil war, will work.''
  And four-star General Barry McCaffrey called the President's surge 
plan last month, ``a fool's errand.''
  These are some of the experts we should be listening to.
  Mr. Speaker, I ask you, as the civil war in Iraq spirals out of 
control, as Iraqi Security Forces continue to be ill-prepared, and as 
we continue to alienate our allies around the world, what warrants this 
administration to continue on the same path in Iraq and add more 
troops? So far, nothing.
  We have no business sending over 21,000 additional troops in the 
middle of a growing civil war. We have no business sending over 21,000 
additional troops when, as it is, our military is already stretched too 
thin. And because our military is already dangerously pushed to the 
limit, we have put ourselves in the precarious position of dealing with 
real threats like Iran, while at the same time protecting our allies 
like Israel and some other Middle Eastern friends.
  For these reasons, I am advocating for a plan, as others are, devised 
by our military experts that supports a phased withdrawal of our 
troops. But while our brave men and women in uniform are serving, it is 
critical that we provide them nothing less than the best protection and 
support. We have more than a responsibility to support our troops; we 
have a solemn obligation, and that obligation extends to asking the 
tough questions and getting our policy right.
  In honor of the Broward County Veterans Council and the veterans 
living in Palm Beach County, in recognition of their heroism and 
commitment to our country, I support this resolution.
  Mr. Speaker, I stand here today in support of H.R. 63, which opposes 
the President's decision to deploy 21,000 additional U.S. combat troops 
to Iraq.
  I am also here today to specifically honor the Broward County 
Veterans Council, who recently adopted a resolution concerning the war 
in Iraq.

[[Page 4292]]

  The Broward County Veterans Council represents a host of veteran 
groups throughout Broward County, FL, including the Broward chapters of 
the American Legion, Am Vets, the Disabled American Veterans, the Fleet 
Reserve, the Gold Star Mothers, the Italian American Veterans, the 
Jewish War Veterans, the Marine Corps League, the Navy League Council, 
the Order of the Purple Heart, the Paralyzed Veterans Association, the 
Reserve Officers Association, the Retired Officers Association, the 
Veterans of Foreign Wars, the Vietnam Veterans of America, and the 
World War I Barracks.
  The Broward County Veterans Council, led by its chairman, Bill Kling, 
adopted this resolution unanimously on January 16, 2007.
  The spirit of their resolution is as follows:

       Whereas the President of the United States has put forth a 
     plan to the American people and to Congress which calls for 
     an escalation of 20,000 or more of our troops going out to 
     Iraq to combat the insurrection in Baghdad and the Anbar 
     province; and
       Whereas, the majority in Congress has put forth several 
     plans that do not include escalation of combat troops; and
       Whereas, the American people have made it clear they want a 
     new direction in Iraq and Afghanistan; and
       Whereas, the administration's multiple attempts to escalate 
     the war by sending additional troops to Iraq have 
     unfortunately, failed to stop the bloodshed between the 
     Sunnis and the Shiites.
       Therefore, the Broward County Veterans Council believes 
     that the best plan is to bring our troops home, in a phased 
     redeployment, so that we may get them out of harm's way.

  Veterans groups, along with families across my district, are very 
concerned about the direction this war has taken and are demanding a 
change in strategy.
  To President Bush, their message is loud and clear: This war has been 
mismanaged, and the strategies for success have failed; our national 
and personal security interests are not being enhanced and in fact, may 
be undermined. Therefore, they overwhelmingly oppose President Bush's 
plan to send more troops to Iraq.
  Traveling through my district, people in south Florida are demanding 
that Congress ask the tough questions concerning our policy in Iraq.
  Well, we have asked those tough questions and I, along with many of 
my fellow Members of Congress, both Democrats and Republicans, have 
come to the same conclusion: The President's plan to increase troops in 
Iraq is wrong.
  This administration has based this plan in part on the readiness of 
the Iraq security forces to stand up and take control. I have heard 
nothing from our military experts that would indicate that the Iraqi 
troops are anywhere near prepared to bring order to this troubled 
country.
  GEN Colin Powell recently told the Associated Press: ``I am not 
persuaded that another surge of troops in Baghdad for the purposes of 
suppressing this communitarian violence, this civil war, will work.''
  And four-star GEN Barry McCaffrey called the President's surge plan 
last month ``a fools errand.''
  These are the experts we should be listening to.
  Mr. Speaker, I ask you--as a civil war in Iraq spirals out of 
control, as Iraqi security forces continue to be ill-prepared and as we 
continue to alienate our allies across the world--What warrants this 
administration to continue on the same path in Iraq and add more 
troops?
  So far, nothing
  We have no business sending over 21,000 additional troops into the 
middle of a growing civil war.
  We have no business sending over 21,000 additional troops to Iraq 
when as it is, our military is already stretched too thin.
  And because our military is already dangerously pushed to the limit, 
we have put ourselves in a precarious position dealing with real 
threats like Iran, while at the same time, protecting our allies like 
Israel and other Middle East countries.
  For these reasons, I am advocating for a plan, devised by our 
military experts, that supports a phased withdrawl of our troops.
  But while our brave men and women in uniform are serving, it is 
critical that we provide them nothing less than the best protection and 
support. We have more than a responsibility to support our troops--we 
have a solemn obligation. And that obligation extends to asking the 
tough questions and getting our policy right.
  In honor of the Broward County Veterans Council and the veterans 
living in Palm Beach County, in recognition of their heroism and 
commitment to our country, I support this resolution.
  Mr. SAXTON. Mr. Speaker, at this time I yield 5 minutes to the 
gentleman from Jacksonville, Florida (Mr. Crenshaw).
  Mr. CRENSHAW. I thank the gentleman for the time, and I rise today in 
strong opposition to this resolution which says Congress disapproves of 
a war plan.
  There are a lot of reasons to disapprove of this resolution, one of 
which is I believe that war should not be waged from the floor of this 
House. That is why we have one Commander in Chief, that is why we have 
military leaders on the ground. They are in charge of conducting the 
war. And they have said we have made mistakes and we need a new 
direction, we need a new plan. And they have proposed that plan, and it 
is broad and it is comprehensive. It involves political considerations, 
it involves economic considerations, diplomatic considerations, and, 
yes, it entails additional troops to go to Iraq. Yes, additional 
troops.
  But it is a plan. And you can be skeptical and you can say it may be 
too little, it may be too late. Maybe it is a good plan but it won't be 
executed properly. But it is going to give us hope and it is going to 
give the Iraqi people hope. And, if anything, we ought to be here today 
trying to make that plan better, not debating a resolution that is 
nonbinding, that is symbolic, that means nothing, that says nothing, 
that does nothing. In fact, it has no useful purpose whatsoever, unless 
maybe it is to undermine the President or perhaps to demoralize our 
troops by saying to them, ``We have a new mission for you to undertake. 
Go to Iraq and try to execute this mission. But, by the way, the United 
States Congress doesn't believe in the mission, and we think it is 
doomed to failure.'' You tell me that that is not going to have a 
negative impact on our American soldiers.
  Now, I know there are people in this Chamber that think the plan is 
doomed from the very beginning. You don't think it will work. And if 
that is your belief, you ought to do more than introduce a symbolic 
resolution and then stand here and pound the podium and hem and haw and 
make speeches and leap in front of the television cameras. You ought to 
do something that really means something. You ought to propose a 
resolution that says we believe it was doomed from the very beginning 
and we are going to do everything we possibly can to stop this plan. 
That is what you should do.
  And if you don't think the plan is going to work, if you think it is 
doomed to failure, and you don't have a viable alternative strategy and 
you don't want to find a viable alternative strategy for winning, then 
you ought to go even further and you ought to stand up and say, ``We 
admit defeat. It didn't work. We are not going to fund the war 
altogether anymore. We are going to withdraw.''
  I will tell you one thing, the plan is there. It may not be perfect 
and, quite frankly, it may not work. I have got reservations myself. 
But it is there, and every American, Democrats and Republicans alike, 
ought to hope that this plan succeeds because it may very well be our 
last best chance to prevent a catastrophic failure in Iraq. And if that 
happens, the disastrous effect won't just be felt in Iraq, won't just 
be felt by the people of the Middle East, but quite possibly will be 
felt by all Americans alike.
  Mr. REYES. Mr. Speaker, it is now my pleasure to yield 5 minutes to a 
valued member of the Armed Services Committee, the gentlewoman from 
Kansas (Mrs. Boyda).
  Mrs. BOYDA of Kansas. Mr. Speaker, I rise today to discuss the most 
critical issue this Congress, indeed our Nation, is facing. The U.S. 
military is the best fighting force in the world, and it is vitally 
important that we keep it that way. I am concerned that the President's 
planned escalation is too little, too late, and it will further deplete 
our military's readiness.
  My life changed in the late spring of 2002 when my husband Steve 
casually said he thought we would be at war with Iraq by Christmas. And 
I said certainly that wouldn't be the case; the terrorists were from 
Afghanistan and Saudi Arabia. Certainly we will continue to hunt down 
Osama bin Laden

[[Page 4293]]

and bring him to justice. We wouldn't take resources away from fighting 
the terrorists in Afghanistan. But that isn't what happened.
  That fall, every time I heard that we were going to be greeted as 
liberators in Iraq, I cringed. We were going into the most unstable 
part of the world, a region that has been at war for centuries, and we 
were going in with dangerously naive plans. We were going after a 
hornet's nest with a baseball bat.
  As the mother of two and stepmother of five, I felt my family's very 
safety was being threatened by this diversion of resources. Like a 
mother bear who senses, no, who knows that her cubs are being 
threatened, I could not remain silent.
  Diverting resources from Afghanistan and invading Iraq may be one of 
the most dangerous decisions this country has ever made. Our Nation's 
civilian leadership took their eye off the ball. Instead of securing 
more resources to hunt down Osama bin Laden, instead of engaging in 
diplomacy, they put resources into what has become a civil war and have 
depleted our Nation's strategic readiness.
  Please, please understand me. Our military has not failed. What has 
failed is our civilian leadership. Our military and their families have 
repeatedly stepped up and done what our Nation has asked of them. And 
now, Mr. Speaker, President Bush proposes to send more than 20,000 more 
troops to this civil war. He asks us to trust him with our soldiers' 
lives, even after trust has been broken time and time again.
  Not only is the goal of this escalation unclear, but its effect would 
be to redirect precious military resources instead of preparing for 
potential future conflicts. In a recent hearing of the House Armed 
Services Committee, I asked General Peter Pace whether he was satisfied 
with the readiness levels of our troops. His response? ``No, ma'am, I'm 
not.'' General Peter Schoomaker and General Steven Blum have echoed his 
concerns.
  America lives in an unstable world; we face threats from a nuclear-
armed North Korea, from a belligerent Iran, and from the al Qaeda 
terrorists who considered September 11 as only the first act in their 
sinister play. In these dangerous times we are not safer if we devote 
so many of our resources to a civil war in Iraq. And I as a mother, I 
cannot support this escalation. It is withdrawing precious resources 
from a fighting force that is already stretched too thin.
  America's strategic readiness is not a political question; it is a 
question of national security, and it is a critical question about the 
safety of all our families.
  The U.S. military is the best fighting force in the world, and it is 
vitally important that we keep it that way.
  Mr. Speaker, as a mother, stepmother, wife, citizen, and, yes, as a 
U.S. Congresswoman, I cannot support further escalation of the war in 
Iraq.
  Mr. SAXTON. Mr. Speaker, I just wanted to note that one of the 
previous speakers talked about veterans who support this resolution. As 
a matter of fact, yesterday I was able to announce that the national 
commander of the VFW said that he opposed this resolution or had grave 
concerns about it, and I have just been notified that the national 
commander of the American Legion, Paul A. Moran, announced strong 
support for the President's new initiative, which includes deploying 
21,500 troops. And, in so doing, he said these words:

       We will not separate the war from the warrior. Debating the 
     new strategy is an American way, but let this be a warning 
     that precipitous action by the Congress could lower troop 
     morale and hinder the mission.

  Mr. Speaker, at this time I yield 5 minutes to the gentleman from 
Bloomfield Township, Michigan (Mr. Knollenberg).

                              {time}  1700

  Mr. KNOLLENBERG. I thank the gentleman for yielding.
  Mr. Speaker, I want to make a statement that mistakes have been made 
in Iraq. The status quo is not acceptable. We need to chart a new 
course. But we also need to acknowledge that some positive things have 
happened in Iraq, thanks to the courage and dedication of our troops. 
These accomplishments often get just lost in all the politics that 
surround this debate.
  Toppling one of the most brutal dictators in history was a good 
thing. Saddam Hussein's regime was responsible for the senseless murder 
of thousands of innocent Iraqi citizens. Under his rule, most Iraqis 
lived in fear of the day Hussein or one of his cronies would come for 
their mother, their father, their sister or brother.
  Hussein was also a direct threat to our friend and ally, Israel. He 
was a menace, and it is good that he is gone. Furthermore, turning 
Iraq's sovereignty over to the Iraqis and providing assistance as they 
forged a democratically elected government is a big deal. Fostering 
democracy in the heart of the Middle East was important and was also a 
very historic moment.
  As we debate the current strategy in Iraq, let us not forget that our 
soldiers have provided a tremendous opportunity to the Iraqi people. 
They have provided an opportunity for them to grab the benefits of 
freedom. Now it is up to the Iraqis to seize it.
  Before us today, we have a nonbinding resolution that doesn't even 
mention the accomplishments I just spoke of. We can all agree that the 
war has taken a wrong turn, but instead of debating nonbinding 
resolutions that have no bearing on whether additional troops go to 
Iraq, we should work together to find a solution that results in our 
soldiers coming home in victory, not defeat.
  Mr. Speaker, I have offered my conditional support for the 
President's plan for additional troops in Iraq. My support is 
conditional, not carte blanche. I want to see the benchmarks met and 
progress made within the next 90 to 120 days. It is time for the Iraqis 
to step up to the plate and assume responsibility for the security of 
their nation.
  If the Iraqis do not step up to this challenge in the coming months, 
then it will be time to reevaluate. The resolution before us doesn't 
even speak to these issues. It does nothing in the way of bringing out 
or bringing our troops home quickly and in victory. It is just pure 
politics.
  I encourage my colleagues on both sides of the aisle to work together 
with the President to ensure a quick return of our troops. We all know 
that Congress is not going to cut funding for President Bush's new Iraq 
plan. If we know this to be true, why are we wasting our time on 
nonbinding resolutions that lead us nowhere?
  Let's put our troops first. Let's end the political gamesmanship, and 
let's work together to find a solution in Iraq. That is what the 
American people want, and that is what our soldiers and their families 
deserve.
  Mr. REYES. Mr. Speaker, it is my privilege now to yield 5 minutes to 
the gentlelady from Hawaii (Ms. Hirono).
  Ms. HIRONO. Mr. Speaker, I rise to speak in support of this 
resolution. The Iraq war has lasted longer than U.S. involvement in 
World War II and has cost the Nation hundreds of billions of dollars. 
We have lost over 3,000 of our finest men and women. Thousands more 
have been maimed and too many lives have been shattered.
  As Foreign Affairs Committee Chairman Tom Lantos said, this 
``resolution will establish the first marker,'' the first step toward 
ending this nightmare.
  The war in Iraq is the moral issue of the day, and like all great 
moral issues, there are heartfelt disagreements on both sides of the 
aisle. But every second, minute, and hour that passes, lives are being 
lost in Iraq and devastation continues with no end in sight.
  We owe it to all the brave men and women who have already sacrificed 
so much, over 3,000 of them who have made the ultimate sacrifice, to 
steer our country on a course that will bring our troops home safely, 
take care of them and their families when they return and end this war.
  Despite 4 years and deadly losses, according to Foreign Policy 
Magazine's recent survey of over 100 top national security experts, 86 
percent say the world is more dangerous for the U.S., and, most 
troubling, 87 percent believe

[[Page 4294]]

that the war in Iraq has had a negative impact on the war on terror. 
Other surveys have reached similar conclusions.
  Yet the President now wants another $235 billion for Iraq and 
Afghanistan to add to the $427 billion for the war already approved. In 
this debate, we should listen in particular to the words of Americans 
who actually served in the war. I am honored to serve in this Congress 
with new Members Joe Sestak of Pennsylvania, Tim Walz of Minnesota, and 
Patrick Murphy, also of Pennsylvania, all veterans of the Iraq war. 
Their eloquent and strong voices of firsthand experience add 
immeasurably to this debate.
  There are also people like Captain Lisa Blackman, a clinical 
psychologist who cared for soldiers in Qatar. As we become increasingly 
aware of the thousands of soldiers to emerge from firefights or attacks 
physically unscathed but with substantial emotional damage, Captain 
Blackman's experience in regularly tending to these soldiers provides 
further troubling insights into this devastating war.
  In a message chronicled in the book Operation Homecoming, Dr. 
Blackburn wrote of how her patients responded to questions she asked 
them about their symptoms. She didn't get the expected reactions. They 
were unexpressive. But when she asked them, ``Have you ever been in 
combat?'' they became unglued and burst into tears.
  As she described it, ``[W]hen I say burst, I mean splatter, tears 
running . . . sobbing for minutes on end, unable to speak, flat-out 
grief. . . '' She observed, ``No one ever feels like they are doing 
enough. If you are in a safe location, you feel guilty that your 
friends are getting shot at and you aren't. If you are getting shot at, 
you feel guilty if your buddy gets hit and you don't. If you get shot 
at but don't die, you feel guilty that you lived, and more guilty if 
you get to go home and your friends have to stay behind. I have not 
seen one person out here who didn't [check off] `increased guilt' on 
our intake form.''
  Indeed, every soldier who saw combat or the results of combat has 
likely suffered hidden but disturbing psychological harm to some 
extent. In spite of this, the Veterans Administration has been deprived 
of the critical funds necessary for the rehabilitation of these brave 
troops. The President, who continues to send more and more troops into 
the war on the one hand, has sought to reduce spending for medical 
services for these same troops on the other. His budget reduces 
spending for VA over the next 3 years.
  Our troops are not the only ones suffering from the policies of this 
administration. All Americans who now oppose the war 2-1 are impacted 
by the massive cuts in or complete elimination of important social, 
health, education and environmental programs.
  The cost of this war keeps going up, adding to our national debt. The 
interest on our debt alone is more than we devote to the education of 
our children, care of our veterans, and for the administration of 
justice combined. This body must go on record in united and solid 
opposition to the escalation of the war and in complete support of our 
soldiers and veterans. We must be resolute in our efforts to bring an 
end to this quagmire.
  As Speaker Pelosi said, ``Friday's vote will signal whether the House 
has heard the American people. No more blank checks for President Bush 
on Iraq.'
  Mr. SAXTON. Mr. Speaker, I yield 5 minutes at this time to the 
gentleman from Ohio (Mr. Regula).
  Mr. REGULA. I thank the gentleman for yielding.
  Mr. Speaker, like many Americans I am frustrated and dissatisfied 
with the situation in Iraq. I did not take my vote lightly when 
Congress authorized the President to use force. Every day I think about 
the patriotism and sacrifice of our brave men and women who are serving 
courageously in harm's way.
  Mistakes and the complexity of events along the way have led us to 
the place we are today. Sectarian violence has increased, and Iraq is 
mired in a civil war, making it difficult for the new government to 
take hold.
  While our role in this conflict has become a divisive issue, there is 
no denying the significant consequences Iraq's future will have for 
national and international security and stability.
  So I must ask, how do we move forward in a way that honors the 
commitment and tremendous sacrifices our Nation and its troops have 
made? We can do so neither by cutting off funding for the troops nor by 
providing the President with a blank check.
  Instead of political posturing, we must insist on a surge in 
diplomacy. I believe we need to follow closely the recommendations made 
by the bipartisan Iraq Study Group to bring about the best possible 
outcome. The Iraq Study Group report states, and I quote:
  The United States should immediately launch a new diplomatic 
offensive to build an international consensus for stability in Iraq and 
the region.
  This diplomatic effort should include every country that has an 
interest in avoiding a chaotic Iraq, including all of Iraq's neighbors. 
Given the ability of Iran and Syria to influence events within Iraq, 
the United States should try to engage them constructively.
  By doing so, it would help marginalize extremists and terrorists, 
promote U.S. values and interests, and improve America's global image. 
States included within the diplomatic offensives can play a major role 
in reinforcing national reconciliation efforts between Iraq, Iraqi 
Sunnis and Shia. Such reinforcement would contribute substantially to 
legitimatizing of the political process in Iraq.
  Iraq's leaders may not be able to come together unless they receive 
the necessary signals and support from abroad. This backing will not 
materialize of its own accord, and it must be encouraged urgently by 
the United States. We should make it clear to the Iraqi leadership that 
the additional troops are solely for the purpose of achieving 
stability, and that this deployment is a precursor to our leading the 
future of this Nation to the Iraqi people. And I would emphasize this 
is the important process.
  Troop increases alone will not solve the fundamental cause of 
violence in Iraq if its government is not committed to a national 
reconciliation process.
  However, as we lead a surge in diplomacy, and the Iraqi Government 
accelerates its efforts at national reconciliation, the Iraq Study 
Group report makes clear, and I quote, ``The United States should 
significantly increase the number of U.S. military personnel, including 
combat troops, embedded in and supporting Iraqi Army units. As these 
actions proceed, we could begin to move combat forces out of Iraq.''
  Denying additional troops, as requested by our military leadership, 
could put our troops that are there at greater risk and delay their 
return to their loved ones. I hear from my constituents who want our 
troops home immediately and from those who want us to remain there so 
we don't have to fight the terrorists on our own soil.
  What I do know is that the challenges in Iraq are complex, and the 
consequences of immediate withdrawal would be devastating. The Iraq 
Study Group report goes on to say ``The global standing of the United 
States could be diminished.'' Our Nation has sacrificed far too much to 
allow our credibility and values to be weakened.
  I cannot, in good faith, support this nonbinding resolution. We also 
support the troops, and we all want to bring the troops home as quickly 
as possible.
  Let us instead urge the President to increase diplomatic efforts and 
to follow the recommendations made by the bipartisan Iraq Study Group 
to work on many fronts to solve the challenges in Iraq.
  Mr. REYES. Mr. Speaker, as an Army veteran myself, I know that the 
backbone of our Army is its noncommissioned officers. Now it is my 
privilege to yield 5 minutes to a former noncommissioned officer who 
retired after over 2 decades of service in the Army, the gentleman from 
Minnesota (Mr. Walz).
  Mr. WALZ of Minnesota. Thank you to my colleague
  Mr. Speaker, no debate in this House is longer overdue. This debate 
has been

[[Page 4295]]

going on for nearly 4 years in houses, in grocery stores, in 
workplaces, in houses of worship all across America. No greater 
responsibility rests with us, the people's Representatives, than 
debating the decisions involved in waging a war. The decision to send 
our brave men and women into combat is not the end of our 
responsibility, it is the beginning. This body has a sacred duty to 
protect this Nation, our citizens, and especially those we send into 
combat in our name.
  Constant vigilance, questioning, and adjustments to courses of action 
are our number one priority, and this newly elected Congress intends to 
do just that.

                              {time}  1715

  Some have said that this debate sends a message to our enemies. I 
would agree. The message our enemies are hearing this week is that 
democracy in America is alive and well. The message that our enemy is 
hearing this week is that this Nation will not live in fear of its own 
shadow and blindly give away those precious liberties that make this 
the greatest Nation the world has ever known.
  The message our enemy is hearing this week is this Nation is able and 
willing to adjust our tactics to focus on the true threats to our 
security, which come from al Qaeda, and the Taliban in Afghanistan, and 
by securing our ports and borders.
  The message they are hearing is that this Nation is no longer willing 
to wage a war based on political ideology and failed policy. We will 
wage it on facts and reality. Many of my colleagues have spoken of the 
need to support our troops. You will get no debate from me nor any 
other American. By implying that some do not support the troops based 
on nothing more than political posturing is cynical and divisive.
  For more than two decades, I served with soldiers, airmen, marines, 
and not once did I ever see these brave men and women as anything other 
than patriots. I never saw them as a Democrat, a Republican, an 
Independent or a Libertarian; nor did they see me as anything but a 
fellow soldier.
  The issue that we are debating this week is the execution of this war 
and the failure of this administration to provide a realistic plan for 
success. From the start of this war up to this recent plan to send more 
Americans into Baghdad, this administration has miscalculated, poorly 
planned, shifted blame and failed to couple our military policies with 
diplomatic, economic and long-range strategic planning that would have 
given the soldiers a chance to succeed.
  Had the previous Congress done its constitutional duty of oversight 
and accountability, there is a strong likelihood we would be in much 
better shape today. Even as foreign policy experts, military experts, 
the Congress and the American public show an overwhelming desire to 
change course and oppose this escalation, this administration ignores 
all evidence and stumbles on. This debate marks the new beginning of 
this Congress's acceptance of our duty to provide the oversight and 
bring about policy changes based in reality and facts and long-range 
security needs of this Nation.
  I have taken two oaths in my life. The first one was as a young man 
of 17 when I swore my allegiance to the Armed Forces of this country. 
The second was a month ago when I became a United States Congressman. 
In both cases I solemnly swore my allegiance to protect and defend the 
U.S. Constitution.
  I swore alliance to no man. I swore no alliance to a political 
ideology. I swore only to uphold the laws of this great land and 
protect with my life, if necessary, the liberties and freedoms we so 
dearly cherish. This debate today is exactly about that oath.
  Previous Congresses gave this President the authority to conduct this 
war in Iraq, which is right, but not the authority to disregard the 
expert advice, not the authority to take civil liberties from American 
citizens, and not the authority to disregard our constitutional right 
in this body as a coequal branch of government.
  I, like all Americans, wish nothing more than this President had made 
good decisions and that the situation in Iraq were better. 
Unfortunately, wishful thinking does not make good foreign policy. But, 
fortunately, the genius of the Founders of this Nation are on display 
right now. This Congress, by taking this first step of oversight and 
accountability, and passing this resolution, will begin to right the 
ship of state and take this country on a path that will lead to greater 
security and begin to return our brave men and women back to their 
families.
  A few short months ago, I was teaching high school. Call me 
optimistic and naive, but I do not see where casting a vote in this 
sacred room is anything but binding. Call me naive again when I hear 
this is nothing but words on paper. How does that differ from the U.S. 
Constitution?
  Yesterday, I had the opportunity to visit with two soldiers from my 
old unit, the proud 34th Red Bull Division. Those two young men are out 
at Walter Reed Army Hospital. Both John and Tony are being fitted with 
their prosthetic limbs for the other ones they left behind in Iraq.
  We spoke of everything from how they were injured, to football, to 
how to get ready to ski again. I do not know and I do not care about 
their political ideology. I only care that this Nation honors its 
commitment by providing everything possible to these brave Americans. 
Today is the day that I tell Tony and John, we will always support you. 
We will provide true security to this Nation.
  Mr. SAXTON. Mr. Speaker, I yield 4 minutes to the gentleman from 
California (Mr. Hunter), former chairman of the Armed Services 
Committee, now the ranking member of the Armed Services Committee.
  Mr. HUNTER. I thank the gentleman for yielding.
  I just want to say to my colleague who just spoke that I saw also two 
young men in Walter Reed a couple of days ago, and I would recommend 
that he talk with them also if he thinks that everybody that is over 
there supports this resolution.
  I would also say to my friend that if you think that the message that 
is going to go across thousands of Web sites and communications the day 
after this vote is taken on terrorist Web sites is, our message is that 
democracy is alive and well in the United States, I am willing to take 
a bet on that. I do not think you will see that. I think you will see 
something else.
  You will see the message that they think that this resolution, if it 
is passed, is the first note of retreat in the war against terror by 
the United States. That is what you will see and I will be happy to 
take a bet on that one.
  Now, Mr. Speaker, I heard just a couple of hours ago, as many of us 
have, that the Democratic leadership of the House intends to use 
management policies in the Department of Defense over the next year or 
so to keep either troops or supplies from moving to the battlefield.
  Now, using management policies that will prohibit people from moving 
in the Marines or the United States Army if they haven't spent enough 
time back in CONUS before they go, I can say this to you, that is a 
very, very dangerous policy.
  Our ability to project power around the world and to deter people who 
wish us ill is the ability to move men and equipment very quickly 
around the world. And any type of an inhibition of that capability is 
going to be extremely dangerous to the United States. And I will fight 
with every fiber of my being any attempt by this Congress through 
management policies by the Democratic leadership, through management 
policies of DOD to keep either reinforcement or supplies from reaching 
our troops around the world.
  I will simply say once more, I said when we started this debate 
yesterday, that this resolution will be looked at by America's friends, 
by America's enemies, and I think also by America's troops; and I think 
they will interpret it, no matter the good faith of people in this 
Chamber, they will interpret it as the first notes of retreat in the 
war against terror, just as they interpreted actions by the Spanish 
Government after the domestic strike in Spain and

[[Page 4296]]

the terrorist hit in Spain and in other countries.
  They will look at what we have done, and I will be happy to stand 
with any of my colleagues and analyze those messages as they come off 
the terrorist boards after this vote is taken. This resolution, if it 
passes tomorrow, and it probably will, will be taken as the first note 
of retreat in the war against terror.
  Any attempt by the Democrat leadership to cut off supplies or 
reinforcement by management policies in DOD, personnel policies, will 
be interpreted as the second note of retreat in the war against terror, 
and I for one will oppose them very strongly.
  Mr. REYES. Mr. Speaker, let me reassure my friend I have heard 
nothing at all about the statement he just made. Those are the kinds of 
statements, frankly, that confuse people.
  Mr. Speaker, I yield 5 minutes to the gentleman from Kentucky (Mr. 
Yarmuth).
  Mr. YARMUTH. Mr. Speaker, 4 years ago I was just like most other 
Americans, trying to evaluate the President's plan to invade Iraq. 
Unlike most Americans, I was writing a newspaper column and was 
expected to take a public position on such a national policy. But like 
most Americans, I was unburdened by the classified and faulty 
intelligence provided to Members of Congress.
  I concluded and wrote that the claims made to justify the American 
invasion of Iraq were baseless, that there were no weapons of mass 
destruction, that Iraq posed no immediate threat to the United States, 
that Saddam Hussein was not in any way connected to the 9/11 attacks, 
and finally that Iraq was not a safe harbor for al Qaeda.
  I also concluded and wrote that we were rushing into Iraq with no 
idea of what we would do after the Iraqi regime fell, and also that we 
had no plan for getting out. The point of all of this reminiscing is 
not to show that I was so smart, nor is it to say that I told you so.
  Four years later, as our men and women are still dying in Iraq, the 
American people know everything there is to know about the situation 
there. We know as much if not more than the President of the United 
States. And our ideas about the conflict are just as valid.
  That is why this resolution is so important and this debate so 
significant. Tomorrow we will be voting on what may be only a 
nonbinding resolution, but it is a resounding and unequivocal 
expression of the National will. This is not simply a group of 
Congressmen and women explaining their votes. It is the echo of an 
overwhelming majority of Americans who are demanding a new direction in 
Iraq.
  It is the sound of scores of people like me who were sent here by 
citizens to turn the ship of state around. During this momentous 
debate, we have heard from some on the other side of the aisle that 
this resolution and the discussion we are having somehow undermine our 
national interest.
  I believe they are selling this institution short. We are displaying 
for the world what a government of the people, by the people and for 
the people truly looks like. What we are doing here this week speaks 
far more clearly and loudly than our bullets and our rockets and even 
our dollars. When the United States Government so clearly and 
dramatically reflects the will of its citizens, we may not shock the 
world, but we make it watch in awe.
  James Madison wrote that the role of Congress is to expand and refine 
the public view. He accurately perceived that on most issues Americans 
assume that their representatives will consider their opinions and work 
out the details. In the present situation, I believe the American 
people are shouting at us that it is time to get our men and women out 
of harm's way in Iraq.
  I will cast my vote not simply to oppose the President's escalation, 
but as a statement that this Congress will no longer abdicate its 
responsibility to expand and refine the public view.
  Mr. Speaker, today I am as confident about my position as I was 4 
years ago. I am confident because I have listened to those who oppose 
this resolution. I hear only disingenuous rhetoric. The other side 
accuses us of trying to micromanage the Iraqi conflict, then says we 
should have our own plan.
  They say that we are dishonoring our fallen heroes, but then offer no 
strategy for honoring them other than to simply send more brave 
soldiers in their place. They continue to talk about victory and 
defeat, while virtually everyone agrees that we could never identify or 
define either.
  They say this resolution is an empty political gesture, and then say 
it is tantamount to surrender. What they do not give us, and more 
importantly what the President of the United States has not given us, 
are any reasons to believe that we are succeeding in Iraq, that the 
current plans increase the odds of our success, that we are any closer 
to eliminating the threat of terrorism, or finally that the United 
States is enhancing its image around the world as the beacon of 
freedom.
  We who support this resolution honor and respect our troops. We care 
deeply about the international reputation of our country. We are 
unequivocally committed to our Nation's security, and we desperately 
want America to succeed. By supporting this resolution, we undeniably 
succeed, because we honor our Nation and its citizens who have 
entrusted us with the simple, but grave, responsibility to listen to 
them.
  Mr. SAXTON. Mr. Speaker, I yield 5 minutes to the gentleman from 
Wisconsin (Mr. Petri).
  Mr. PETRI. Mr. Speaker, I plan to vote for this resolution, but to 
surge or not to surge, that is the wrong question. Just saying ``no'' 
is simple obstructionism. What we need is a new way forward to replace 
the old way that is not getting us anywhere. It has become clear that 
trying to establish a multiethnic Iraqi democracy, while laudable, 
simply cannot be accomplished by non-Iraqis.
  The fact is, Iraq has never been a unified country with enough common 
interest to foster the give and take of democracy. During the First 
World War, Britain seized the Mesopotamian region from the collapsing 
Ottoman Empire. Iraq was created out of three separate provinces to 
keep the Turks out while allowing the British access to the local oil.
  Captain Arnold Wilson, the British civil commissioner in Baghdad, 
argued that the creation of the new state was a recipe for disaster. He 
warned that the deep differences among the three main communities, the 
Sunni, Shia and Kurds, ensured the new country could only be run by 
what he called the antithesis of democratic government.

                              {time}  1730

  After a rebellion in 1920, which resulted in the deaths of some 2,000 
British soldiers and 8,000 Iraqis, the British, through the leadership 
of Secretary of War Winston Churchill, largely extricated themselves by 
choosing a Sunni to be king and strongman.
  In light of this history, we should seriously consider that we have 
two basic options:
  First, choose a faction to stabilize and rule the country through 
force, much as all of Iraq's previous regimes did, and that is hardly 
an attractive option.
  Or, second, bring about a partition of the country, to form a loose 
confederation where the Shias, the Sunnis and the Kurds can each govern 
themselves while leaving the others alone.
  Our enterprise in Iraq has been carried out with the best of 
intentions, and our men and women in the Armed Forces have performed 
with great heroism, skill, and honor. But we have to accept reality. We 
have a responsibility to help stabilize the situation, and doing so is 
in our national interest.
  But I don't think it is fair to ask our sons and daughters to be 
policemen in a civil war. Sadly, it seems that most Iraqis do not 
embrace democratic government unless it is dominated exclusively by 
their own individual groups.
  The Sunnis, the Shia and the Kurds are willing and able to establish 
law and order within their own ethnically homogenous areas. The efforts 
to push out other areas currently underway in Iraq are deplorable, but 
it is surely not unexpected given Iraq's history and desperate 
situation.
  The sectarian militias have popular support because they have easily 
understood plans to establish security

[[Page 4297]]

within their spheres for their own people. Instead of fighting the 
militias, we need to co-opt them. We need to help acceptable local 
tribal leaders, government leaders and religious authorities establish 
authority over their areas.
  We also need to seek the positive involvement of Iraq's neighbors. 
Some of them may be meddling, or may be tempted to meddle, but at the 
end of the day, instability in Iraq means instability for everybody in 
the region.
  Let's set about the task of helping Iraq's three main groups to 
regroup and stabilize their own territories so that we can withdraw to 
our bases and ultimately get out all together.
  Mr. REYES. Mr. Speaker, it is now my privilege to yield 5 minutes to 
the gentlelady from Ohio, Representative Betty Sutton.
  Ms. SUTTON. Mr. Speaker, throughout the course of history, when our 
Nation has faced its most significant debates over matters of war, 
there comes a time when voices of pundits and politicians must drop 
away and allow the voices of the people to be heard.
  Our troops are brave and capable. They have fought heroically and 
this resolution makes it unequivocally clear that those of us who feel 
it incumbent to oppose the President's escalation nonetheless support 
our troops. All of us, and all Americans, support our troops.
  But Congress also has an oversight responsibility to ensure that they 
are provided a mission based on a realistic assessment and an 
achievable goal before we ask them to risk life and limb to implement 
it.
  The President has asked Congress to support his escalation plan to 
send another 20,000 troops to Iraq.
  This war is now almost 4 years long. Congress has not spoken as 
loudly and as clearly as its responsibility requires. As the 
Representative of the 13th District of Ohio, I cannot sit silent. I 
oppose the President's plan for escalation and I fully support this 
resolution.
  The President's own military commanders have advised against this 
course of action, and in November, my constituents and the American 
people voted for a change of direction in Iraq. Escalation is directly 
contradictory to that call for change. It takes us further down the 
wrong path, deeper and deeper, with a policy that asks our military to 
perform a nonmilitary mission of creating a unified government in Iraq.
  But unity in Iraq has to be determined by the people who live there. 
It is neither fair nor just to ask our troops to fix a sectarian civil 
war.
  Our Nation has paid a high price: the lives of 3,000 American troops 
lost; $379 billion spent, with another $8 billion every month of this 
war.
  These lives cannot be retrieved; 139 brave men and women from Ohio 
have been killed, 14 from my district. I have a responsibility to every 
one of those casualties and to every one that might lie ahead, to 
represent their voices, especially those that can no longer be heard.
  In early August 2005, Lance Corporal Edward ``Augie'' Schroeder II 
was killed in Iraq. Augie and 13 other young lives from Northeast Ohio 
were lost that day. In January 2006, Augie's father, Paul Schroeder, 
shared his thoughts and feelings in a letter to the Washington Post 
entitled, ``A Life Wasted.'' He said, ``Since August we have witnessed 
growing opposition to the Iraq war, but it is often whispered, hands 
covering mouths as if it is too dangerous to speak too loudly. Others 
discuss the never-ending cycle of death in places like Haditha in 
academic and sometimes clinical fashion, as in `the increasing 
lethality of improvised explosive devices.'''
  Wiping the clinical talk away, Paul Schroeder went on to share the 
painful reality that he and his family face, a reality that cannot be 
understood when sanitized by clinical terms. He said, ``Listen to the 
kinds of things that most Americans don't have to experience: The day 
Augie's unit returned from Iraq to Camp Lejeune we received a book of 
his notebooks, DVDs and clothes from his locker in Iraq. The day his 
unit returned home to waiting families, we received the second urn of 
ashes. This lad of promise, of easy charm and readiness to help, whose 
highest high was saving someone, using CPR as a First Aid squad 
volunteer, came home in one coffin and two urns. We buried him in three 
places that he loved, a fitting irony, I suppose, but just as rough 
each time.''
  Mr. Speaker, the growing opposition to the war in Iraq must not be 
whispered, hands covering mouths as if it is too dangerous to speak too 
loudly. Accountability and oversight require more. This resolution 
rings loud and clear. We support our troops and we oppose the 
President's plan to escalate in Iraq.
  Will the President hear our collective voice? If he does not, it will 
not be because we sat silent.
  Mr. SAXTON. Mr. Speaker, I would like to yield at this time 5 minutes 
to the gentleman from Michigan (Mr. Ehlers).
  Mr. EHLERS. Mr. Speaker, I rise, reluctantly, in opposition to this 
resolution. I say ``reluctantly'' because I had hoped to be able to 
vote in favor of something positive, a fresh perspective, a new idea, a 
new pathway to success, anything to encourage and foster a positive 
outcome in the Iraq conflict. But this resolution offers none of these 
things. It is a simple, almost meaningless, nonbinding statement of 
disapproval that provides no constructive resolve on this daunting, yet 
critical mission.
  My opposition is both procedural and substantive. I am extremely 
disappointed that we only have this one simplistic, inadequate 
statement before us for consideration. No alternatives, no other ideas, 
no solutions. The situation in Iraq is complicated, and the American 
people deserve far more from Congress than a resolution that 
essentially calls for the status quo.
  The resolution opposes the troop surge called for by the Commander in 
Chief, but fails to offer or even allow for consideration of any 
alternatives aimed at achieving success in Iraq, nor does it offer an 
alternative aimed at a reduction of troops.
  There are other ideas out there worthy of consideration and 
discussion, yet we are not debating those, including those suggested by 
the bipartisan Iraq Study Group. For example, the study group concluded 
that there is no single action that the military can take that, by 
itself, can bring about success in Iraq. I agree with that assessment. 
Regardless of a troop surge, I believe a positive outcome in Iraq 
requires regional cooperation and positive engagement with all of 
Iraq's neighboring states.
  A case can be made for a troop surge, but even more, we need a surge 
in diplomacy to create an environment conducive for a lasting peace 
throughout the Middle East. The history of the region is too diverse, 
too complex, and too tumultuous to expect progress without an 
integrated diplomatic effort and multinational support. Of course, this 
simple resolution before us offers no perspective on these matters.
  In a few weeks, this body will have the opportunity to vote on 
funding for ongoing operations in Iraq. Forget today's resolution; the 
vote on the supplemental funding bill is where the real debate will 
occur, and the policies will be laid forth. Make no mistake, a cutoff 
of funds and a premature withdrawal of troops from Iraq will produce 
even greater sectarian violence, further deterioration of security 
conditions, and would foment a terrorist breeding ground for radical 
Islamists. We, the Members of Congress, must give our troops the 
resources they need to carry out their critical mission to a successful 
conclusion.
  In closing, let me say that we all unequivocally support the troops 
who are serving and who have served in Iraq, and we all deeply 
appreciate their efforts to carry out their duties. Every day I think 
about the 3,000-plus American troops who have died in Iraq and 
Afghanistan, and I pray for their families, as well as for our troops 
that are there now. I think about the thousands more who have been 
injured, and the tens of thousands of innocent Iraqi citizens who have 
been killed or injured as a result of this conflict. We must do all we 
can to ensure that those casualties were not suffered in vain. Above 
all, we must seek to end this conflict and stop the casualties.

[[Page 4298]]

  Simply put, the resolution we are debating offers no path to success, 
and that is why I oppose it.
  Mr. HOYER. Mr. Speaker, pursuant to section 2 of House Resolution 
157, I demand an additional hour of debate on the concurrent 
resolution.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore (Mr. Boucher). Thirty minutes of debate will 
be added on the concurrent resolution to each side.


                      Hour of Meeting on Tomorrow

  Mr. HOYER. Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that when the House 
adjourns on this legislative day, it adjourn to meet at 8 a.m. 
tomorrow.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. Is there objection to the request of the 
gentleman from Maryland?
  There was no objection.


                          Legislative Program

  Mr. HOYER. Mr. Speaker, continuing on my unanimous consent, I would 
tell the Members that we do not intend to have any 1-minutes tomorrow, 
so that we will begin debate at 8 a.m. on this resolution.
  Debate, of course, will conclude tonight at 1 a.m. so that the staff 
can get at least some sleep; not much, but some. And we will have 
continuing communications with the minority with reference to the 
balance of the schedule for Friday.
  Mr. REYES. Mr. Speaker, I now yield 5 minutes to the gentleman from 
Florida (Mr. Mahoney).
  Mr. MAHONEY of Florida. Mr. Speaker, I normally rise to speak on 
behalf of the people of Florida's 16th Congressional District. Today I 
rise to begin a conversation not only with my colleagues, but with my 
constituents.
  This week, this legislative body, the people's House, is engaged in a 
great debate over the President's decision to stay the course in Iraq 
by escalating the number of troops. I have, over the past few days, 
heard many arguments as to the wisdom of the President's decision to do 
so. But the one message that all who have spoken agree with, Democratic 
or Republican, liberal or conservative, is that our brave men and women 
in uniform have done a magnificent job fighting in Iraq and around the 
world to protect our lives, our culture, and our country.

                              {time}  1745

  I have heard my colleagues argue that the mere act of debating the 
President's decision to escalate the war sends the wrong message to our 
troops and the wrong message to our enemies. To these colleagues I say 
do not underestimate the power of democracy, the power of freedom of 
speech, the very powers we are fighting to give the people of Iraq. 
Debate sends the message of strength, resolve, and commitment. This 
debate is about finding the best way for America to win the war on 
terror.
  I agree with the President that the world is a dangerous place and we 
need to take the war to the terrorists and those who support terror. 
But I disagree with the President that by sending more troops to police 
a civil war in Iraq, America is any closer to winning the war on 
terror. I come to this conclusion as a result of consultations with our 
military leaders, our diplomats, and those in the White House 
responsible for executing the President's policies. I come to this 
conclusion from talking to our men and women in uniform who have served 
with distinction.
  Democracy can only happen when a people want it. We have seen time 
and again that a people who yearn for democracy will break the yoke of 
tyranny and liberate themselves from their oppressors. America has 
invested lives of over 3,000 of its best young men and women, sustained 
over 20,000 casualties, and spent nearly $400 billion on the Iraq war. 
We have rid the Iraqi people of a cruel tyrant and have given them the 
opportunity to live in a democracy. American men and women securing a 
street corner in Sadr City will not change the hearts of the Sunni or 
Shia. Additional troops will not secure democracy. Only the men and 
women of Iraq can do that. Now is the time for the Iraqi people to 
stand and demand democracy.
  It is time for America to move forward in our fight against terror. 
It is time to focus on eliminating terrorists in Iraq, Afghanistan, or 
wherever they are harbored. It is time to bring Osama bin Laden to 
justice for the crimes he perpetrated on 9/11.
  We need to gather our strength and send a clear message to our 
enemies that their continued efforts to support terror and engage in 
activity against America or her allies will result in certain and swift 
justice.
  This President needs to do what his father did in the first gulf war 
and what President Clinton did in the Balkans, and that is to 
demonstrate leadership by engaging in diplomacy. This President needs 
to listen to the sage advice of the Baker-Hamilton Commission and use 
America's power and prestige to bring the world together in support of 
the Iraqi people. The world needs to know that America will provide a 
democratic Iraq, and those who support her, with political, economic, 
and military support.
  I want my friends in Stuart, Okeechobee, Sebring, LaBelle, and Punta 
Gorda to know that I am here today because democracy requires us to 
speak up and speak out and you deserve to have a voice in this debate. 
In speaking out, I am supporting our President by letting him know that 
we are committed to winning the war on terror, but that we will not 
support his strategy to increase escalation of the troops in Iraq and 
that America will not quit until we have vanquished all who use terror 
to achieve political gain.
  We want the Iraqi people to know that this is their moment to grasp 
democracy; and should they choose to do so, the American people will 
continue to support them and their efforts to build a better life for 
their children.
  Tomorrow, my colleagues and I will take the important first step in 
showing the President that we support our troops, but do not support 
his plan to invest more American lives to mediate a civil war.
  Make no mistake, this vote is binding, as it binds me and my 
colleagues to our constituents by forcing us to take a stand.
  Mr. SAXTON. Mr. Speaker, I yield 5 minutes to the gentlewoman from 
Illinois (Mrs. Biggert).
  Mrs. BIGGERT. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman for yielding me the 
time.
  Mr. Speaker, I rise today in opposition to this nonbinding 
resolution. I cannot support it for it neither supports our troops nor 
offers an alternative plan. It is symbolic, it is partisan, it is 
cynical, and it is meaningless.
  The leadership of this body is taking the easy route: criticize the 
other guy's plan but don't offer your own. Call up your own nonbinding 
resolution, but don't allow votes on resolutions that actually have 
substance. Position yourselves for the next elections but not for the 
next wave of terrorism attacks. Win the White House, but lose the war 
on terror.
  There is no doubt that the voters spoke in the last election. They 
are not happy with the war. Few, if any of us, are satisfied with the 
progress made in Iraq. I know I am not. Neither are my constituents. 
Their patience and that of all Americans has run thin.
  For too long we pursued an open-ended commitment without well-defined 
goals and clear benchmarks for success. We also pursued a strategy that 
placed too heavy a burden on our troops and too light an expectation of 
the Iraqi Government. But I want to remind my colleagues that the 
voters will speak again if we don't get this right. And I say ``we'' 
because it is all of us. If we don't put aside the partisan positioning 
and work together for the good of this country, we all will lose more 
than just our seats in this body.
  It is not enough to point the finger and say that the President is 
wrong, and wait for the returns to come in. It is not enough to 
disapprove and criticize and say It is not my job. He is the Commander 
in Chief. And it is not enough to turn around and through this 
resolution say you support troops that have been or are serving in 
Iraq, but not those who may go in as replacements, rotations, or as 
part of the new temporary deployment. This is why we should be using 
this opportunity, not to take a symbolic vote of no confidence in our 
Commander in

[[Page 4299]]

Chief, but to discuss real options for the way forward in Iraq.
  Mr. Speaker, I have been there several times. I have been to the red 
zone, visited the convention center where the Iraqi Parliament meets, 
and was there as Prime Minister Maliki presented his reconciliation 
plan. I met with our military commanders. I have listened to our 
soldiers who patrol the streets in Baghdad, and I have talked with 
democratically elected Iraqi leaders about their hopes for the future. 
The one thing that was very clear to me is that only the Iraqi 
Government can take the tough steps that will achieve reconciliation 
and an end to sectarian violence.
  So now Prime Minister Maliki has stepped forward and asked our 
President for specific assistance in securing Baghdad. In response, 
President Bush's commanders have drawn up a plan. The President 
proposed a new commander on the ground, General Petraeus, who was 
confirmed by the other body in a bipartisan, unanimous vote of 81-0.
  We urged the creation of a bipartisan Iraqi Study Group comprised of 
our country's most distinguished and seasoned experts and asked their 
advice. Among the key items they supported was a temporary surge in 
troop strength if called for by the commanders on the ground. ``As 
Baghdad goes, so goes Iraq,'' they pointed out.
  These are all steps in the right direction. But what would approving 
this resolution signal to the world? That we tell the Iraqi people to 
take the tough steps, but then we deny them the support they need to do 
so? That we urge the creation of a bipartisan commission to give us 
guidance and then reject its advice? That we unanimously confirm a new 
general on the ground and then we deny him his plan? That we support 
our troops, but not their replacements?
  These are not the messages that I want to send. We owe it to our 
troops and to those who have given their lives to give the Iraqis one 
last chance to show that they are willing to fight for and take 
responsibility for the future of their own country. But we have to 
exercise our constitutional powers and hold them to it, and we have to 
stop signaling that the best Congress can offer is a big, nonbinding 
``no'' to someone else's plan.
  So today I am cosponsoring legislation, H.R. 1062, that will do just 
that: hold the administration, and the Iraqi Government, accountable in 
achieving clear benchmarks. It requires the President to report to 
Congress every 30 days on the extent to which the government of Iraq is 
moving forward on more than a dozen fronts, from troop training and 
security to rebuilding, reconciliation, international cooperation, and 
enforcing the rule of law. It also requires progress reports on the 
implementation of strategies that will prevent Iraqi territory from 
becoming a safe haven for terrorist activities.
  Most significantly, H.R. 1062 exercises the full constitutional 
powers of this body, not through a symbolic expression of discontent, 
but through vigorous oversight and true accountability.
  I urge my colleagues to support H.R. 1062 and reject the resolution 
before us.
  Mr. REYES. Mr. Speaker, it is my privilege to yield 5 minutes to a 
breath of fresh air from Arizona, my good friend Mr. Harry Mitchell.
  Mr. MITCHELL. Mr. Speaker, I think it is safe to say that regardless 
of any differences of opinion over military strategy in Iraq, we all 
agree that the outcome in Iraq will affect our national security and 
the security and stability of the Middle East for generations to come.
  I was not a Member of this distinguished body in October of 2002 when 
many of my colleagues were faced with the decision of whether to 
authorize the President to go to war in Iraq. But 4 years later, I was 
elected by the people of my district who asked me and this Congress to 
set a new course in Iraq because it is clear to them that the 
administration's course is not working.
  That is not to say there has not been some success. Our troops have 
performed bravely and succeeded in their mission to end Saddam 
Hussein's brutal regime. The Iraqi people exercised their new-found 
right to vote, and those who murdered innocent Iraqis have been given 
fair trials and justice has been served.
  But since the initial military victory, political, diplomatic, and 
economic failure has become widespread. Today, sectarian violence is at 
an all-time high, and American troops are now caught in the middle of a 
civil war.
  Now the administration is engaging in a military escalation of the 
war. They tried this strategy before and it didn't work. It didn't work 
because we need more than a military strategy. We need political and 
economic solutions too. We need a strategy that employs all of the 
elements of national power to ultimately put the Iraqis in charge of 
their own security and stability.
  So far a military strategy has not solved the problems we have in 
Iraq. So far a military strategy has not brought Sunnis and Shiites 
together to maintain a unified government and a peaceful political 
environment. We know that a military strategy alone cannot create 
commerce and jobs for the Iraqi people. A military strategy alone 
cannot rebuild the basic infrastructure that has been destroyed over 
the past 4 years. A military strategy must be combined with sufficient 
political, diplomatic, and economic components. But that is not 
happening here.
  I disagree with many of my colleagues in this Chamber who support the 
immediate withdrawal of U.S. troops. We have heard from too many 
generals, including those who have spoken out against this escalation, 
about the dangers of even more violence and instability in the Middle 
East if we simply withdraw. I do believe American troops have a role in 
Iraq, a supporting role. They should continue to train Iraqi soldiers, 
and their mission must ultimately be to put the Iraqis in charge of 
their own security and stability. But let me be clear: American troops 
have no place in the middle of a civil war.
  This resolution reaffirms this body's support for the men and women 
of the United States military. Many of our troops have given their 
lives or suffered serious injury so that one day the people of Iraq may 
enjoy the same freedoms we have here in the United States. Their 
service and their sacrifice make me even more proud to be an American.
  I hope and pray that we can have all of our brave men and women in 
Iraq and Afghanistan return safely to their families. But while they 
are in harm's way, we must honor their service by ensuring that the 
burden of success or failure is not left to them alone. We have a 
responsibility to utilize every political, diplomatic, and economic 
tool at our disposal to ensure success in Iraq.
  Mr. SAXTON. Madam Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the gentleman from 
Texas (Mr. Smith).
  Mr. SMITH of Texas. Madam Speaker, first of all, I want to thank my 
friend and colleague from New Jersey for yielding me time.
  Madam Speaker, this nonbinding resolution is really a nonsensical 
political statement. It would deprive our troops of the reinforcements 
they desperately need. Let us trust their judgment and give them the 
reinforcements they want.
  How would you feel if you were an American soldier in Iraq and 
Congress passed this resolution? It is like telling you to fight with 
one arm behind your back, and that is no way to defeat a terrorist.
  It is our responsibility to assist our troops, not discourage them by 
ignoring their needs. This political resolution shortchanges our 
generals and their troops. Instead, we should support those who are 
sacrificing their lives to protect ours.

                              {time}  1800

  Our men and women in uniform desire only to serve their country with 
honor. Rather than deny them what they want, we should give them the 
resources they deserve.
  Unfortunately, many terrorists hate our country, our citizens, our 
freedoms and our way of life. The global war on terror is fierce; this 
is no time to appear weak. London, Moscow, Madrid

[[Page 4300]]

and six other cities around the world have suffered terrorist attacks 
since 9/11, but there is a reason no terrorist attack has occurred in 
America since 2001. It is not because some would second-guess our 
military; it is because our troops want to win, and we should give them 
that opportunity.
  Madam Speaker, I urge my colleagues to oppose this resolution and 
send the troops this message: We are here to help you.
  Mr. REYES. Madam Speaker, it is now my privilege to yield 5 minutes 
to the gentleman from Michigan (Mr. Levin).
  Mr. LEVIN. Madam Speaker, I rise in strong support of this resolution 
before the House.
  We need to send a clear bipartisan message to the White House. There 
is little support in this Congress for deepening our open-ended 
military commitment in Iraq by sending an additional 21,000 troops into 
this conflict.
  The debate we are having today is about the future of our Nation's 
policy in Iraq, so my main focus will not be to catalog the litany of 
the administration's past grave mistakes and misstatements over the 
last 4 years. At the same time, as a lesson for the future, it is 
important to remember that the war in Iraq was the first application of 
the Bush Doctrine. This policy was unveiled by the President in his 
commencement speech at West Point in June 2002 and made policy a few 
months later in the administration's 2002 National Security Strategy.
  The administration's doctrine stressed preemptive attack, U.S. 
military superiority, and U.S. unilateral action. This flawed policy 
has proven to be disastrous. It has destabilized Iraq, and threatens to 
undermine the stability of the entire region. It blinded the 
administration to the Pandora's box it was opening when it invaded Iraq 
in search of weapons of mass destruction that did not exist and 9/11 
terrorists that were not there.
  Far from strengthening U.S. security, this misguided doctrine has put 
our Nation's vital interests at greater risk. The elevation of 
unilateralism has helped erode our Nation's standing in the world. The 
released NIE Estimate for Iraq underscores just how flawed the 
administration's doctrine has been. Among the key judgment, I quote, 
``Iraqi society's growing polarization, the persistent weakening of the 
security forces and of the state in general.'' And again I quote, 
``Extremists continue to act as a very effective accelerator for what 
has become a self-sustaining intersectarian struggle between Shia and 
Sunnis.'' And now I quote again. ``The Intelligence Community judges 
that the term `civil war' does not adequately capture the complexity of 
the conflict in Iraq.''
  The judgments of the National Intelligence Estimate reinforce the 
view that a military solution in Iraq is not possible. The 
administration has attempted troop surges in the past. They haven't 
worked. Adding another 21,000 American troops will not put an end to 
violence and instability in Iraq. The only chance to do that is for 
Iraq's leaders and factions to come together and begin the difficult 
process of political compromise and reconciliation.
  I believe that announcing the orderly redeployment of U.S. forces is 
the best way to put pressure on the factions in Iraq to come together 
and make these difficult choices.
  This resolution is straightforward. It states clearly and 
unambiguously that Congress does not support the President's plan. It 
supports our military personnel but not a further military escalation.
  Some have said it is not serious because it is nonbinding. Others 
have said the resolution emboldens our enemies and hurts the troops. 
How does it embolden our enemies or hurt the troops for this Congress 
to disapprove continuing a strategy that is not working?
  The resolution we are debating today is nonbinding, but is not 
nonconsequential. I hope the administration will hear the clear 
bipartisan message we are sending and change course.
  The question today before the House is whether or not we agree with 
the President's plan to send 21,000 additional troops to Iraq to 
referee a growing civil war. I do not agree with this escalation. I 
urge all my colleagues to join in calling on the President to change 
course in Iraq.
  Mr. HUNTER. Madam Speaker, I would yield 3 minutes to the gentlelady 
from Colorado (Mrs. Musgrave).
  Mrs. MUSGRAVE. I thank the gentleman for yielding time.
  Madam Speaker, I rise today in strong opposition to this nonbinding 
resolution. This is not even an honest debate that we are holding here; 
we didn't have an open rule. This is the wrong resolution; it sends the 
wrong message to our troops, to our enemies and to our allies.
  Today, like many Members of Congress do on a regular basis, I visited 
Walter Reed. While I was there today, I visited with a young man from 
my district. He had severe injuries. As I sat and talked to him, his 
empty eye socket teared. He had damage to his face. He had horrific 
damage to his arm that he used to protect his face. He was in a Humvee 
when an IED exploded, and he actually turned the Humvee towards the IED 
to protect the other men in the Humvee. His sacrifice is incredible.
  I talked to another young man from Pennsylvania who had been on three 
tours in Iraq, and on his third tour, while training, he lost his hand.
  I also spoke to a young man from Texas, only 20 years old; and this 
young man had severe injuries, specifically to his arm.
  So we all know that the cost of war is very high. Many of us Members 
of Congress have also attended funerals and wept with mothers and 
fathers, families. People in my age group look at these young soldiers 
and they are the age of our kids. It touches our hearts, and we know 
the sacrifices that are made are incredible. These people need to feel 
the gratitude from the entire Nation, gratitude and respect. And I 
believe that this resolution, again, sends the wrong message.
  What is not being considered adequately in this country is the cost 
of failure in Iraq. When we think about our enemies being emboldened, 
when we think about the vast resources that our enemies will have 
access to acquire biological and nuclear weapons, the horrific effects 
are just almost immeasurable.
  As I think about this cost of failure in Iraq, and indeed, on the 
global war on terror, I think about how we Americans make an 
assumption. We assume, most of us, when we go to bed at night that when 
we wake up, tomorrow is going to be like today, that things are going 
to go on like they have gone on and we will have the liberties and the 
freedoms that we enjoy. But I would say this wonderful thing that we 
have in the United States of America, these freedoms and liberties, are 
very fragile. They are very fragile when we face radical jihadists that 
would murder us, thinking that it will take them straight to paradise.
  We have to fight this war on terror. We have to win in Iraq. I talked 
to a retired general yesterday, and I believe he said it all. He said, 
``You're down there debating, aren't you? You're talking about the 
united-we-quit resolution.'' I believe that we have a choice: United we 
stand or united we quit, and our choice will echo down the halls of 
history.
  Mr. REYES. Madam Speaker, now it is my privilege to yield 6 minutes 
to the gentleman from Minnesota (Mr. Ellison).
  Mr. ELLISON. Madam Speaker, make no mistake about it, the change that 
took place in this body over the course of November 7 is directly 
related to this war in Iraq. And the presence of a number of people who 
are here now is directly related to the will of the American people to 
end this war, which never should have been started.
  The fact is, the strategy to escalate the troops is not new, it has 
been tried at least four other times. It won't work this time, it 
didn't work those times. The thing to do now is to engage 
diplomatically and politically. That is what this situation calls for 
and that is the only thing that will bring success in this conflict at 
this time.
  Support the troops? Of course. Of course, support the troops. Always 
we

[[Page 4301]]

support the troops. But there comes a time when you cannot get the 
success that you seek at the barrel of a gun, you have to talk it out, 
you have to engage diplomatically, you have to engage politically. 
There is no substitute for that.
  Support the troops, but bring them home. Support the troops, redeploy 
them, and allow the Iraqi people to seize and protect their country at 
this time.
  I carry a message here today on behalf of people like Phil Steger and 
the Friends For a Nonviolent World, on behalf of Chapter 27 of Veterans 
For Peace, on behalf of every patriot who stands for peace, in the 
frigid cold, every Wednesday night on Lake Street Bridge in 
Minneapolis.
  On behalf of the 3,100 Americans killed, including Minnesotans, I 
carry that message. On behalf of 24,000 scarred and wounded young 
Americans, including 372 Minnesotans, I carry the message. On behalf of 
the families and the loved ones of the damaged and deceased, I carry 
the message that the American soldier has done what has been asked, and 
it is time for politicians to step forward and do their job, which is 
to seek a political and diplomatic solution to this conflict, something 
that this latest escalation cannot do.
  On behalf of the $8 billion we send to Iraq each month, hard-working 
American tax dollars that could be used to enrich the lives of the 
86,000 uninsured children of Minnesota, or for nearly the 700,000 
Minnesota Medicare patients, I carry the message that we need peace. We 
need to pursue it vigorously, unwaveringly, and urgently.
  On behalf of the Americans who purposefully misled repeatedly, 
including the administration as related to these weapons of mass 
destruction where none existed, on behalf of the people who claim 
falsely of the collusion between 9/11 and Saddam Hussein where none 
existed, on behalf of the people who said that regime change would be 
welcomed with flowers instead of IEDs, I say stop the deception, start 
telling the truth.
  On behalf of the people who say that the Iraqi oil revenues would pay 
for this war instead of draining the American Treasury of over $400 
billion, I say stop the deception, start telling the truth.
  On behalf of those Americans who told us, repeatedly, facts which got 
us into this war in the first place, and which they are trying to 
sustain us in this war now, I say stop the deception. Stop the killing. 
Stop the carnage. Support our troops, do not support this escalation. 
Send a clear signal to the President that this is the wrong way to go.
  For 6 years now, while the deception has deepened, we were told to 
shut up, bite your tongues, you are not as patriotic as me, you don't 
love America as much as I do. None of that is true. We have to stop 
this polarizing language and really focus on the best way out of this.
  Even people who support the escalation can't claim that we are going 
to be in Iraq forever. What is your plan for eventually getting out of 
this thing? We say let's start the withdrawal now, let's start the 
diplomatic solution now, let's start the political solution now.
  I want to say, on behalf of those who really thirst for peace, who 
believe that peace really is the answer, that we need to look at the 
words of Martin Luther King, Jr., when he spoke out against the Vietnam 
War. He said, ``There comes a time when silence is betrayal.'' And so 
it is.
  And so, in keeping in line with the legacy of Dr. King, I want to 
talk about peace today. To those people who believe in the principles 
of peace and that peaceful dissent that guided Dr. King, those people 
should know that for you to raise your voice on behalf of peace is a 
patriotic act, it is a good thing.

                              {time}  1815

  To those people who say they believe in peace and believe peace is 
the right way to go, let me wrap up my remarks by just reminding you 
that Marine General Peter Pace, somebody who knows a little bit about 
warfare, Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, just last week said, 
There is no doubt in my mind that the dialogue here in Washington 
strengthens our democracy, period. He added, Potential enemies of the 
United States, they may take comfort in rancor, but they do not know 
anything about how democracy works. The fact is that peace is 
patriotic. Dissenting from an ill-fated policy of the President is the 
right thing to do. Indeed, it is our obligation.
  So please continue to stand up for peace and never forget that peace 
is the answer, and peace is going to prevail.
  Mr. HUNTER. Madam Speaker, I yield myself 2 minutes just to give some 
information that my great friend, the gentleman from Texas (Mr. Reyes), 
commented on.
  I made a comment a few minutes ago that I had understood that the 
Democrat leadership or a member of that leadership had stated that they 
would use DOD management policies to cut off the sending of either 
reinforcements or supplies to the warfighting theater and that I would 
oppose that very strongly.
  My friend Mr. Reyes expressed doubt that that had happened. He said 
he had not heard about it.
  I just wanted to inform him I have the Reuters report here, and it 
quotes our colleague Mr. Murtha: ``A leading congressional opponent of 
the war in Iraq on Thursday said his plans for placing conditions on 
how President George W. Bush can spend $93.4 billion in new combat 
funds would effectively stop an American troop buildup.'' This is 
quoting Mr. Murtha.
  Mr. Murtha says: ``They won't be able to continue. They won't be able 
to do the deployment. They won't have the equipment, they don't have 
the training, and they won't be able to do the work. There's no 
question in my mind.''
  That is the statement upon which I based my remarks a few minutes 
ago. It appears that statement has been made.
  Mr. REYES. Madam Speaker, will the gentleman yield?
  Mr. HUNTER. I yield to the gentleman from Texas.
  Mr. REYES. Did I hear you say that you spoke with Mr. Murtha?
  Mr. HUNTER. What is my friend's statement?
  Mr. REYES. I would just say that many times, my good friend and I 
have discussed not to quote members of the media because most of the 
time they get it wrong. So I would wait until we talk to Mr. Murtha.
  Mr. HUNTER. Let me just say to my friend that I hope that this is a 
misquote; but, certainly, there was a press conference, and these are 
the quotes that are reported in the transcript by the press. So let us 
hope that that is not accurate. If it is not accurate, I will be very 
happy. If it is accurate, that will receive enormous opposition from 
this Member of Congress.
  Madam Speaker, I yield 5 minutes to the gentleman from Kentucky (Mr. 
Whitfield).
  Mr. WHITFIELD. Madam Speaker, I believe that the American people 
welcome this debate on Iraq, certainly one of the most important issues 
facing the American people, and I believe we will all benefit from 
open, constructive, and sincere debate.
  It goes without saying that no one Member of Congress or political 
party has a clear-cut solution to the complex problems our Nation faces 
in Iraq.
  I expect that every Member of Congress will share their thoughts on 
whether we should approve or disapprove this 100-word resolution; and 
like every other Member of Congress, I offer and convey my respect, 
gratitude and thanks for the exemplary service and heart-rendering 
sacrifice made by our young men and women in the military. As so many 
have said, they have performed in an exemplary way, and they have 
accomplished every task we have asked them to do.
  I have had the great privilege of representing Ft. Campbell, home of 
the 101st Airborne Division and the 5th Special Forces group who have 
served many times in Iraq.
  Throughout this debate many speakers have quoted generals and other 
experts who have disagreed emphatically

[[Page 4302]]

with many aspects of the military decisions and strategic decisions 
about Iraq. We know there have been and continue to be strong 
disagreements among those who have been intimately involved in this 
issue.
  We have as a Nation endured so much. As has been said, over 3,000 
American soldiers have died, and 23,417 have been wounded during the 
past 4 years in Iraq.
  While I understand the arguments of those who support this 
resolution, I would like to briefly explain why I believe we should 
vote against this resolution.
  Neither President Bush, Speaker Pelosi or any Member of Congress will 
have as much opportunity to maximize the possibility of success in Iraq 
as our new military commander in Iraq, General David Petraeus. He is 
responsible, with the men and women serving, for implementing the 
increased security for Baghdad. He was confirmed for this new 
responsibility by a vote of 81-0 in the U.S. Senate on January 26, 
2007, a mere 20 days ago.
  At his confirmation hearing, among other statements, General Petraeus 
said, ``Some of the members of this committee have observed that there 
is no military solution to the problem of Iraq.'' And he said, ``They 
are correct.''
  Ultimate success in Iraq will be determined by actions in the Iraqi 
political and economic arenas on central issues as governance, the 
amount of power devolved to the provinces, the distribution of oil 
revenue, national reconciliation, and resolution of sectarian 
differences.
  And then he went on to say, and this is key, It is, however, 
exceedingly difficult for the Iraqi Government to come to grips with 
the tough issues it must resolve while mere survival is the primary 
concern of so many in Iraq's capital.
  For this reason, military action to improve security, while not 
wholly sufficient to solve Iraq's problems, is certainly necessary, and 
that is why additional U.S. and Iraqi forces are needed in Baghdad. 
They do have a role.
  General Petraeus and our military have been asked to implement this 
additional security. He was confirmed to do this, as I said, just 20 
days ago. Are we going to turn our backs and abandon General Petraeus 
and his soldiers this early? Are we going to say ``no'' without an 
adequate opportunity for the new strategy to work?
  In truth, no one can predict the impact of a failed Iraqi state on 
regional stability, the international economy, the global war on 
terror, American security, stability in the Middle East and the lives 
of the Iraqi people. Twenty days is simply not enough time.
  I would also like to remind the Members that on page 23 of the Iraq 
Study Group it says quite clearly, ``We could support a short-term 
redeployment or surge of American combat forces to stabilize Baghdad,'' 
and that is what we are trying to do.
  In my view, it is premature to vote ``yes'' on this resolution, only 
20 days after confirming a new general to go to Iraq to provide 
additional security in Baghdad so that the Iraqi Government will have a 
reasonable opportunity to succeed.
  Mr. REYES. Madam Speaker, now it is my privilege to yield 5\1/2\ 
minutes to the gentlewoman from California (Ms. Eshoo), a member of the 
Intelligence Committee.
  Ms. ESHOO. Madam Speaker, I thank my colleague for yielding to me, 
the distinguished chairman of the House Intelligence Committee.
  Madam Speaker, it has been a long and painful 4-year journey for the 
people of our country since this administration acted preemptively and 
unilaterally to invade and occupy Iraq, policies which I believe then 
and I still believe today would not and could not stand because they 
simply are not in our national character.
  We were told Saddam Hussein had weapons of mass destruction. None 
were found.
  We were told there was yellow cake. It was a falsehood.
  We were told that there were trailers containing the evidence of 
deadly chemicals.
  We were told the mission was accomplished.
  We endured national and international shame when the horrific 
pictures depicting Abu Ghraib appeared.
  We learned that our troops were not sufficiently equipped.
  We mourned with our constituents as the death toll of American troops 
mounted and continued to mount. Just think, 137 casualties in November 
of 2004, then the deadliest month overall. Today, over 3,000 precious 
U.S. lives have been lost, with thousands maimed and injured and God 
knows how many innocent Iraqi lives lost.
  We witnessed the world community's total support on 9/11, and we have 
witnessed the diminishment of America's credibility around the world 
because of the Iraq war.
  We have heard the President and the Vice President talk about victory 
and insurgency in its last throes.
  We have learned of manipulated intelligence and endured a no-
oversight Congress.
  Preemptive war, unilateralism, invasion, occupation, no post-war 
plan, an insurgency born of our blunders, and arrogance instead of 
reality.
  Meanwhile, military experts, Generals Abizaid, Odom, Powell, and 
distinguished civilian leaders have called for change, a new strategy, 
and the urgency of diplomatic and political engagement, all to no 
avail.
  One of the central findings of the recent NIE, the National 
Intelligence Estimate, highlighted the lack of effective Iraqi 
leadership as a main component driving sectarian and communal violence.
  The bipartisan Iraq Study Group, appointed by the President, reported 
the utter urgency of action by the administration.
  Retired General William Odom, former director of the National 
Security Agency under President Reagan and member of the National 
Security Council under President Carter, wrote an op-ed in the 
Washington Post on February 11.
  I would ask that it be made part of the Record.

               [From the Washington Post, Feb. 11, 2007]

                        Victory Is Not an Option


    The Mission Can't Be Accomplished--It's Time for a New Strategy

                          (By William E. Odom)

       The new National Intelligence Estimate on Iraq starkly 
     delineates the gulf that separates President Bush's illusions 
     from the realities of the war. Victory, as the president sees 
     it, requires a stable liberal democracy in Iraq that is pro-
     American. The NIE describes a war that has no chance of 
     producing that result. In this critical respect, the NIE, the 
     consensus judgment of all the U.S. intelligence agencies, is 
     a declaration of defeat.
       Its gloomy implications--hedged, as intelligence agencies 
     prefer, in rubbery language that cannot soften its impact--
     put the intelligence community and the American public on the 
     same page. The public awakened to the reality of failure in 
     Iraq last year and turned the Republicans out of control of 
     Congress to wake it up. But a majority of its members are 
     still asleep, or only half-awake to their new writ to end the 
     war soon.
       Perhaps this is not surprising. Americans do not warm to 
     defeat or failure, and our politicians are famously reluctant 
     to admit their own responsibility for anything resembling 
     those un-American outcomes. So they beat around the bush, 
     wringing hands and debating ``nonbinding resolutions'' that 
     oppose the president's plan to increase the number of U.S. 
     troops in Iraq.
       For the moment, the collision of the public's clarity of 
     mind, the president's relentless pursuit of defeat and 
     Congress's anxiety has paralyzed us. We may be doomed to two 
     more years of chasing the mirage of democracy in Iraq and 
     possibly widening the war to Iran. But this is not 
     inevitable. A Congress, or a president, prepared to quit the 
     game of ``who gets the blame'' could begin to alter American 
     strategy in ways that will vastly improve the prospects of a 
     more stable Middle East.
       No task is more important to the well-being of the United 
     States. We face great peril in that troubled region, and 
     improving our prospects will be difficult. First of all, it 
     will require, from Congress at least, public acknowledgment 
     that the president's policy is based on illusions, not 
     realities. There never has been any right way to invade and 
     transform Iraq. Most Americans need no further convincing, 
     but two truths ought to put the matter beyond question:
       First, the assumption that the United States could create a 
     liberal, constitutional democracy in Iraq defies just about 
     everything known by professional students of the topic. Of 
     the more than 40 democracies created since World War II, 
     fewer than 10 can be

[[Page 4303]]

     considered truly ``constitutional''--meaning that their 
     domestic order is protected by a broadly accepted rule of 
     law, and has survived for at least a generation. None is a 
     country with Arabic and Muslim political cultures. None has 
     deep sectarian and ethnic fissures like those in Iraq.
       Strangely, American political scientists whose business it 
     is to know these things have been irresponsibly quiet. In the 
     lead-up to the March 2003 invasion, neoconservative agitators 
     shouted insults at anyone who dared to mention the many 
     findings of academic research on how democracies evolve. They 
     also ignored our own struggles over two centuries to create 
     the democracy Americans enjoy today. Somehow Iraqis are now 
     expected to create a constitutional order in a country with 
     no conditions favoring it.
       This is not to say that Arabs cannot become liberal 
     democrats. When they immigrate to the United States, many do 
     so quickly. But it is to say that Arab countries, as well as 
     a large majority of all countries, find creating a stable 
     constitutional democracy beyond their capacities.
       Second, to expect any Iraqi leader who can hold his country 
     together to be pro-American, or to share American goals, is 
     to abandon common sense. It took the United States more than 
     a century to get over its hostility toward British 
     occupation. (In 1914, a majority of the public favored 
     supporting Germany against Britain.) Every month of the U.S. 
     occupation, polls have recorded Iraqis' rising animosity 
     toward the United States. Even supporters of an American 
     military presence say that it is acceptable temporarily and 
     only to prevent either of the warring sides in Iraq from 
     winning. Today the Iraqi government survives only because its 
     senior members and their families live within the heavily 
     guarded Green Zone, which houses the U.S. Embassy and 
     military command.
       As Congress awakens to these realities--and a few members 
     have bravely pointed them out--will it act on them? Not 
     necessarily. Too many lawmakers have fallen for the myths 
     that are invoked to try to sell the president's new war aims. 
     Let us consider the most pernicious of them.
       (1) We must continue the war to prevent the terrible 
     aftermath that will occur if our forces are withdrawn soon. 
     Reflect on the double-think of this formulation. We are now 
     fighting to prevent what our invasion made inevitable! 
     Undoubtedly we will leave a mess--the mess we created, which 
     has become worse each year we have remained. Lawmakers 
     gravely proclaim their opposition to the war, but in the next 
     breath express fear that quitting it will leave a blood bath, 
     a civil war, a terrorist haven, a ``failed state,'' or some 
     other horror. But this ``aftermath'' is already upon us; a 
     prolonged U.S. occupation cannot prevent what already exists.
       (2) We must continue the war to prevent Iran's influence 
     from growing in Iraq. This is another absurd notion. One of 
     the president's initial war aims, the creation of a democracy 
     in Iraq, ensured increased Iranian influence, both in Iraq 
     and the region. Electoral democracy, predictably, would put 
     Shiite groups in power--groups supported by Iran since Saddam 
     Hussein repressed them in 1991. Why are so many members of 
     Congress swallowing the claim that prolonging the war is now 
     supposed to prevent precisely what starting the war 
     inexorably and predictably caused? Fear that Congress will 
     confront this contradiction helps explain the administration 
     and neocon drumbeat we now hear for expanding the war to 
     Iran.
       Here we see shades of the Nixon-Kissinger strategy in 
     Vietnam: widen the war into Cambodia and Laos. Only this 
     time, the adverse consequences would be far greater. Iran's 
     ability to hurt U.S. forces in Iraq are not trivial. And the 
     anti-American backlash in the region would be larger, and 
     have more lasting consequences.
       (3) We must prevent the emergence of a new haven for al-
     Qaeda in Iraq. But it was the U.S. invasion that opened 
     Iraq's doors to al-Qaeda. The longer U.S. forces have 
     remained there, the stronger al-Qaeda has become. Yet its 
     strength within the Kurdish and Shiite areas is trivial. 
     After a U.S. withdrawal, it will probably play a continuing 
     role in helping the Sunni groups against the Shiites and the 
     Kurds. Whether such foreign elements could remain or thrive 
     in Iraq after the resolution of civil war is open to 
     question. Meanwhile, continuing the war will not push al-
     Qaeda outside Iraq. On the contrary, the American presence is 
     the glue that holds al-Qaeda there now.
       (4) We must continue to fight in order to ``support the 
     troops. ``This argument effectively paralyzes almost all 
     members of Congress. Lawmakers proclaim in grave tones a 
     litany of problems in Iraq sufficient to justify a rapid 
     pullout. Then they reject that logical conclusion, insisting 
     we cannot do so because we must support the troops. Has 
     anybody asked the troops?
       During their first tours, most may well have favored 
     ``staying the course''--whatever that meant to them--but now 
     in their second, third and fourth tours, many are changing 
     their minds. We see evidence of that in the many news stories 
     about unhappy troops being sent back to Iraq. Veterans groups 
     are beginning to make public the case for bringing them home. 
     Soldiers and officers in Iraq are speaking out critically to 
     reporters on the ground.
       But the strangest aspect of this rationale for continuing 
     the war is the implication that the troops are somehow 
     responsible for deciding to continue the president's course. 
     That political and moral responsibility belongs to the 
     president, not the troops. Did not President Harry S. Truman 
     make it clear that ``the buck stops'' in the Oval Office? If 
     the president keeps dodging it, where does it stop? With 
     Congress?
       Embracing the four myths gives Congress excuses not to 
     exercise its power of the purse to end the war and open the 
     way for a strategy that might actually bear fruit.
       The first and most critical step is to recognize that 
     fighting on now simply prolongs our losses and blocks the way 
     to a new strategy. Getting out of Iraq is the pre-condition 
     for creating new strategic options. Withdrawal will take away 
     the conditions that allow our enemies in the region to enjoy 
     our pain. It will awaken those European states reluctant to 
     collaborate with us in Iraq and the region.
       Second, we must recognize that the United States alone 
     cannot stabilize the Middle East.
       Third, we must acknowledge that most of our policies are 
     actually destabilizing the region. Spreading democracy, using 
     sticks to try to prevent nuclear proliferation, threatening 
     ``regime change,'' using the hysterical rhetoric of the 
     ``global war on terrorism''--all undermine the stability we 
     so desperately need in the Middle East.
       Fourth, we must redefine our purpose. It must be a stable 
     region, not primarily a democratic Iraq. We must redirect our 
     military operations so they enhance rather than undermine 
     stability. We can write off the war as a ``tactical draw'' 
     and make ``regional stability'' our measure of ``victory.'' 
     That single step would dramatically realign the opposing 
     forces in the region, where most states want stability. Even 
     many in the angry mobs of young Arabs shouting profanities 
     against the United States want predictable order, albeit on 
     better social and economic terms than they now have.
       Realigning our diplomacy and military capabilities to 
     achieve order will hugely reduce the numbers of our enemies 
     and gain us new and important allies. This cannot happen, 
     however, until our forces are moving out of Iraq. Why should 
     Iran negotiate to relieve our pain as long as we are 
     increasing its influence in Iraq and beyond? Withdrawal will 
     awaken most leaders in the region to their own need for U.S.-
     led diplomacy to stabilize their neighborhood.
       If Bush truly wanted to rescue something of his historical 
     legacy, he would seize the initiative to implement this kind 
     of strategy. He would eventually be held up as a leader 
     capable of reversing direction by turning an imminent, tragic 
     defeat into strategic recovery.
       If he stays on his present course, he will leave Congress 
     the opportunity to earn the credit for such a turnaround. It 
     is already too late to wait for some presidential candidate 
     for 2008 to retrieve the situation. If Congress cannot act, 
     it, too, will live in infamy.

  He identified the shortcomings of the administration's Iraq policy 
and presented some of the clearest and most prescient thinking on the 
issue to date.
  He places in stark relief what many of our colleagues refuse to 
accept, that the preemptive, unilateral course set by the President is 
not a strategy for success in Iraq.
  He says: ``The first and most critical step is to recognize that 
fighting on now simply prolongs our losses and blocks the way to a new 
strategy. Getting out of Iraq is the precondition for creating new 
strategic options. Withdrawal will take away the conditions that allow 
our enemies in the region to enjoy our pain.
  ``Second,'' he says, ``we must recognize that the United States alone 
cannot stabilize the Middle East.
  ``Third, we must acknowledge that most of our policies are actually 
destabilizing the region. Spreading democracy, using sticks to try to 
prevent nuclear proliferation, threatening `regime change,' using the 
hysterical rhetoric of the `global war on terrorism' all undermine the 
stability we so desperately need in the Middle East.
  ``Fourth, we must redefine our purpose. It must be a stable region, 
not primarily a democratic Iraq. We must redirect our military 
operations so they enhance rather than undermine stability.''
  So many experts, so many respected leaders, so many voices of 
patriots, and their critical analysis ignored.
  Madam Speaker, in the preamble to our Constitution, three magnificent 
words lead the document: ``We, the people.'' The people of our Nation 
made

[[Page 4304]]

the clearest and most important solemn judgment on Iraq in last 
November's election. They said, in overwhelming numbers, to change the 
direction of this war, to de-escalate, not escalate.
  That is exactly what this debate is about. We pay tribute to and 
support our troops who honor our country with their service. We say, as 
the American people have said, enough is enough. I urge my colleagues 
to vote for this resolution.

                              {time}  1830

  Mrs. WILSON of New Mexico. Madam Speaker, I am pleased to yield 5 
minutes to the gentleman from California (Mr. Herger).
  Mr. HERGER. Madam Speaker, I hope we all can recognize the profound 
importance of our mission in Iraq. History surely will. The mission in 
Iraq will impact our national security for decades to come.
  The United States seeks a region of stability and peace to create a 
more secure world for our children and grandchildren. Al Qaeda seeks a 
region of terror and bloodshed.
  The President believes victory in Iraq is key to victory on the war 
on terror. Al Qaeda believes our defeat in Iraq is key to its vision of 
violent Islamic rule. Our security is clearly at risk.
  Americans are frustrated by the current situation in Iraq. We have 
witnessed the removal of a historic dictator, yet our men and women in 
uniform remain at risk. We have witnessed historic democratic 
elections, yet those elected have not yet brought security. We have 
been told about the progress we have experienced in training Iraqi 
security forces, yet violence continues to rage.
  With growing uneasiness, we have watched a back and forth tug of war 
between progress and setback, and we mourn the loss of every single 
brave American who has fallen during this mission.
  Madam Speaker, I share this frustration and sorrow. Yet I believe we 
must not allow our frustrations to blind us to the need for victory 
over radical jihadists. This House must work together in addressing the 
challenges in Iraq, because the outcome will be closely linked to our 
own national security for years to come.
  Regrettably, the resolution before us does nothing to enhance this 
security. It does not offer a solution to the challenges in Iraq. It 
does not recognize the magnitude of the failure. And it does not 
recognize the nature of our enemies. For these reasons I strongly 
oppose it.
  Madam Speaker, we know terrorists friendly to bin Laden are among the 
enemy in Iraq. Even before the fall of Saddam's regime, the terrorist 
mastermind Zarqawi had sought refuge in Iraq. His network of terror 
grew rapidly. Bin Laden's top deputy applauded his actions and 
counseled him on achieving dominance in the region. Although Zarqawi 
himself can no longer do harm, al Qaeda in Iraq remains a threat to our 
security.
  An American defeat in Iraq would embolden the terrorists like no 
event before, bolstering bin Laden's view that America is weak. Al 
Qaeda would enjoy more than just a morale boost; they would have a new 
operational base to plot attacks against Americans and train new 
recruits. An American defeat in Iraq would almost certainly bring forth 
a government that turns a blind eye towards terrorism. This, Madam 
Speaker, would be catastrophic to our national security.
  An American defeat in Iraq would also generate unspeakable chaos in 
the Middle East. The dangerous regime in Iran is already seeking to 
capitalize on what it perceives as our weakness. Iran is well on its 
way to developing nuclear weapons, and its fanatical president has 
publicly said that he wishes to destroy America and Israel. Syria would 
also take advantage of a power vacuum in Iraq, further destabilizing 
the Middle East. What is good for hostile regimes like Iran and Syria 
can be devastating for America's security.
  In closing, Iraq is a central front in the war on terrorism, and its 
future will greatly influence our future security. An American victory 
would foster stability in a volatile region and provide a resounding 
defeat for terror.
  For these reasons, we must give the President's new plan in Iraq a 
chance to succeed. Our resolve must override our frustrations. Our 
support for the remarkable members of our Armed Forces must be 
unwavering. And our determination in fighting radical jihadists who 
want to kill us and our families must never run dry. Madam Speaker, 
that determination must never run dry
  Mr. REYES. Madam Speaker, it is my privilege to yield 6 minutes to 
the gentleman from Maryland (Mr. Ruppersberger).
  Mr. RUPPERSBERGER. I thank you, Chairman Reyes, of the Intelligence 
Committee.
  Madam Speaker, this resolution before the House today is very clear: 
Congress and the American people support our troops who serve bravely 
in Iraq, and Congress disapproves of President Bush's decision to send 
an additional 20,000 troops to Iraq.
  There is not a Member of this body who does not pray for our Nation's 
success in Iraq and in the global war on terror. Our brave servicemen 
and women have performed in Iraq with valor and honor. They have done 
everything that a grateful Nation has asked of them since the beginning 
of the war.
  Whether you are for or against the war, we must support our troops. 
This resolution does that.
  The only people sacrificing in this war are the troops and their 
families. Many military personnel have served two and three tours of 
duty. It has been difficult on their families here at home. More than 
3,100 of our finest sons and daughters have given the ultimate 
sacrifice for their country. More than 25,000 troops have been wounded.
  I do not believe we need new troops in Iraq. I believe we need a new 
strategy in Iraq. The current strategy is clearly not working.
  We have increased the number of American troops in the past, and it 
has not done anything to calm the violence. In fact, in certain 
circumstances the violence has increased. Even General Abizaid, 
commander of U.S. forces in the Middle East has stated, ``More American 
forces prevent the Iraqis from doing more, from taking more 
responsibility for their own future.'' I completely agree with him.
  I serve on the House Permanent Select Committee on Intelligence; I 
have been to Iraq four times and have met with America's top generals, 
U.S. and Iraqi troops, and Iraqi elected officials. We must give the 
Iraqis more responsibility to take control of their own country. We 
must cut the apron strings and let the Iraqis patrol their own streets. 
American troops will guard the perimeter areas and back up the Iraqis 
in an emergency. I call this the Perimeter Plan.
  Redeploying troops to perimeter areas, the Green Zone, and lowering 
the profile of American forces will break the dependency the Iraqi 
military has on U.S. forces.
  The Iraqis will gain more confidence in their own ability to secure 
their own country, and we will begin bringing our men and women home.
  It has been said by my friends on the other side of the aisle that 
the Democrats don't have a plan. That is not true. Other Members of our 
party have a plan and I have a plan. In fact, I shared the Perimeter 
Plan with the President and members of his Cabinet on two occasions at 
the White House. I also gave a copy of the Perimeter Plan to the Iraqi 
Study Group that reviewed it before issuing its recommendations that 
have been largely ignored by the President. This is not cut and run 
like some on the other side of the aisle would like you to believe. It 
is a way to force the Iraqis to take more control of their country, 
while also allowing the U.S. military to do what it does best.
  We have some of the best operations forces, Marines and Rangers, and 
the best technology in the world. These forces can focus on backing up 
the Iraqi military.
  As Thomas Payne insisted during the American Revolution: ``We need to 
let those who want independence test their will and try their soul.'' 
More American troops hinder the Iraqi democracy from testing its soul, 
and hurt the

[[Page 4305]]

world in the global war on terror. More than $400 billion has been 
spent on this war by American taxpayers with little or no oversight by 
Congress. From the invasion of Iraq and the start of the war, a 
Republican House and Republican Senate have given the President almost 
whatever he wanted both in money and strategic resources. The days of 
the blank check are over. The stakes are too high to allow this money 
and resources to be spent unchecked.
  In the first 6 weeks of this new Congress, the Democrats have held 52 
House and Senate hearings on Iraq. We are conducting oversight and 
holding the administration accountable.
  Iraq was not a hotbed for terrorists before the war, but it is now. 
The country has become a magnet for those who want to harm Americans 
and Iraqis and disrupt a new democracy. Terrorists have used Iraq 
against us to recruit and spread their twisted ideology worldwide.
  But the global war on terror is much more than Iraq. While we are 
spending much of our precious resources in Iraq, we are not focused on 
fighting terrorism worldwide. We are taking our eye off the ball. We 
must refocus our efforts on other parts of the Middle East, Asia, South 
America, Africa, and other parts of the world. Good intelligence is the 
best defense against terrorism. This takes resources. We must 
prioritize where we put our money. It is not about Republicans or 
Democrats. It is about all Americans and keeping this country safe for 
our children and our grandchildren.
  Madam Speaker, this is a critical moment in the war in Iraq. More 
troops will not help Iraq. A new strategy will.
  Democracy is rooted in independence and self-sustainment. By 
implementing the Perimeter Plan, we encourage the Iraqis to take 
control of their own country. This strategy will allow us to be 
successful in Iraq and win the war on terror. This is why we must vote 
for this resolution. I urge Members to support it
  Mrs. WILSON of New Mexico. I am pleased to yield 5 minutes to the 
gentleman from Nevada (Mr. Porter).
  Mr. PORTER. Madam Speaker, the Iraq war is the single greatest issue 
facing the American people today, and we must get the job done. Which 
is why I rise today in opposition to H. Con. Res. 63.
  My prayers go out to Nevada's 26 families who have lost loved ones in 
this war and the other over-3,000 American citizens that have paid the 
ultimate sacrifice. I continue to pray for those who are in the war 
zone today around the world and for the families here at home.
  Yes, a lot of mistakes have been made, but it is easy on Monday 
morning to look back and criticize. This war on terrorism is not in the 
textbooks. It is a war that must continually be reassessed, realigned, 
and restructured, because war is not perfect.
  I want to bring the troops home just as soon as possible, as soon as 
the region is secured. There are no guarantees, but I believe the 
quickest way to bring our sons and daughters home is to send additional 
troops for a short period of time.
  Madam Speaker, I oppose this resolution for three major reasons:
  Number one, the impact on troops' morale.
  Number two, there are no solutions today. This resolution sticks with 
staying the course.
  And, number three, I believe this resolution puts us in the pathway 
of cutting off funds desperately needed for our troops.
  First, on the morale: I have had the honor to be in the Middle East, 
in Southeast Asia, in Iraq, Afghanistan, Pakistan on three occasions, I 
believe more times than anyone in our delegation from Nevada. I have 
looked in the eyes of these young men and women of all ages in the 
deserts of Iraq, in Bethesda, and in Walter Reed Army Hospital.
  To a person, morale is at an all-time high. But what I do hear 
consistently from these folks is they are afraid that Washington has 
looked the other way. They don't want to be the last man killed, and 
they are afraid the funds are going to be reduced and cut off.
  And, you know, I even disagree with Secretary Gates and his 
perspective, and certainly with the Democrats with their approach that 
this debate does not send the wrong message. I believe that you are 
wrong. It does.
  I received this e-mail just this week from a soldier I spent 
Christmas Eve with in Baghdad this past Christmas. And he said, 
``Congressman, every day we are burdened with stories in the media of 
the American people wanting to cut and run, with slanted coverage of 
atrocities and the argument that it is possible to support the troops 
but not the war. I disagree, Congressman. Someone that supports me by 
extension supports my efforts to accomplish my mission.''
  Madam Speaker, I hope this Congress heeds his words.
  Another young man from Nevada visited the Capitol last year, wanted a 
tour of the Capitol, is proud of his uniform, because he was a soldier 
serving in the Middle East. But he was afraid he would be scorned, not 
unlike our family and friends that were scorned when they returned from 
Vietnam.
  Through this resolution we are going to continue to send the wrong 
message to those who humbly protect our Nation.
  The second reason, there are no solutions in this resolution. My 
father taught me a long time ago that before you complain you need to 
have a solution to the problem.

                              {time}  1845

  The Democrats have not presented the American people with a solution, 
only a resolution that endorses stay the course, which, as we saw in 
November, is unacceptable to the American people. This is not about 
leadership. This is unacceptable. I am open for ideas and suggestions 
as we fight this war on terror, but we must, we must win this war.
  The third reason, this resolution opens the door to cutting funds 
desperately needed by our troops. The Democrats have said it time and 
time again. They are talking about cutting funds for body armor, for 
food, for military equipment and supplies.
  This resolution, and their assertion this resolution simultaneously 
offers support for soldiers but not the President's plan, is 
disingenuous. I am deeply concerned that this resolution merely opens 
the door for Congress to move forward cutting off funds for our troops. 
We have heard it this week, and simply had the Democrats allowed the 
Republicans to add one sentence that we would guarantee we would not 
reduce the funds, would have changed the whole outcome of this 
resolution.
  Madam Speaker, I appreciate this opportunity, but this resolution is 
a resolution of hypocrisy. The American people spoke in November and 
said we must not stay the course. I cannot support this resolution, and 
I don't believe the American people do.
  Mr. REYES. Madam Speaker, it is now my honor to yield 5 minutes to 
the gentlelady from California (Ms. Roybal-Allard).
  Ms. ROYBAL-ALLARD. Madam Speaker, I rise to support the resolution 
and to express my opposition to the President's plan to send additional 
troops to Iraq. While I rise as a Member of this House who opposed 
authorization of the Iraq war, I also rise as a member of the new 
Congressional majority, representing millions of Americans who voted 
for a new direction in Iraq, and I rise representing my own 34th 
congressional district of California, whose constituents overwhelmingly 
oppose this escalation.
  Perhaps, most importantly, I rise as the proud stepmother of a U.S. 
Army serviceman who served in Iraq, and a proud wife of a marine who 
saw two tours of duty in Vietnam. While I will never personally 
experience war on the ground, I can speak from a wife and mother's 
perspective about what it means to have a loved one sent into harm's 
way.
  Over 4 years ago, I spoke from that very perspective when I, with 
many of my colleagues, urged the President to exhaust all diplomatic 
efforts, give the U.N. weapons inspectors a chance to finish their job 
and, if necessary, establish a multilateral coalition force to

[[Page 4306]]

confront Saddam before invading Iraq. These steps would have made it 
possible to say to my stepson and to all our Nation's sons and 
daughters, your country did everything in its power to keep you from 
harm's way.
  Regrettably, the President did not do everything in his power to keep 
them from harm's way. We know now that decisions to invade Iraq were 
based on, at best, faulty intelligence, and, at worst, intelligence 
viewed to favor a specific policy outcome. It is breathtaking now to 
consider how incomplete, simplistic, or just plain wrong our 
intelligence and projections were about the need to invade Iraq.
  It is breathtaking to consider the cost to our Nation of this ill-
conceived and mismanaged war in which billions of dollars have been 
spent without significant and appropriate oversight of the war effort, 
the occupation, or the plan for reconstruction and withdrawal from 
Iraq. Even more tragic is the huge price that has been paid in American 
and Iraqi lives and in our esteem around the world.
  I share the commitment of my husband and stepson and that of all 
Americans to defend this Nation against all enemies. I believe, even as 
a peaceful Nation, we must be resolute in our determination to defend 
our country against hostile interests.
  But the bar to war must be set high, and information on which we base 
our entry into war or escalate our involvement must be clear, 
compelling, and as unfiltered as possible. The President did not, in 
good faith, make the case to preemptively and unilaterally go to war in 
Iraq, and he has not made the case for this escalation. He has not 
explained to the American people why, after four failed escalations, 
this one will succeed. Even many of his generals and military advisors 
oppose this plan. To give approval to this administration, to continue 
its failed strategy, and put into jeopardy the lives of an additional 
20,000 troops defies common sense.
  Madam Speaker, we will all forever be grateful to the brave men and 
women in uniform who have done everything they have been asked to do 
valiantly and courageously.
  Therefore, I continue to hope that the debate over this resolution 
will be absent the charges that we undermine their mission and their 
morale, for this is nonsense. There is not a Member in this body that 
does not respect and honor their service or support their efforts. Our 
message is to the Commander in Chief, not the brave troops who serve 
our Nation.
  Four years ago, I asked myself whether we were doing everything in 
our power to keep our Nation's sons and daughters out of harm's way. 
Four years later, I stand here to oppose this escalation and ask that 
we begin the process of doing everything in our power to take our sons 
and daughters out of harm's way and bring them safely home
  Mrs. WILSON of New Mexico. Madam Speaker, I am pleased to yield 5\1/
2\ minutes to my colleague from New York (Mr. Reynolds).
  Mr. REYNOLDS. I thank the gentlewoman from New Mexico.
  Madam Speaker, we have heard many speeches this week talking about 
the honorable men and women of our Armed Forces. We all have 
constituents who have served bravely in Iraq and some have paid the 
ultimate price for this service, and we are forever grateful for that. 
We are grateful because these men and women put our freedoms and our 
country before themselves. It is this freedom that affords us the 
ability to undertake the debate on this shallow, shortsighted 
resolution.
  If the purpose of this resolution is scoring political points and 
playing political games, then bravo to the Democratic majority, they 
have succeeded. But if the purpose of this resolution is for a new 
direction in Iraq that will secure victory and secure the second 
democracy in the Middle East, then this resolution comes up woefully 
short.
  I am not prepared to look our soldiers and their families in their 
eyes and say I voted for this resolution, because while I support you, 
I do not support your mission.
  We debate a resolution this week that represents a cavalier attitude 
about the mission our troops are carrying out, day in and day out, 
without fear, and without knowing whether some in the halls of this 
Congress still support them in this war on terror.
  While we debate this resolution, let me be clear that, like my 
constituents, my patience is limited in Iraq. We must see more progress 
sooner rather than later. We must see the Iraqis play a larger role and 
take control of their country. The Iraqis need to recognize their 
failure to take control has consequences, the consequences of 
fulfilling bin Laden's wish to see Iraq become a new central base for 
terrorists, the consequences of destabilizing the Middle East and 
endangering Israel, our strongest democratic ally in the Middle East.
  The consequence is of involving our enemies like Iran and other rogue 
states to develop weapons of mass destruction without the fear of 
repercussions. Ultimately in Iraq, it is Iraqis who will decide if 
democracy or tyranny rule the day, and whether they avoid the 
consequences of their failure.
  But while my patience is limited, and I want to see progress, I will 
not play politics with our troops, which is what this resolution does.
  Like Majority Leader Hoyer said yesterday, no one should hide behind 
the troops. I agree, but equally important, Members of this body should 
not be hiding behind this resolution if their true aim is to cut off 
funding for our troops. Because while this resolution will indeed score 
a few political points for some debating in this Chamber today, this 
resolution also sends a message far beyond this Chamber.
  Indeed, Madam Speaker, this nonbinding resolution, while lacking any 
bite in terms of strategy, and not changing anything on the ground in 
Baghdad, will send a message loud and clear to our troops: We are 
consigning your mission to failure before you even have a chance to 
execute it.
  As I listened to Sam Johnson today, as he recounted the unspeakable 
damage antiwar efforts back home did to our soldiers in Vietnam, I 
wondered whether our brave men and women are listening to the taunts of 
America's enemies at this very moment as we debate not just this 
resolution but their mission. Sam Johnson is not alone in questioning 
the damage to the morale we may be doing to those fighting forces.
  One of my constituents, a highly decorated Iraq war veteran, David 
Bellavia wrote, ``Each day . . . move(s) us closer to losing a winnable 
war and abandoning a worthy ally.''
  Madam Speaker, for Congress to support this resolution gives 
encouragement to the jihadists and cuts the morale of our troops. In 
our global war on terror, we cannot show a lack of resolve because, as 
we know, after decades of attacks by these jihadists on our citizens, 
the World Trade Center in 1993, our embassies and the USS Cole, we know 
what a lack of resolve has meant. That lack of resolve hit us all when 
the jihadists attacked us again on the morning of September 11, 2001. 
That fateful Tuesday brought devastation to this country not seen since 
Pearl Harbor and, God willing, that we will never experience again.
  The skies were thick with smoke, debris piled so high it brought to a 
standstill the city that never sleeps. Just days after the attacks, I 
stood at Ground Zero amidst the rubble, in anguish. I knew this was 
bigger than any political party, bigger than any one country. It is a 
global war on Islamic jihadism, and that war, as the jihadists have 
said, is now set in Iraq.
  The question raised by this resolution is, will we yield? As Winston 
Churchill said, reflecting on the darkest days of the global war of his 
time, one that pitted the hopes of freedom against the ideology of 
hatred, ``Never give in--never, never, never, never, in nothing great 
or small, large or petty;
  ``Never yield to force; never yield to the apparently overwhelming 
might of the enemy.''
  Madam Speaker, in the daunting challenge of our time, we must not 
waver, and we must not yield.
  Mr. REYES. Madam Speaker, I yield myself 6 minutes.

[[Page 4307]]

  I rise to express my strong support for our Nation's military and for 
the resolution before the House today. I am a proud veteran. I know 
what it is like to say good-bye to loved ones and be gone for a year, 
or 13 months, as in my case when I served in Vietnam.
  I voted against authorizing the use of force against Iraq because I 
did not believe that the evidence provided by the administration, 
particularly the intelligence data, were sufficient to justify putting 
our troops in harm's way. Combat should be the last option. I know; I 
have been there.
  Over 3,000 American lives later, and tens of thousands suffering 
debilitating injuries, yet we are no closer to our goal of a secure and 
stable Iraq, and the situation there continues to deteriorate.
  Our military families are paying a high price. There were a couple of 
articles in today's paper that talked about our inability to find 
common ground.
  Well, I disagree. I think we find common ground because we care about 
not just our troops, but their families, our military families.
  Madam Speaker, I would like to submit for the Record an e-mail from 
Sergeant Matthew Baeza

       Hello Sir, My name is SGT Matthew Baeza, currently I am 
     deployed in Iraq in support of Operation Iraqi Freedom '05-
     '07 with the C-84th ECB (H), out of Fort Richardson, AK. I am 
     an El Paso native, and have not been too big in politics 
     although I did my fair share of Democratic rallies with my 
     father Luis Baeza when I was in high school. I have met you 
     on several occasions through my father as well as when we met 
     on the steps of the Senate when I was on a High School trip 
     to DC in '99.
       My concerns are brought forward wholehearted. They do not 
     concern El Paso, but it does concern El Pasoans all over the 
     country who serve in the military and who are deployed in the 
     threatre of operations.
       Many of us in the military believe in what we do and feel 
     our mission here is warranted. The issues are not against our 
     deployments but rather the length of our deployments.
       You see, the ARMY is the only branch that will always 
     deploy with a full 12 month rotation in deployments. Other 
     branches have been cut to 6 months or even 3 months. I do 
     realize there are certain elements in the other branches that 
     serve a 12 month rotation like the ARMY.
       The issue I have is that 12 months isn't that difficult to 
     pull the first time. But into your second and third 
     deployments (some soldiers serving 4 deployments back to 
     back) it starts to break the backs of even the strongest of 
     families. Children are seeking counseling as young as 3 or 4 
     years old due to the absence of their parents, and if a 
     marriage survives, most end up seeking help from chaplains or 
     marriage counselors. Is that how we want our Service Members 
     and their families to live?
       Out of a 5 year marriage, I will have been absent 3 years, 
     and will only have known my son for 9 months, when I return 
     days from his 3rd birthday. My marriage along with hundreds 
     of other service members are quickly ending due to the amount 
     of time absent from home.
       I am not sure if surveys have been performed, but I can 
     almost guarantee you the percentage of divorces have 
     multiplied at an exponential rate. But yet talks of cutting 
     down deployments have been in the works for year but no 
     progress has been made.
       The vast majority of Armed Services members are proud every 
     day to put on our uniform and help others who cannot help 
     themselves. But at what cost? At the cost of losing the ones 
     we love. And at the end of it all we cannot place blame on 
     our spouses, for they have been holding on longer than most 
     could ever imagine.
       Our spouses run multiple lives as my wife does. As a 
     professional writer and reporter for the Anchorage Daily 
     Newspaper, a mother, FRG (Family Readiness Group) Leader, and 
     as a military spouse, my wife, she has a lot to deal with. 
     Bills, care for our child, her work, and dealing with my 
     calls home whether they be happy or sad. It is simply too 
     much to ask from anyone.
       My wife is as strong as they come, but with the last 3 
     years her patience has worn extremely thin. With us being 
     away from home, many wives end up leaving their husbands 
     searching for a better life, or long needed affection without 
     a phone, or even to become their own person again. My wife 
     told me something the other day that really hit me, ``No one 
     knows who you are, they know Megan and Dominic, and the guy 
     that keeps calling on the phone.''
       That is who we have become to our families, just a voice on 
     the phone. I am not asking to get out of this conflict. We 
     are doing well here, plus if we leave, the friends I have 
     lost here would have died in vain. I cannot have that on my 
     conscience. We all realize the good we are accomplishing 
     here, but we are losing our families over it.
       We don't try to save the world, at least I don't, that is 
     too much to ask of one person. But rather try for the ones 
     closest to us. My son and my wife. But when they are gone, 
     who is it for? Every day I am here I tell myself I do this 
     for them, and others feel the same way.
       I am not asking you to change the way things are, but 
     rather voice your opinion and raise a flag for those of us 
     that cannot. With your reputation you can influence others in 
     helping us cut our deployments to shorter periods. We are not 
     asking to leave Iraq or Afghanistan, but rather cut the time 
     away from home. When you start stacking deployments on top of 
     each other, families get broken, and when that happens, you 
     get Service Members who cannot perform. Would could when your 
     life is falling apart?
       I hope you read this and understand where I am coming from, 
     and realize I speak for a number of Soldiers, Sailors, 
     Marines, Airmen, and Coast Guardsmen who have fallen into 
     this horrible ordeal.
       Thank you sir for your time.
                                                    Matthew Baeza,
     SGT, EN Supply Sergeant.
                                  ____


          [From the Fairbanks Daily News-Miner, Dec. 8, 2006]

                          A Hero, Home at Last

                         (By Michelle Cuthrell)

       After spending 24 hours a day for seven days a week for 
     four weeks a month for 16 months of deployment learning how 
     to wait, you'd think small increments of time like an hour 
     and a half would just fly by.
       But standing in that Alert Holding Area on Fort Wainwright 
     Tuesday night, 90 minutes felt like an eternity.
       I guess patience isn't exactly in large supply when you are 
     anticipating the imminent return of your husband from Iraq.
       Standing amid the other moms and dads and spouses and 
     children who were also impatiently awaiting the arrival of 
     loved ones, I found myself fidgety.
       I picked up Connor and then put him back down every five 
     minutes, and I must have readjusted the belt and buttons on 
     my black and red welcome home dress at least 50 times.
       Every moment felt like another extension and every minute 
     felt like another deployment. I talked a million miles a 
     minute, and I must have asked my friend at least 20 times if 
     the soldiers had left Eielson Air Force Base yet to head to 
     Fort Wainwright.
       I detested the anticipation.
       I had so many emotions built up inside from 16 months of 
     missing my husband like crazy and was experiencing this 
     physical longing stronger than anything else I'd ever known 
     to just touch him, hug him and hold him.
       Which is maybe why, when the Army band began to play and 
     those three magic garage doors simultaneously began to open, 
     I broke down into tears.
       I cried as the nearly 200 soldiers disembarked the buses 
     that transported them from Eielson as the crowd erupted in 
     cheers and the families burst into applause. I wept as the 
     soldiers made their formation on the far side of the room, 
     and I sobbed as they marched across that hangar-like area to 
     their place in front of us.
       And when their commander released them to their families, I 
     broke down.
       Soldiers sprinted toward us, frantically searching for 
     their families, and in the crowd, I just couldn't see my 
     husband. He wasn't in the very front, he wasn't in the very 
     back, he wasn't near his old commander, he wasn't near anyone 
     else I knew.
       I was starting to panic, when all of a sudden, two soldiers 
     cleared my path of vision and for the first time, I spotted 
     him. I literally lost my breath. My heart fluttered the way 
     it did the first time I met my husband, and I felt just like 
     that 18-year-old girl again as we made eye contact for the 
     first time.
       My heart dropped, and my husband beamed.
       I've never run so fast with a child in my arms in my entire 
     mommy life. I had tunnel vision as I trotted toward the man 
     of my dreams and flung my one arm around his neck as he 
     embraced the two of us with the biggest smile I've ever seen 
     from a man in uniform.
       He held us tight, told me through giant smiling teeth that 
     he loved me and missed me, and then pulled away to look down 
     at his son for the first time since he was 11 days old. And 
     in an act that I'm positive must have been from God, Connor 
     looked up at his daddy and smiled as if Matt had been a 
     physical part of his life for all eight months.
       I cried. Then I laughed. Then I smiled. Then I shed another 
     tear.
       We hugged, we kissed, we stared at the beautiful life we 
     had created together.
       And when it was all said and done and our run-leap-hug 
     maneuver was complete, we walked out of that AHA, hand in 
     hand, with our worlds once again connected and our love once 
     again in tangible form.
       There's no more counting down the days ``until they come 
     home.''
       My hero is home, and my life is once again complete.

  I want to read the e-mail that I got from Sergeant Baeza, a soldier 
who is from El Paso, not assigned to El Paso, but is from El Paso:
  ``Hello, sir, my name is Sergeant Matthew Baeza. Currently I am 
deployed in Iraq in support of Operation

[[Page 4308]]

Iraqi Freedom. I am an El Paso native, and I have not been too big on 
politics, although I did my fair share of Democratic rallies with my 
father, Luis Baeza, when I was in high school. I have met you on 
several occasions through my father, as well as when we met on the 
steps of the Senate when I was on a high school trip to D.C. in 1999.
  ``My concerns are brought forward wholehearted. They do not concern 
El Paso, but it does concern El Pasoens all over the country who serve 
in the military and who are deployed in the theatre of operations.

                              {time}  1900

  ``Many of us in the military believe in what we do and feel our 
mission here is warranted. The issues are not against our deployments, 
but rather the length of our deployments. You see, the Army is the only 
branch that will always deploy with a full 12-month rotation in its 
deployments. Other branches have been cut to 6 months or even 3 months. 
I do realize there are certain elements in other branches that serve a 
12-month rotation like the Army. Nonetheless, the Army uses a 12-month 
rotation.
  ``The issue I have is that 12 months is not that difficult to pull 
the first time. But into your second and third deployments, some 
soldiers serving with me back to back four times, it starts to break 
the backs of even the strongest of families. Children are seeking 
counseling as young as 3- or 4-years-old due to the absence of their 
parents.
  ``And if a marriage survives, most end up seeking help from chaplains 
or marriage counselors. Is that how we want our servicemembers and 
their families to live? Out of a 5-year marriage, I will have been 
absent 3 years and will only have known my son for 9 months when I 
return in a few days for his third birthday.
  ``My marriage, along with hundreds of other servicemembers are 
quickly ending due to the amount of time absent from home. I am not 
sure if surveys have been performed, but I can almost guarantee you the 
percentage of divorces has multiplied at an exponential rate.
  ``But yet talks of cutting down deployments have been in the works 
for years, but no progress have we seen. The vast majority of armed 
services members are proud every day to put on our uniform and help 
others who cannot help themselves, but at what cost? At the cost of 
losing the ones we love, and at the end of it all we cannot place blame 
on our spouses. For they have been holding on longer than most could 
ever imagine. Our spouses run multiple lives, as my wife does. As a 
professional reporter for the local newspaper, a mother who is raising 
a family on her own, as a military spouse, as my wife, she has a lot to 
deal with. Bills, care for our child, her work, and dealing with my 
calls from home, whether they be happy or sad. It is simply too much to 
ask from any one person.
  ``My wife is as strong as they come, but with the last 3 years, her 
patience has worn extremely thin. With us being away from home, many 
wives end up leaving their husbands, searching for a better life, or 
long-needed affection without a phone, or even to become their own 
person again.
  ``My wife told me something the other day that really hit me.'' And 
he quotes his wife: ```No one knows who you are. They know Megan and 
they know Dominic, and the guy that keeps calling on the phone.' That 
is who we have become to our families, just a voice on the phone.
  ``I am not asking to get out of this conflict. We are doing well 
here. Plus the friends I have lost here would have died in vain. I 
cannot have that on my conscience. We are accomplishing here, but we 
are losing our families over it. We don't try to save the world, at 
least I don't. That is too much to ask of one person.
  ``But rather try for the ones closest to us, my son, and my wife, but 
when they are gone who is it for? Every day I am here I tell myself I 
do this for them. And others feel the same way. I am not asking you to 
change the way things are, but rather voice your opinion and raise the 
flag for those of us that cannot, with your reputation and your 
influence, in helping us cut our deployments to shorter periods.
  ``We are not asking to leave Iraq or Afghanistan, but rather to cut 
time away from home. When you start stacking deployments on top of each 
other, families get broken. When that happens you get servicemembers 
who cannot perform.
  ``At what cost when your life is falling apart?
  ``Signed, Sergeant Baeza.''
  Madam Speaker, that is what we are doing to our military families. 
That is what this resolution is about. It is about having the Iraqis 
accept responsibility for their own country and for their own 
responsibility and taking care of themselves. That is why we are doing 
this
  Mrs. WILSON of New Mexico. Madam Speaker, I yield 5\1/2\ minutes to 
my colleague from Texas (Mr. Brady).
  Mr. BRADY of Texas. Madam Speaker, watching television late last 
night I was reminded of the vivid contrast between Congress and the war 
on terror. On the one channel I watched Members of the House 
theatrically debating this nonbinding, that means pretend, resolution, 
while the other channel showed an American chopper hit by a rocket-
propelled grenade and billowing black smoke, falling in the death 
spiral to the ground, killing all American soldiers aboard.
  Tonight our soldiers face real bullets and real explosive devices; we 
debate a pretend resolution. I wish I could say this is merely a waste 
of time, but it is far more damaging than that. As Lincoln warned, a 
house divided itself cannot stand. Yet today our Congress stands 
divided for all the world to see. Our enemies are smiling and our 
soldiers are sick at heart.
  Don't take my word for it. Let me read you an e-mail I received this 
week from a decorated Army soldier who served in the gulf war and again 
in Iraq on this war on terror.
  He writes: ``The troops support the mission, support the President, 
and support the surge. We are moving the brigade out of here soon. I 
cannot be more adamant about the fact that partisan politics is hurting 
the mission and the morale. We want to win the war not the White 
House.''
  I fear that some see that in the other order. The troops want to 
complete this mission. Congress wanted a change in the strategy, they 
got a change, now they don't want to support the change. That is 
exactly why Vietnam vets complained about politicians not allowing them 
to win. And this is not Vietnam all over again, but the politicians are 
making the same mistakes they did back then.
  Let the generals run the war; you guys handle immigration. Well, 
listening to this debate, perhaps we should just turn the running of 
the war over to Congress. Unbeknownst to America, apparently the most 
brilliant, articulate military strategists have to be here in Congress. 
But a word of caution to my fellow MacArthurs and Pattons. It is easy 
to run a war when you are 6,000 miles from Baghdad and hold a 
microphone for a gun.
  There can be only one Commander in Chief. The moment Congress begins 
interfering in battlefield decisions is the moment we are assured of 
losing this war and that moment is dangerously near.
  I support this surge. If our military leaders and the Commander in 
Chief need these extra soldiers, I am behind them 110 percent. Am I 
certain the surge will work? No. But I am certain the consequences of 
failing in Iraq will ultimately cost us many more innocent lives and a 
much darker future, not just for Iraq but for my family and yours.
  In Iraq and Afghanistan we are in a battle of wills. Should America 
retreat, should we withdraw prematurely, we will not only cement our 
reputation as a Nation that talks big and acts boldly, but at the first 
sign of difficulty shows no will, no backbone, no strength to keep our 
word.
  The world saw our lack of will in Vietnam, they watched us run from 
Somalia, and today they see our backbone disintegrate over Iraq. They 
watched us for a quarter of a century, we wished away the terrorist 
attacks in Khobar, the USS Cole, and the first World Trade Center 
bombing.

[[Page 4309]]

  Finally it hit home and already some in Congress are flying the white 
flag. Think. Nations like Iraq and Afghanistan who oppose terrorism are 
faced with a choice. They can live with terrorists among them or live 
in a free society with the protection and the backing of the world's 
greatest democracy. That is us. With their lives and the future on the 
line who will they choose? Is it not sad that today the world has just 
about decided that America will not keep its word, America cannot be 
counted on?
  Terrorists know that while they can never hope to defeat our military 
on the battleground, they are assured if they just hold out, they can 
defeat us in Congress one opinion poll at a time. This is a test of 
wills, and whether we got here for the reason you agree with or not, it 
is a test. I believe we are here for the right reasons, and it is 
incredibly naive to believe that all of the terrorist organizations in 
the world were conveniently gathered in Afghanistan, like a Rotary 
Club.
  We are wrong to pursue terrorist safe havens other than those that 
harbored al Qaeda on the some wobbly theory we should not pursue drug 
cartels other than the ones we believe smuggled in the drug that 
destroyed your child.
  Due to technology and financing, terrorists are not limited to states 
and regions, and we have to pursue them. But whether or not you agree 
with how we got here, we are there in Iraq. And the nation of Iraq and 
our Nation have everything riding on the line. Eliminating Iraq as a 
safe haven for financing, training terrorist groups in the Middle East 
is a mission we must complete for our sake.
  Thomas Edison once observed many of life's failures are people who 
did not realize how close they were to success when they gave up. If we 
fail in Iraq, we sentence our children to a lifetime of fear, of fear 
of going to the mall safely, going to work each morning and returning 
home safely, the fear of going with friends to a sports stadium without 
being torn apart in an explosion.
  If we believe the price of war is high, wait until we endure the 
price of terror here in America. Our soldiers are giving their blood, 
what are we giving them? A resolution.
  Mr. SPRATT. Madam Speaker, I yield 5 minutes to the gentleman from 
Texas (Mr. Rodriguez).
  Mr. RODRIGUEZ. Madam Speaker, I rise today in strong support of this 
bipartisan resolution that expresses disapproval of the President's 
escalation of troops in Iraq. In October of 2002, I stood on this floor 
in this House and voted against giving the President authority to wage 
war in Iraq. And I did so because I strongly believed that Congress 
should not abdicate its war powers and hand over to the President a 
blank check on the war.
  I also recognized, having served on the Armed Services Committee and 
on the Terrorist Task Force prior to 9/11, that the evidence was not 
there. I may not agree with how this war has been handled, but I, along 
with everyone here and all of my colleagues on both sides, firmly stand 
by our troops. It is our servicemen and -women who are making a great 
sacrifice on the battlefield on behalf of all of us here in this 
Chamber and everyone across the United States.
  And they, the troops, all deserve our unequivocal support. This war 
is creating a new generation of veterans and a new generation of needs 
for them. Today, over 25,000 both dead and wounded have been reported, 
while this body continues to appropriate billions of dollars to the 
administration for this war.
  Let us remember our veterans and the cost to fulfill the promise that 
we have made to them for medical care. Today, the issue is not whether 
we were right or wrong to grant the President such broad authority in 
regards to this war in Iraq, but instead how he has exercised that 
power, what the results have been, and what his plans are for the 
future.
  We have now entered the fifth year of this war. And I ask you, what 
progress have we made? What is our exit strategy? It is not a new 
question. It was a question that was raised from the very beginning 
when we went into this war, and when we raised it in the Armed Services 
Committee. This war and the reckless strategy behind it have cost us 
Americans some $532 billion, and over 3,100 American lives, as well as 
over 3,000 serious injuries.
  It has resulted in increased sectarian violence and an uncertain 
future in Iraq. Madam Speaker, I think most of us here know that we 
need a new direction, and a new direction is justified. I can assure 
you that the American people want a new direction.
  But what the President has offered to them is more of the same. The 
President is now asking for a massive escalation of over 20,000 troops. 
The escalation plan will not work, just like the previous troop surges 
that we have had have not worked. Madam Speaker, the American people 
have asked and have had enough. And with an up-and-down vote on this 
resolution, this Congress will not only send a message to the President 
regarding his misguided policy, but also send a message to the American 
people that their Congress is listening, it is here, and it is calling 
for a new direction.
  I oppose this escalation plan because more troops in combat means 
more casualties and more loss of American lives. I have been to Walter 
Reed Medical Center, and I have seen our injured young men and women 
coming back from the battlefield. I have seen the sacrifice of what 
this war has done to our families and our loved ones.
  Earlier this week, my office was visited by Mr. Jim Goodnow. He is a 
veteran from my district and an active member of the Veterans for 
Peace. Mr. Goodnow has traveled all over the country from his home base 
in Terlinqua, Texas, aboard his bus dubbed the Yellow Rose. He has been 
spreading the message of peace for many years.
  Mr. Goodnow is not alone. And with this resolution we want to make it 
clear that this Congress and America and the American people have had 
enough. No more blank checks, no more violence, and no more escalation.

                              {time}  1915

  Madam Speaker, it is time that we stand by our country and stand up 
for our troops. I strongly urge my colleagues to support this 
bipartisan resolution.
  Mrs. WILSON of New Mexico. Madam Speaker, I am pleased to yield 5 
minutes to my colleague from Texas (Mr. McCaul).
  Mr. McCAUL of Texas. Madam Speaker, I rise today in support of our 
troops and in support of victory in Iraq.
  It is hard to ignore the inconvenient truth that this ill-timed 
measure will aid the terrorists and depress the morale of our soldiers 
who are fighting to defeat them. It also sends a wrong message to our 
troops at exactly the wrong time. They are carrying out their mission, 
as I speak, while we here in the Congress are condemning them.
  It amazes me that at the same time General Petraeus was confirmed by 
the Senate, this resolution was introduced condemning his 
counterinsurgency plan for victory.
  Never in our history has this country sent a war leader into battle, 
while condemning the very mission that he and the Armed Forces will be 
leading.
  Make no mistake, this resolution is the first step towards cutting 
off funding for our troops. As a consultant to the Iraq Study Group, I 
supported the findings that failure is not an option, and that a troop 
surge is necessary for security and stability. I also supported the 
recommendation that a political and diplomatic surge is essential for 
peace.
  The time for evaluating the success or failure of this endeavor will 
come soon enough, but now is not the time to be sending a message to 
friend and foe alike that we no longer believe in the mission.
  But many in this country and many in this Chamber insist it is in 
America's interest to surrender and retreat from our obligation to help 
Iraq build a stable democracy. They say that, knowing full well the 
consequences of an early American withdrawal.
  And what are those consequences? Chaos, instability in the region, 
and, in al Qaeda's own words, a threat that America has never seen 
before.

[[Page 4310]]

  Recently, the ambassadors from Jordan, Egypt and Saudi Arabia told me 
that ``if the U.S. fails here, it will be catastrophic. We are in this 
together. They will come after us and then they will come after you.'' 
And then they will come after you.
  Recently, after meeting with them, I had to say to myself, how will 
history then judge us; that when we stood at the brink, we chose 
retreat over advancement, surrender over victory, and defeatism for our 
children and for future generations?
  Let us remember the words of President Kennedy, when he said: ``Let 
every nation know, whether it wishes us well or ill, that we shall pay 
any price, bear any burden, meet any hardship, support any friend, 
oppose any foe, to assure the survival and success of liberty.''
  Where is the party of President Kennedy today? This resolution sends 
a clear message across the Islamic jihad world that we will not bear 
any burden, that we will not oppose any foe, that we have lost our 
will, that they have won, and that they can come and they can get us.
  I believe Abraham Lincoln summed it up best by saying that from these 
honored dead we take increased devotion to that cause for which they 
gave the last full measure of devotion, that we here highly resolve 
that these dead shall not have died in vain.
  As Members of Congress, the most sobering job that we have is to 
comfort the families left behind in a time of great loss and a time of 
war. I have stood by, like many of my colleagues, to honor those who 
have paid the ultimate sacrifice for freedom. We all stand here today 
indebted to those brave Americans and their families.
  And because those heroes and those families cannot speak on the floor 
of the House, I would like to share some of their words here with you 
today. And these are the words of Janet Norwood, a constituent, a Gold 
Star Mother, whose son, Byron, was killed in Fallujah while serving in 
Iraq. And she said: In the past I have always had great hope for this 
country. But, for the first time, during the State of the Union address 
last month, I had real doubts. I had doubts about our winning this war 
on terrorism. She said, When President Bush used the word ``victory,'' 
only half of the room stood to applaud. My heart sank. It was obvious 
to me at that moment that party affiliation was more important to some 
than victory over evil and the sacrifice our son and other sons have 
made.
  Well, to Janet and all the other Gold Star Mothers, I say, I couldn't 
agree more. And as Abraham Lincoln said, a house divided cannot stand.
  September 11 changed our lives forever. But the war on terror started 
long before that. The year 1979 changed the world. When Iran took our 
embassy hostage, the seeds of Islamic jihad were spread all over the 
Middle East.
  These seeds planted hatred and contempt for freedom in the souls of 
men like Osama bin Laden. In 1983, they murdered our marines in Beirut. 
In 1993, Ramzi Yousef and his al Qaeda associates bombed the World 
Trade Center. They were supposed to fall that day, but that day would 
come later.
  They struck the Khobar Towers in 1996. They bombed our embassies in 
Africa. They defeated us in Somalia. And they deliberately attacked the 
USS Cole.
  Each time we failed to respond. And then came September 11. It was as 
if the United States was a sleeping giant. And not until the bloodiest 
alarm of 9/11 did the giant finally awake. And America cannot afford to 
go back to sleep again.
  ``It is hard to ignore the inconvenient truth that this ill-timed 
measure will aid the terrorists and depress the morale of our soldiers 
who are fighting to defeat them.'' It also sends the wrong message to 
our troops at the wrong time. They are carrying out their mission as I 
speak, while we here in Congress are condemning it.
  The time for evaluating the success or failure of this endeavor will 
come soon enough, but now is not the time to be sending a message to 
friend and foe alike that we no longer believe in this mission.
  It amazes me that just as General Petraeus was confirmed by the 
Senate, this resolution was introduced condemning his counter-
insurgency plan for victory.
  ``Never in our history has this country sent a war leader into battle 
while condemning the mission that he and the armed forces he will be 
leading have been asked to complete.''
  Make no mistake; this resolution is the first step towards cutting 
off funding for our troops. As a consultant to the Iraq Study Group, I 
supported the findings that a troop surge is necessary for security and 
stability. I also supported the recommendation that a political and 
diplomatic surge is essential for victory.
  But many in this country, and many in this chamber, insist it is in 
America's interest to surrender and retreat from our obligation to help 
Iraq build a stable democracy. They say that, knowing full well the 
consequences of an early American withdrawal.
  And what are those consequences--
  Chaos. Instability in the region. A threat that America has never 
seen before. A threat that we will not be able to blindly put our head 
in the sand and wish it to go away.
  Al Qaeda has openly said that they consider Iraq the central front in 
the ``Third World War.'' Their goal is to create a Caliphate with 
Baghdad as its capital. Their plan is to then conquer the rest of the 
world and force all humanity to submit to Radical Islam.
  The National Intelligence Estimate released last month stated, ``If 
Coalition forces were withdrawn rapidly . . . this almost certainly 
would lead to a significant increase in the scale and scope of 
sectarian conflict in Iraq.''
  Our allies agree. The Ambassadors from Jordan, Egypt and Saudi Arabia 
recently told me, ``If the U.S. fails it will be catastrophic. We are 
in this together . . . they will come after us and then they will come 
after you.''
  How will history judge us then? That when we stood at the brink we 
chose retreat over advancement, surrender over victory, and defeatism 
for our children and for future generations.
  Let us remember the words of President Kennedy when he said:

       Let every nation know, whether it wishes us well or ill, 
     that we shall pay any price, bear any burden, meet any 
     hardship, support any friend, oppose any foe to assure the 
     survival and the success of liberty.''

  Where is the party of President Kennedy today? This resolution sends 
a clear message across the Islamic Jihad world--that we will not bear 
any burden--that we will not oppose any foe--that we have lost our 
will--that they have won--that they can come and get us.
  We are better than that.
  We are Americans--the same Americans who defeated the most powerful 
country in the world at the time to win our independence.
  We are the same Americans who defeated Fascists in Japan, Germany and 
Italy.
  We are the same Americans who defeated the scourge of the Soviet 
Union, liberating millions more.
  Now we face yet another challenge--defeating the jihadists and an 
ideology of hate. But our colleagues on the other side of the aisle say 
``We will support the War on Terror, except where the terrorists have 
chosen to fight it.''
  Our previous struggles were not easy, they were hard and required 
great sacrifice. Yet all of these challenges were met, and victory was 
won, and the world is a better place because of it. This struggle is 
the same. If we give up now, we betray not just the Iraqi people, and 
not just our place in history, but those who have paid the ultimate 
sacrifice.
  I believe Abraham Lincoln summed it up best by saying:

       .  .  .  that from these honored dead we take increased 
     devotion to that cause for which they gave the last full 
     measure of devotion--that we here highly resolve that these 
     dead shall not have died in vain  .  .  .  

  As Members of Congress, the most sobering job we have is to comfort 
the families left behind in a time of great loss, in a time of war. I 
have stood by, like many of my colleagues, to honor those who have paid 
the ultimate price for freedom. We all stand here today indebted to 
those brave Americans and their families. They are true heroes.
  Because those heroes and their families cannot speak on the Floor of 
the House, I would like to share some of their words today. These are 
the words of Janet Norwood, a constituent and Gold Star Mother, whose 
son Byron was killed serving in Iraq. She said:

       In the past, I have always had great hope for this country, 
     but for the first time, during the State of the Union Address 
     last month, I had real doubts about our winning this War on 
     Terrorism. When President Bush used the word ``victory'' and 
     only half of the room stood to applaud, my heart sank. It was 
     obvious to me at that moment that party affiliation was more 
     important to some than victory over evil and the sacrifice 
     our son and others have made.

  To Janet and all of the other Gold Star Mothers, I say, ``I couldn't 
agree more.'' As President Lincoln once said, ``A House Divided Cannot 
Stand.''
  Mr. SPRATT. Madam Speaker, I yield five minutes to the gentleman from 
Massachusetts (Mr. Tierney).

[[Page 4311]]


  Mr. TIERNEY. Madam Speaker, in just a few weeks, America will begin 
its fifth year in the Iraq conflict. In that time, 3,117 members of the 
United States military have died, and over 23,000 American soldiers 
have been injured. $532 billion has been appropriated by Congress or 
requested by the administration.
  You only need to talk or read letters from many of the returning 
military personnel or their families to understand that the mission in 
Iraq is unclear and the goals remain undefined. Our men and women are 
not certain if they are fighting Sunnis or Shiites, and often it 
depends on where they are in order to determine the answer to that 
dilemma. In essence, our military personnel are in the midst of a civil 
war, the flames of which were fanned by centuries-old animosities.
  This week Congress has been addressing a resolution that reiterates 
its support for the troops and states clearly its opposition to 
escalation.
  The first point could easily go unspoken. After all, we are 
exercising the very freedom of speech and debate that our Constitution 
requires, the public demands, and our men and women in uniform serve to 
protect.
  The second point of the resolution speaks to the clear determination, 
as evidenced on November 7, 2006, that America does not support the 
President's planned escalation of this conflict.
  Three previous troop buildups have already proven unsuccessful. In 
the first, from November 2004 to January 2005, troop levels in Iraq 
increased by about 18,000 troops. They did that in advance of the Iraqi 
elections held on January of 2005, and the number of daily attacks by 
insurgents rose to 61 from 52 the previous month, an increase of 17 
percent.
  On the second troop buildup, from June 2005 to October 2005, troop 
levels increased by approximately 21,500, and the number of daily 
attacks by insurgents in October of 2005 rose to 90, from 70 just 2 
months earlier, an increase of 29 percent.
  And the third troop buildup occurred from May 2006 to November 1 of 
2006 when U.S. troop levels in Iraq increased by approximately 17,500 
troops, and the number of daily attacks by insurgents in October of 
2006 rose to 180, from 100 just 4 months earlier, an increase this time 
of 80 percent.
  Now the President says he wants to change course, but once again he 
proposes to only stay the course as he seeks to send in more personnel, 
and we still wait for the Iraqi forces to stand up.
  Madam Speaker, 132 of my colleagues and I exercised the correct 
judgment in October of 2002 when we voted against the war in Iraq. We 
recognized then that this administration's claims that Saddam Hussein 
posed an imminent and direct threat to the United States were hyped up 
and many rightly foresaw that an American occupation of Iraq would, as 
one colleague recently said, be of undetermined length, of undetermined 
cost and undetermined consequences.
  Tragically, this administration was not deterred. It has been flat 
wrong on pretty much all of its pre-war and subsequent judgments with 
respect to Iraq, with its questionable use of intelligence, its failure 
to plan, and its failure for far too long to protect our troops once 
they were there.
  We knew then what has become painfully obvious since, that rather 
than open a new front and destabilize a new area in Iraq, we should 
have secured Afghanistan and addressed terrorism at its source as it 
was embodied by Osama bin Laden and others. The proposed escalation is 
not the answer.
  Why, after such a debacle and such a dismal record, would this 
administration even think to follow the advice of the same people that 
got us into this situation in the first place?
  The proposed surge or escalation is as baseless as was going into 
Iraq in the first place.
  The latest National Intelligence Estimate, even that part that is 
unclassified, which I would imagine or speculate certainly puts the 
administration's best foot forward, states that even if violence is 
diminished, Iraq's absence of unifying leaders makes a political 
reconciliation doubtful.
  Not enough capable Iraqi troops are showing up to fight. Not enough 
armed vehicles are available to protect the new American deployments. 
The State Department cannot recruit enough civil officials to manage 
the latest push to turn up the electricity in Iraq or to help with 
reconstruction.
  And so Congress must, and I think they are going to this week, pass a 
resolution that reiterates our support to our troops and opposes the 
escalation. That action, I sincerely hope, will be followed by action 
which will prohibit the use of Federal funds to increase the number of 
troops above the number existing in Iraq on January 9, 2007.
  The large majority of Americans are waiting for action by this 
Congress to insist that we begin redeploying our troops from Iraq and 
complete that redeployment as quickly as possible in a measure done in 
months, not years.
  In essence, this week's action should be the beginning of a 
relatively short process, culminating in the redeployment of American 
troops from Iraq, and energizing diplomatic efforts and international 
efforts to stabilize that nation and ensure its security, while it 
provides for a platform to redirect the necessary attention to the 
unfinished business of Afghanistan and focus, Madam Speaker, our 
efforts on terrorism, both short term and long term.
  I urge my colleagues, Madam Speaker, to support this resolution and 
take what I expect will be the first step in charting a new course in 
Iraq.
  Mrs. WILSON of New Mexico. Madam Speaker, I am pleased to yield 5 
minutes to my colleague from California (Mr. McCarthy).
  Mr. McCARTHY of California. Madam Speaker, I thank the gentlelady for 
yielding and for her service to the country.
  Madam Speaker, I rise today in a different position than the majority 
of this body. You see, I am one of the 54 newly elected Members of this 
Congress. We did not have the opportunity to debate and vote on the 
authority to use military force in Iraq.
  Madam Speaker, I want to have an honest debate, not for political 
gain and not one that questions anyone's patriotism, because I believe 
everyone in this body wants to move this country in the right 
direction.
  But I believe the right direction means that we move forward, not 
backwards. On this floor today is a nonbinding resolution that I 
believe moves us backwards. This resolution offers no hope to the 
American people. It offers no plan of action, no new strategy with the 
prospect of achieving success.
  A lot has changed since last November's election. We have a new 
Defense Secretary, recommendation from the bipartisan Iraq Study Group, 
and a new general, General David Petraeus. He will lead our troops on 
the ground in Iraq.
  We have a new plan, a new way forward that addresses the problem of 
security in Iraq through a strategy that requires more ground power. 
This reinforcement of troops is recommended by the study group, and we 
will also hold the Iraqi Government accountable to establish and 
preserve the peace.
  Our Commander in Chief, the military commanders, and our troops 
believe we can still achieve stability in Iraq.
  But this resolution would be the first step in gutting the very 
resources necessary to achieve success. This resolution offers nothing.
  The Commander in Chief, the bipartisan study group, and General 
Petraeus offer a new way forward. This resolution offers the status 
quo. The status quo is a mandate to fail and begins the chain of events 
that lead to a precipitous withdrawal from Iraq and all the 
consequences that would inevitably follow.
  And what would those consequences be?
  Withdrawal makes the young Iraqi democracy vulnerable to takeover by 
extremist elements that hate America.
  What would withdrawal mean for the stability in the Middle East?
  What would generations of Iraqis believe, that Americans will quit 
before the job is done?
  Who will fill the void of our strength, al Qaeda, Syria, or a country 
like Iran

[[Page 4312]]

that threatens regional stability through an aggressive nuclear 
program, that supports terrorist groups like Hezbollah, and that 
possibly supplies weapons to insurgents killing our troops?
  Withdrawal only strengthens terrorist groups fighting the United 
States and demoralizes our American troops.
  I may be new to this House, but I recognize when a simple, nonbinding 
resolution has potential to do great damage to our Nation and to our 
men and women in the military.
  I believe that, by voting for this resolution, the House will send a 
demoralizing message to our service men and women who are courageously 
implementing this strategy. By voting for this resolution, the House 
will strengthen our enemies and tell them that the end is near; that 
the Congress will continue to undermine our Commander in Chief, our 
military commanders, like General Petraeus and our troops, by cutting 
funding or demanding further retreats.

                              {time}  1930

  By voting for this resolution, the House will snuff out the hope of 
democracy that millions of Iraqi people have. By voting for this 
resolution, the House will begin a process that leads to the creation 
of a dangerous power vacuum in Iraq to be potentially filled by those 
who mean America great harm.
  I ask the Members to join with me in voting ``no'' on this 
resolution.
  Mr. SPRATT. Madam Speaker, I yield 5 minutes to the gentleman from 
New Mexico (Mr. Udall).
  Mr. UDALL of New Mexico. Madam Speaker, I rise today in support of 
this important resolution and with great hope that this debate and vote 
will signal an important step towards the end of the Iraq war, a war so 
ill-conceived, so ill-planned for, and so ill-executed that it has cost 
our Nation almost $400 billion, ignited a civil war, and further 
destabilized an already fragile Mideast region. Most importantly, this 
war has resulted in the deaths of over 3,000 of our bravest military 
men and women. These men and women enlist in the Armed Forces trusting 
that their Commander in Chief will send them into harm's way only as a 
last resort and only with a clear plan for victory.
  Madam Speaker, on both of these counts, the President has failed our 
soldiers.
  It is time for us to redeploy our troops and redeploy them now. We 
have an opportunity to send a loud and resolute message to the 
President that his misguided judgment must cease, this war must now be 
subject to intense scrutiny and accountability by this Congress; and 
that he must heed the will of the American people, the overwhelming 
majority of whom now strongly disapprove of his handling of this war. 
Sadly, however, this President is tone-deaf when it comes to the most 
pressing issue of the day.
  For the past 4 years, the President repeatedly stated that troop 
strength in Iraq would come from recommendations by generals on the 
ground. Yet by moving forward with his escalation plan, the President 
is ignoring solid military advice. General Abizaid, CENTCOM commander, 
stated: ``I do not believe that more American troops right now is the 
solution to the problem. I believe that the troop levels need to stay 
where they are.'' Additionally, according to various reports, General 
Casey repeated to the NSA Director his warnings that to send more 
troops to Iraq would be counterproductive. He believed it might make 
the Iraqi Government less likely to defend itself.
  That concern was shared by the Iraq Study Group. In one of their 
recommendations they stated that the Iraqi Government must make 
substantial progress on national reconciliation, security, and 
governance. Without progress, we should reduce our political, military, 
and economic support for the Iraqi Government.
  Tragically, the Iraqi Government has shown no progress on any of 
these fronts. We must not be a security blanket for an ineffectual 
government. But the President's escalation plan is exactly that, asking 
little of Iraq's Government while putting the lives of our soldiers 
squarely in the crosshairs of Sunni extremists and Shiite militias.
  Many in the military leadership have stated that the solution to the 
Iraqi quagmire at this point must be 80 percent political and 20 
percent military. This escalation plan is 100 percent military with no 
significant political breakthroughs either having been reached or even 
on the horizon. Rather than implement a rigorous diplomatic strategy, 
the administration has instead begun escalating the rhetoric with Iran, 
causing many people throughout the Nation and the world to fear another 
misguided military action.
  Our soldiers have done everything that has been asked of them, and 
more. They have served bravely and honorably. They have trained Iraqi 
forces to the best of their abilities. But they cannot be asked to calm 
the sectarian violence ripping Iraq apart without leadership from Iraqi 
politicians. Yet the President is asking exactly that.
  Last year, after visiting Iraq, I called for a phased redeployment by 
the end of 2006. That time has come and gone. Today I call on the 
President to finally listen to the American people. Today I call on the 
President to finally listen to the Congress. It is time to move our 
troops out of the middle of this civil war.
  I urge my colleagues to support this resolution and send a clear 
message to the President that the time for this war is over
  Mrs. WILSON of New Mexico. Madam Speaker, I am pleased to yield 3 
minutes to my colleague from Florida (Mr. Mario Diaz-Balart).
  Mr. MARIO DIAZ-BALART of Florida. Madam Speaker, whether you are for 
or against the war in Iraq, whether you think the administration has 
done a good job or not, none of that, Madam Speaker, is the subject of 
this resolution. The issue that we are here debating now is whether or 
not we support the reinforcements that the Commander in Chief has sent 
to Iraq.
  At the request of the commanders on the field, the Commander in Chief 
made the decision to send the requested reinforcements to Iraq. Many of 
them are already there, Madam Speaker. Those fine men and women have 
already been sent to Iraq.
  The tragic effect of this resolution is to sabotage the morale of our 
troops and to broadcast to our enemies that Congress does not support 
our soldiers' mission.
  Our Nation's troops are the bravest and most dedicated men and women 
on this Earth. They are risking their lives every single day to 
preserve our freedom and to ensure the safety of all Americans. They 
are not letting us down. We cannot let them down.
  Again, Madam Speaker, the issue here is not whether you support or 
you oppose the war. It is whether you support our troops.
  Every American, Madam Speaker, every American should agree that it is 
in our Nation's best interest to ensure that Iraq does not fall into 
the hands of terrorist groups or of a terrorist state like Iran. The 
consequences of that happening, the consequences of that happening, 
would be catastrophic for the region, for our allies in the area such 
as Israel, Afghanistan, Jordan, Egypt, and others, and for the United 
States of America. We cannot pretend, we cannot pretend, that this ill-
timed resolution expresses anything other than a rejection of our 
troops' mission.
  Our troops deserve much better than this. What our troops deserve, 
Madam Speaker, is our unwavering support. I refuse to let them down, 
and that is why I will be voting against this resolution.
  Mr. SPRATT. Madam Speaker, I yield 5 minutes to the gentleman from 
California (Mr. Filner).
  Mr. FILNER. Madam Speaker, I thank the gentleman for yielding.
  I rise in support of this resolution.
  Let me just say, as Chair of the Veterans' Affairs Committee of this 
House of Representatives, no matter where we stand on this war, no 
matter where we vote on this resolution, we are going to make sure that 
the brave young men and women who come home get all the care and all 
the support they need from a grateful Nation. We will show what

[[Page 4313]]

support of the troops means when they do come home.
  Now, those who voted for the war back in 2002 are sometimes asked, 
Knowing then what you know now, how would you have voted?
  Well, Madam Speaker, we knew then what we know now, and we know now 
what you are going to know a year or two from now.
  Let me read to you what I said 4\1/2\ years ago when we had the 
debate on Iraq: ``I rise in opposition to this resolution to grant 
unilateral authority to the President. I cannot believe that the 
Members of this body are ceding our constitutional authority to this 
President. And they can give me all the fancy whereases and phrases and 
put all the fig leafs and write all the report language they want, but 
this is a blank check. This is a Gulf of Tonkin resolution. This is a 
violation not only of our Constitution but will lead to a violation of 
the U.N. charter.
  ``Wake up, my colleagues. Why would anyone vote to do that? That is 
not our constitutional responsibility. And when we vote on this 
resolution, will America be safer? No, I think America will be less 
safe. We will dilute the war against terrorism. The destabilization of 
the area will lead to the increased probability of terrorists getting 
nuclear weapons. Al Qaeda is probably cheering the passage of this 
resolution. Now is their chance to get more weapons.'' I said that 
then.
  Then we talked about the imminent threat. You guys threw the imminent 
threat at us. What a lie. And what are you saying now? We are 
emboldening our enemies and demoralizing our troops. I heard the word 
``sabotage.'' I heard the word ``retreat.''
  I will tell you what demoralizes our troops, my colleagues. What 
demoralizes our troops will be the failure to provide adequate health 
care when they get home. What demoralizes our troops is the story of 
just a couple weeks ago when a young marine went to a VA hospital in 
Minnesota suffering from PTSD, and they said, You have got to go on a 
waiting list. And this young man committed suicide. That is what 
demoralizes our troops. That is what we have to prevent here, and that 
is what we are working on to do.
  I said back in 2002: ``I have heard all my colleagues on the other 
side calling us appeasers, those who are going to vote against this 
resolution. We are wishful thinkers. We have our eyes closed. We sit on 
our hands.'' And, of course, now we want to cut and run.
  Well, I tell you, Madam Speaker, no one on this side is suggesting 
cutting and running. Making peace is hard work. Just ask Dr. Martin 
Luther King, Jr. Ask Gandhi. Ask Nelson Mandela. They didn't cut and 
run. They were peacemakers. And they changed the history of this world.
  So let us not hear talk of retreat and sabotage and surrender. We 
want action for peace. We want it now, and we want the United States to 
be part of that action.
  I said also in 2002, Madam Speaker: ``There is a whiff of Vietnam in 
the air. I had a constituent call me and say, `You know, if you enjoyed 
Vietnam, you are really going to love Iraq.' The mail is running 10-1 
against this war. Protests have already begun around the Nation and 
around the world.''
  I said to the President then that ``you came to the office as a 
uniter, not a divider. Yet we have gone down the road to division in 
this Nation. You can see it. You can smell it. You can hear it. And we 
are going to get more.
  ``So let us not go further down that road, Mr. President. Rethink 
this policy. A country divided over war is not a country that is going 
to make any progress. Let us have a rethinking of this war.''
  That is what I said in 2002. You guys didn't want to listen to us 
then. The President didn't want to listen to us then. You really should 
listen to us now and listen to the people of America who voted in 2006 
to change this policy.
  Let us respond to the American people. Let us vote against 
escalation. Let us begin to bring the troops home. Vote ``yes'' on this 
resolution.
  Mrs. WILSON of New Mexico. Madam Speaker, I am pleased to yield 5 
minutes to my colleague from Pennsylvania (Mr. Tim Murphy).
  Mr. TIM MURPHY of Pennsylvania. Madam Speaker, I want the American 
men and women serving in Iraq to come home. I want this war to end. I 
want the violence to stop, the injuries to stop, the deaths to stop, 
and I also want terrorism to stop.
  Over the last few weeks, many of my constituents told me these same 
feelings, their strong feelings in support of or against this 
resolution.
  I hear your concerns. No one can doubt your love of your country. 
Like you, I am deeply concerned about the direction of this war. Like 
you, armed with the knowledge of the present, the strategies of the 
past were too often incomplete. The intelligence was misinterpreted or 
inadequate.
  The comments made here today on this resolution will be listened to 
by Iraqis and al Qaeda and the soldiers in the field right now, the 
marines on the high seas headed that way, and the thousands who already 
are on the offensive. Here is my message to them: Arab countries have 
told us that if we left now the results would be catastrophic. I want 
those Arab countries to impress upon the Sunnis and the Shias the 
absolute need to work for peace now. I want the United States to 
actively engage in diplomatic efforts with all Arab nations. There is 
no more time for delay. I want the Iraqi military to step up and take 
over combat operations, to be the tip of the spear, and for our troops 
to shift our mission to training and support. I want to see the Iraqi 
Government stand strong where every group feels respected and protected 
and all feel they have a future of hope.

                              {time}  1945

  There is no time for delay.
  I also want Republicans and Democrats to sit down together and 
discuss how to make these things come to fruition. I want us to review 
the recommendations of the bipartisan Iraq Study Group, to talk about 
which recommendations are worthy of implementation. I want us to 
thoughtfully, carefully and responsibly discuss not only what action we 
should take in Iraq, but to weigh the full consequences of any action 
and to offer real ideas, real strategies and real solutions.
  I want this Congress to support our soldiers, every one of them; to 
tell them we value them and pray for them and their families and will 
give them what they need to do their job. I want all of them to know 
that we will stand with them until the last one returns home. And I 
want them to know that policy comes before politics, and that no poll, 
no political plan, no political threat should ever undermine our 
allegiance to doing what is right for our soldiers and our Nation. I 
want them to know that their work, their risks, their fighting, has 
meaning and purpose, and must be immune to the politics of Washington.
  I want the soldiers and airmen from the 171st, the 99th and the 911th 
in Pittsburgh, and all our National Guard and Reservists and active 
duty to come home. I want their families to be able to embrace them, 
their children to be tucked in at night by them and our towns to be 
able to show the affection of a grateful Nation. But while they are 
there, while they stand sentry with eyes on the horizon, ride in their 
convoys or walk on patrol, I want their minds on the critical task of 
that moment.
  I spoke this week to the mother of a soldier who was just killed in 
Iraq, Russell Kurtz. A finer and a braver man you will not find. I 
asked her what she thought about this discussion of sending more troops 
to Iraq, and she said, ``I would rather have more troops there helping 
my son.''
  Dom DeFranco, the Pennsylvania Commander of the VFW, wrote this 
letter to the editor of the Almanac Newspaper. I will submit the whole 
letter, but let me read this. He said, ``Even with their pride, honor 
and dedication motivating them patrol after patrol, bad morale can 
bring down even the toughest warrior. As a Vietnam veteran, trust me, 
it cuts deep. Regardless of where you stand on the current war on 
terror, troops get the message that they are wasting their time when 
politicians and citizens make headlines criticizing military action.''

[[Page 4314]]

  Madam Speaker, I include the entire letter for the Record.

       To the Editor: Men and women are risking their lives in the 
     Middle East trying to restore peace to an oppressed 
     population. Their military gear and encampment offer some 
     protection, but the threat of life-changing physical and 
     mental wounds is constant. So is the challenge to always be 
     mission-ready, prepared to make life and death decisions in a 
     split second. A grueling situation for sure.
       However, even with their pride, honor and dedication 
     motivating them patrol after patrol, bad morale--especially 
     when fueled back home by demonstrations and political 
     grandstanding--can bring down even the toughest warrior. As a 
     Vietnam veteran, trust me--it cuts deep.
       Regardless of where you stand on the current War on Terror 
     (The Veterans of Foreign Wars does not take sides in debates 
     about military action), troops get the message that they are 
     wasting their time when politicians and citizens make 
     headlines criticizing military action.
       As the debate about the War on Terror continues, I urge 
     citizens and politicians to stay focused on providing our 
     troops with all of the combat equipment, supplies, and 
     personnel they need to be the most effective fighting force 
     possible. Democracy affords politicians and citizens 
     effective ways to debate policies without sending morale 
     busting messages from the home front. Life on the front lines 
     is tough enough without taking incoming salvos of negativity 
     from back home. They also need our emotional support.
       Like you, I want our troops home as soon as possible. But 
     as long as they are in harm's way, we should back them with 
     the full resources of our nation--in material, personnel and 
     supportive messages. Anything less will have a negative 
     impact on their morale and possible their safety.

  Madam Speaker, listen to this comment from the American Legion 
regarding their unanimous support for the current action in Iraq and 
the increase in troops and their caution or political rhetoric. They 
said, ``Veterans of the Vietnam were remember what it was like to fight 
without the support of the people back home. You couldn't separate the 
war from the warrior then, any more than we can today.''
  While our soldiers are there, I will support them with everything 
they need in terms of armor and ammunition, bullets and bread, weapons 
and words.
  I will continue to work for all of these things, but for this point 
in time, while our soldiers are on the battlefield, I want to be able 
to look them in the eye and say at your moment of need, I backed you up 
on the battlefield.
  Mr. CLYBURN. Madam Speaker, pursuant to section 2 of House Resolution 
157, and as the designee of the majority leader, I demand that the time 
for debate on the concurrent resolution be enlarged by 1 hour equally 
divided and controlled by the leaders or their designees.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore (Ms. DeGette). Under the rule, that will be 
the order.
  Mr. SPRATT. Madam Speaker, I yield 5 minutes to the gentleman from 
Massachusetts (Mr. Olver).
  Mr. OLVER. Madam Speaker, I support the resolution before us today. 
In clear and succinct language it says what I believe must be said 
regarding the war in Iraq that America is engaged in by the choice of 
President Bush.
  I support our men and women on the front line with all the training, 
the body and vehicle armor and the equipment they need to be successful 
at the task that they have been given, and I support them as they 
return, whether safe and sound or scarred by grievous wounds. Almost 
24,000 have been wounded, and many returned broken in body or spirit. 
Many have suffered permanently disabling wounds. Thousands of others, 
not physically wounded, suffer severe traumatic stress disorders. And 
all will need and must be given the care and rehabilitation they have 
been promised.
  America mourns the loss of more than 3,000 of our soldiers since that 
fateful first day of May in 2003 when President George W. Bush 
triumphantly proclaimed ``Mission Accomplished.'' At no time in the 220 
years since the founding of our Nation has America suffered such 
casualties during an occupation following war. This occupation has been 
spectacularly mismanaged, yet Americans are asked to suspend doubt and 
support an already used tactic, placing almost 20,000 additional troops 
on the ground around the clock, with our young men and women caught 
between the combatants in the civil war raging in Baghdad's urban 
streets and neighborhoods.
  I oppose this escalation. It is 4 years too late and more than 
100,000 troops too few. The tactic itself has been used repeatedly over 
the last 4 years, with dangerously counterproductive results. Each time 
this tactic has been used, it has left behind greater hatred for the 
occupation and the occupiers, as well as thousands of new recruits for 
the insurgency or al Qaeda. I believe that this escalation will be 
remembered for the deaths of many more American soldiers and Iraqi 
civilians.
  President George W. Bush has repeatedly cited the 300,000 strong 
Iraqi army and police force which we have spent billions of dollars to 
train and equip. They should be pacifying their capital city. As 
dysfunctional as it is, the Iraqi government which we created must 
decide whether they want all-out civil war or a stable, unified Iraq, 
with oil revenues fairly distributed and with changes to their 
Constitution to assure the rights of 40 percent of the population who 
are not Shia Muslims. We cannot decide that for them.
  The civil war will continue and our casualties will continue to mount 
until we disengage our forces from a direct military role, except to 
deny haven to al Qaeda. We must place responsibility directly on the 
Iraqi government.
  At this very late date, virtually everyone agrees that peace and 
stability for Iraq cannot be secured militarily, but only politically. 
Our best chance for a positive outcome to this tragic and unnecessary 
war is outlined and unanimously recommended by the Iraq Study Group, 
led by former Secretary of State James Baker and former Congressman Lee 
Hamilton.
  We should substitute a robust, multifaceted diplomatic campaign to 
discourage all of Iraq's neighbors from engagement in the growing civil 
war and to gain support and assistance for a stable, unified Iraq. That 
diplomatic campaign must involve major powers and regional groups like 
the European Union and the Arab league, along with all of Iraq's 
neighbors, without exception or precondition. The U.S. should always be 
willing to talk. In every way, talk is far less costly than war.
  In a month, the war in Iraq will have gone on 4 years, well beyond 
our participation in World War II. It is time to begin bringing our 
troops home.
  Mrs. WILSON of New Mexico. Madam Speaker, I am pleased to yield 5 
minutes to my colleague from Ohio (Mr. Hobson).
  Mr. HOBSON. Madam Speaker, I want to begin by saying that last night 
when I was watching the floor debate, my colleague from Connecticut, 
Chris Shays, gave one of the best speeches on where we are with regard 
to the war in Iraq. It was a comprehensive overview of the current 
situation, and I agree with his views on this debate, and I would like 
to associate myself with his comments. I hope that my colleagues and 
those who are following this debate will take a moment to read his 
remarks.
  Like Mr. Shays, I rise in opposition to this resolution. This is the 
wrong resolution to be considering if we in Congress are supposed to be 
fulfilling our responsibility to provide oversight on how this war is 
to be conducted. Rather than debating the so-called surge, which is 
actually taking place, we should be debating how to put policy in place 
that will bring stability and ensure the security of the American 
people.
  Admittedly, the administration has made mistakes in the execution of 
this war. Many of us, both Democrats and Republicans, have been telling 
them that from the beginning. Among a number of things that we have 
been saying has been that they had enough troops to win the war, but 
they didn't have enough troops to win the peace. But we can't correct 
those mistakes. What we can do now is to find a strategy on how best to 
go forward.
  So the question becomes, what can we do now that gives the Iraqis the 
best chance to take control of their country, while also allowing our 
troops to return home with honor? We owe it to the parents and the 
families of the men and women who have fought and died in this war to 
not let their lives be

[[Page 4315]]

lost in vain. That is the message that I have heard many times when I 
have met with those families in my district and one that many of my 
colleagues have also heard.
  Last month, I went on a bipartisan congressional delegation trip to 
Iraq, Afghanistan and Pakistan. While we met with the U.S. troops and 
commanders, we also had a chance to meet with the leaders of those 
countries, including the prime minister, al-Maliki. He told us that if 
his country had the command and control equipment and our backing, the 
Iraqis could begin to take over their own security in 3 to 6 months and 
that we could begin to redeploy up to 50,000 of our troops.
  Madam Speaker, we need to make sure that Prime Minister Maliki has 
the tools and resources to do just that. Frankly, the American people 
would be better served if that were this debate, instead of this 
nonbinding resolution.
  Our focus should be on fixing what needs to be fixed so that the 
Iraqi people can take control of their country's fate, like they did 2 
years ago when they held their first free elections in 50 years.
  This action will require several steps. For example, as several of my 
colleagues have already mentioned, the bipartisan Iraq Study Group 
supports a short term surge of American combat forces to stabilize 
Baghdad. This is being done. The group also recommended that there be 
more diplomatic outreach in the region to include countries like Egypt, 
Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, Syria and even Iran, and this needs to be done by 
the administration.
  Further, it is imperative that our U.S. troops begin to transition 
from a combat role to one focused on training, counterterrorism, force 
protection and controlling Iraq's borders.
  My colleagues, the world is watching. Our friends, our enemies are 
watching and waiting to see what our next move will be. A retreat from 
Iraq would lead to even more instability in the region and create a 
haven for terrorist groups who despise freedom and our way of life.
  What kind of message are we sending when we engage in debate that is 
essentially a political exercise, rather than one that is on 
substantive strategy on how to bring stability to the region?
  Madam Speaker, we cannot accept defeat, but we must insist on making 
the changes necessary so that the Iraqi people can take the fate of 
their future in their own hands. There is a phrase that has often been 
repeated since the war began, and that is as Iraqi forces stand up, 
U.S. forces can begin to stand down. Defining a workable strategy to 
achieve that goal should have been the focus of this week's debate, 
rather than this nonbinding resolution that will not bring us a step 
closer to stabilizing Iraq and bringing our troops home or achieving 
stability in this region of the world.
  Again, I urge my colleagues to oppose this resolution.
  Mr. SPRATT. Mr. Speaker, I yield 5 minutes to the gentleman from 
Arizona (Mr. Grijalva).
  Mr. GRIJALVA. Madam Speaker, I am here today to support the 
resolution.
  Madam Speaker, I won't spend a lot of time assessing the blame and 
the responsibility for the quagmire that our Nation finds itself in in 
Iraq, but I do find it curious during this debate that the opponents of 
this resolution want us to believe that the history of the Iraq war 
begins today, that it has no past, that it has no consequences, just a 
doubtful future. This head-in-the-sand attitude, while politically 
expedient, denies reality and truth.
  Rest assured that history will not be kind to the decisionmakers and 
the decider of this war, nor will it be kind to a Congress that looked 
the other way.
  The resolution before us today is a first tentative step toward the 
removal of our troops from Iraq. The escalation proposed is another 
desperate act opposed by the American people and former military 
leaders.
  The resolution does not demoralize our troops nor embolden the 
insurgents. To the contrary, this resolution offers hope to our troops 
that an end is in sight and that their elected representatives in this 
House are not passing on their authority regarding the most important 
issue confronting our Nation today.
  I personally know families whose loved ones have been lost, badly 
injured or profoundly intangibly affected by this war. Our commitment 
should be to those families and veterans who need our full measure of 
support. Our gratitude should be measured in real resources for 
veterans, and not empty platitudes and political rhetoric expounded to 
justify an irreparable failure in Iraq.

                              {time}  2000

  The focus of this debate is not centered on our soldiers who are 
nobly doing their duty and following their orders. It is directed at 
those who set policy and who have produced a war without end, with no 
plan of success or exit, with no international strategy, who now turn 
to a desperate and doomed escalation that only reinforces the failure 
and the desperation of those policymakers.
  Rest assured that the civil war in Iraq will not end with the influx 
of more American troops. I do believe this resolution should have 
teeth. We must send a message that binds all of us to real action, an 
unflinching message of opposition to the escalation and a message of 
support for our troops. Today marks a step in that direction.
  And I wonder, how many ways can the American people tell this 
Congress to act to prevent more loss of our blood and treasure in the 
war in Iraq? Weren't the elections that just happened a strong message? 
Isn't the loss of confidence by the public in their elected officials a 
strong message? Isn't the sacrifice and valor of our men and women 
fighting this war deserving of the respect of this government? Don't we 
have a duty to those men and women to protect them, reunite them with 
their families immediately, and, above all, share the truth with them, 
that the question is no longer if we get out of Iraq, it's how and 
when.
  The answer to that question for me and many other families is, the 
sooner the better. I could stand here and read poll after poll that 
talks about the public's overwhelming opposition to this war and even 
more overwhelming opposition to this escalation. But as I think about 
it, the most important poll for those of us who serve in Congress needs 
to be our conscience. The resolution before us is simple and direct. It 
speaks in a very clear way to the frustration we all feel about this 
misadventure in Iraq. And I said I would not belabor the question of 
who to blame, but it is important to address the obvious.
  Remember weapons of mass destruction? None found.
  Remember the links between Iraq and the attack on 9/11? It didn't 
exist.
  All the misspent funds in Iraq, misappropriated dollars. That was 
ignored by the administration.
  ``Mission Accomplished.'' What a premature political hype that was.
  And a strategy for Iraq. It doesn't exist.
  Funds for education, health care, our cities and towns, investments 
in our people here in this country, that has all been spent in Iraq.
  The litany of failures and untruths goes on and on. The lack of 
leadership by this administration requires, no, I think it demands that 
this Congress assert its constitutional duty to check and balance this 
administration by beginning with the important step of passing this 
resolution.
  Mrs. WILSON of New Mexico. Madam Speaker, I am pleased to yield 4 
minutes to my colleague from Texas (Mr. Hall).
  Mr. HALL of Texas. Madam Speaker, first and foremost, I stand and I 
hope we all stand in support of our troops. But I also rise today in 
opposition to H. Con. Res. 63. While I believe that we all share the 
same goal of winning this war on terror and bringing our brave young 
men and women home, I regret that this bill before us today absolutely 
will not lead to that goal. Nobody wants this war to end more than 
those fighting in it and we need now to do what it takes to bring our 
brave men and women home, but to bring them home in victory. If we 
don't achieve victory, the consequences are going to be disastrous for 
the progression of freedom all over the world, and

[[Page 4316]]

instead of taking a step forward, we would be taking multiple steps 
backward.
  So what is the point of this resolution? Is it going to block the 
troop surge? Absolutely not. Will it end the war? Not a chance. Will it 
help our chances of achieving victory? Absolutely not. This resolution 
will demoralize our troops who are sacrificing themselves for us today 
and tonight, and this resolution will give comfort to an enemy. This 
resolution puts politics before the lives of our brave soldiers and 
there is no way in the world that I can support it. The only chance we 
have for victory is to support the President's troop escalation. It's 
not a sure thing, but it's our best chance for victory. These added 
troops will help us secure Baghdad, stabilize the area, and accelerate 
the training necessary for the Iraqis to stand on their own. Only after 
these things happen can we leave Iraq the way we should and that is 
victorious.
  I fully support our Commander in Chief, and I think he has much more 
information than I have or any other Member or combination of Members 
in regard to our war on terrorism, and particularly the war in Iraq. I 
think President Bush is a godly person, intelligent and educated, and 
cares for this country and cares for those who defend it. I will 
continue to support him as long as he holds the title of Commander in 
Chief of the Armed Forces of the United States of America. I heard the 
President loud and clear in his State of the Union address on January 
23, 2007. What I gleaned from his speech is that he is asking for 
calendar year 2007 to complete the existing plan being implemented by 
General Petraeus and those who serve under him. And at such time, he 
fully expects the Iraqis to be in a position to defend their borders 
and protect their people, resulting in an executive order hopefully to 
bring the process of withdrawal of these American forces still 
defending our Nation, to bring them home.
  This resolution will absolutely undermine the efforts of our troops 
in Iraq. I strongly oppose it.
  Mr. SMITH of Washington. Madam Speaker, I am pleased to yield 5 
minutes to the gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. Capuano).
  Mr. CAPUANO. I thank the gentleman for yielding.
  Madam Speaker, I don't have prepared remarks. I have been listening 
to this debate for the last couple of days, and everything that can be 
said on both sides has been said repeatedly. And thus far the only 
thoughtful argument I have heard to not vote for this resolution is 
that somehow it will demoralize the troops. That pretends that the 
troops live in a bubble and don't know what is going on and just never 
think. Everybody who has done any discussions or any polling of the 
troops know they already know that this war is over. It's not a 
military defeat. To put it that way is ridiculous. No one can defeat 
our military. It is absolutely undefeatable. It is a political defeat. 
We cannot win, which I am not even sure what that means, this war. This 
escalation will do nothing but delay the inevitable. America knows it.
  To listen to the discussion I have heard in the last couple of days, 
all I can say to myself, if we had this attitude in the seventies, we 
would still be in Vietnam. For what? For what? We have done what we 
could do, and we may have to go back someday, and I may vote for it 
under the right circumstances. To never say never is ridiculous. We 
don't know where the cards are going to be played. We do know one 
thing: that today Iraq is engaged in a civil war. One of the leaders of 
that civil war isn't even in Iraq. He is in Iran. We are only delaying 
the inevitable at the cost of our young men and women. And I am not 
talking about money, because if this was the right war, a moral war, 
money wouldn't be the issue.
  This war is over. We need to recognize that. We need to stop trying 
to play politics with it. Bring our troops home and prepare them for 
the next battle that we might all join in if it's the right place and 
the right time.
  Mrs. WILSON of New Mexico. Madam Speaker, I am pleased to yield 3 
minutes to my colleague from Texas (Mr. Barton).
  Mr. BARTON of Texas. Madam Speaker, I attended the Charlie Norwood 
funeral today in Augusta, Georgia. He was a veteran of Vietnam. I think 
it is ironic that because he was a veteran, we saw at the beginning of 
the funeral the honor guard walk in carrying the flag of the United 
States Army and the flag of the United States and all the battle 
ribbons on that flag, that as 70 to 80 of the Members of this body were 
showing respect to Charlie and his family, we were having this debate 
on another war.
  The resolution before us is a sham resolution. It is nonbinding. I 
have voted on resolutions of war and peace in my time in this Congress. 
I voted on the first gulf war resolution back in the early nineties 
when we thought that there might be tens of thousands of body bags 
coming back with our troops in them. I voted on the first resolution 
supporting our President in this war after 9/11. Remember 9/11? We had 
more American citizens killed in one day in the Twin Towers and in the 
Pentagon than we have had in all the years that our troops have been in 
Iraq and Afghanistan. That doesn't demean their sacrifice. I have 
attended three funerals in my hometown of young men who have been 
killed in the line of duty in this current war.
  This nonbinding resolution tries to have it both ways. It says at the 
first, in part A, we support the troops and in part B, we don't support 
our President's decision, the Commander in Chief, to send these 
reinforcements. Well, if it's nonbinding, why have the debate? I think 
it's commendable that we are having this debate. I wish it would have 
had some meat on it. Let's put a real resolution on the floor. But the 
Republicans weren't offered an alternative, so we have to vote for or 
against a nonbinding resolution that has it both ways in the 
resolution. I don't think that is very becoming to this Congress.
  But when the time comes, I am going to vote ``no'' because I believe 
as Thomas Jefferson believed, and if you go to his monument not too far 
from here and look up around the ceiling, Thomas Jefferson says, ``I 
have sworn upon the eternal altar of God unending opposition to all 
forms of tyranny over the mind of man.'' This Islamic terrorist 
campaign is a direct attack on our democracy. It is a direct attack on 
our tolerance. We need to support our President. We need to vote 
against this nonbinding resolution. And then if we want to have a real 
resolution, let's bring it to the floor and have that debate.
  I rise today in opposition to H. Con. Res. 63. This nonbinding 
resolution serves only to degrade and demoralize the troops currently 
engaged in forward operations and those additional troops President 
Bush has called upon. This is not a call for a new direction in Iraq 
nor is this a call for a new course of action. This is a political 
distraction and a call to our enemies around the world by showing a 
lack of resolve and fostering the idea of uncertainty towards support 
and funding for the men and women of our Armed Forces.
  Speaker Pelosi and her fellow Democrats have charged that the 
previous policy did not work, the new policy will not work, and yet 
amongst all this rhetoric my colleagues on the other side of the aisle 
do not have a constructive alternative to put forth. Instead they offer 
legislation that if enacted would fuel the call for setting timelines 
and the withdrawal of our troops. To leave before the job is finished 
would leave our country in a weaker position globally and leave the 
Middle East without any hope for democracy to ever take hold. The 
extremists that oppose us are against freedom and we are right to be 
engaged in the fight for democracy and tolerance. The stakes are high 
and our enemies know this. They are not going to quit, but if we pass 
this resolution it will be the first step in signaling that we will. It 
is right to support the President as he lays out his plan for securing 
Iraq and is in our national interest.
  The necessary framework for democracy has been established and the 
labor of our brave troops has produced many measurable results. A 
constitution was written by the Iraqis resulting in democratic 
elections where nearly 12.5 million people braved the threat of 
violence to cast their votes. A fair criminal trial was held for Saddam 
Hussein, the country's former dictator, who denied that right to his 
own people. I urge my colleagues to let the

[[Page 4317]]

Iraqis lead and give democracy a chance. Establishing a secure Iraq, a 
thriving democracy and a noticeable reduction in crime will pave the 
way for numerous infrastructure improvements.
  Sustainable achievements in the reconstruction effort include the 
building of more than 5,000 schools, the training of more then 60,000 
teachers, the training and equipping of 323,000 police and military 
forces, the vaccination of 98 percent of Iraqi children, the ability of 
more than 7 million people to access phone service, the repair of 
nearly all of Iraq's railway stations, the restoration of electricity 
output and oil production to near prewar levels and the increased 
availability of clean water and sanitation. The milestones that have 
been reached are a testament to why we should not abandon our presence 
in Iraq. Progress is being made and we must continue to support our 
troops and Iraq's democratic government.
  The President's call for more troops is a decision not made in haste. 
It is made with careful consideration and thoughtful advice from his 
commanders both at home and in the field. The additional troops will 
work with Iraqis to solve serious challenges and to find ways to curb 
future outbreaks of violence. To achieve success in combating those 
serious challenges it is important that America stands with Iraq so 
they can defend their own soil, create a sound economy and govern 
themselves effectively. The President understands the consequences of 
failure in Iraq, something this resolution proves the Democrats do not 
comprehend.
  I have been to the funerals of men and women from my district that 
lost their lives in this war. I have pinned medals on the chests of the 
brave men and women from my district who returned home safely. Visiting 
with families at home and troops in Iraq I have seen first hand the 
effects this war has on Americans. This resolution serves to discredit 
the memories of fallen soldiers, the efforts of those still fighting, 
and to embolden our enemies. If we remember, our enemies attacked us on 
September 11th and instead of living in fear and leaving ourselves open 
to more attacks we chose to take the fight to them. In the time since, 
there has not been another major terrorist attack on U.S. soil. That is 
a testament to the fight our men and women are waging to protect the 
freedoms we so richly enjoy. I remain committed to supporting our 
forces serving abroad and ensuring they have the funding they need to 
complete their mission.
  Some of my colleagues misguidedly stand to dismiss our efforts in 
Iraq. I stand with the resolve of former President Thomas Jefferson who 
said, ``I have sworn upon the altar of God, eternal hostility against 
every form of tyranny over the mind of man.'' We must not stand divided 
and turn our backs on those fighting for democracy where tyranny 
threatens to reign. We must be steadfast and support them in every way 
we can. We can not let the difficulty of the task diminish our support 
for the troops and the cause for which they are so diligently fighting. 
We must not let this frivolous resolution pass.
  Mr. SMITH of Washington. Madam Speaker, I yield 5 minutes to the 
gentlelady from Texas (Ms. Jackson-Lee).
  Ms. JACKSON-LEE of Texas. Let me thank the distinguished gentleman 
for yielding.
  Madam Speaker, I believe that each and every Member that has come to 
the floor tonight and over the last 2 days would never consider any of 
their remarks frivolous, nor would we characterize this debate as 
political. Unfortunately, in 2002, many of those same words were used 
to characterize a very needed debate and one that we had hoped that 
those who had the powers of decision would have listened to.
  I remember standing in this same location and suggesting to my 
colleagues that I was proud to accept and to make as my choice life 
over death and peace over war. Through these years, members of the 
Progressive Caucus thoughtfully have gathered to reinforce the words 
that we offered during those days when even though the en masse 
lobbying and representation of mass destruction weapons, we knew that 
this was a war that would be ill-fated and misdirected. In fact, during 
that time, we had solutions. We asked for a continued use of political 
diplomacy and, as well, the continuation of utilizing the U.N. 
inspectors to determine if there were weapons of mass destruction.

                              {time}  2015

  But now we have come some 5 years and we hear the same refrain. And I 
know in the hearts of those who have spoken that they are sincere. But 
if we said nothing else but point to those who have fallen, let their 
faces represent the sacrifice of America. Those are the faces of those 
who are always willing to go into battle, and not one of us on the 
floor today will ever say anything untoward about the United States 
military through the years and decades and centuries, because they have 
never faltered in the Commander in Chief's direction to go to war.
  But what has really failed in this Congress in its oversight and 
responsibility and, as well, the choices being made by the leadership 
that has sent them into war.
  And so, as Abraham Lincoln has said, ``We wish to honor the soldiers 
and sailors everywhere who bravely bear this country's cause; honor 
also to the citizen who cares for his brother. We will never forget.''
  But we now stand in opposition to the escalation and support of this 
resolution because we believe that the Nation must hear, but also the 
leaders who make the decisions must hear this is wrong and misdirected.
  The troops have been magnificent. We have had 180,000 of them who 
have served in Iraq from Texas, we have had 200 or more who have been 
killed, including the 3,000-plus that have been killed across the 
Nation. They do have a military success.
  But we know that the surges do not work. We know it was ill-fated 
from the beginning. There was no collaboration, very minimal, and now 
the collaboration has ended. What is needed now is the declaration of a 
military success, which is what I have expressed in H.R. 930. And now 
we must search for diplomatic and political reconciliation, a Special 
Envoy to Iraq that focuses specifically on bringing together the 
Sunnis, the Shiites and the Kurds. We know that surges have only 
generated more insurgents, they have only generated more violence, and 
it has not brought about the safety that is needed.
  Of course, the response is that this escalation will bring some sort 
of security to Baghdad, and then we can sit down and have 
reconciliation. One more soldier generates one more violent act. So we 
know that the troop surges do not work. We also know that it strains 
the readiness.
  We need a diplomatic surge. More importantly, we need not to go over 
the steps of Secretary McNamara who indicated in his words, as I said 
in the October 2002, Former Defense Secretary Robert McNamara said in 
his mea culpa on the Vietnam War: We were wrong, terribly wrong. And he 
hoped that the suffering, as he quoted one of the philosophers, he 
hoped that what we had experienced in the suffering of Vietnam would 
give us experience. Today this ongoing war in Iraq shows we have thrown 
away that experience.
  We also throw away the Constitution, because this is not pursuant to 
Article I, section 8. This is not a declaration of war that we are in, 
and we therefore need to terminate the power of the President that had 
been given in 2002 to attack Iraq. This document has not been followed. 
And so H.R. 930 will terminate the authorization given in 2002, because 
for these lives lost already we don't want to participate in the 
foolishness of monies being spent recklessly, the lack of 
accountability, and a war that already can be claimed as a military 
victory by the United States military who can now come home with honor 
and dignity.
  Let us stand again on this floor and claim that we support life over 
death and we support peace over war and we want our soldiers to return 
home in celebration and dignity in honor of these who now are fallen on 
the battlefield.
  Madam Speaker, I rise in strong support of H. Con. Res. 63. I stand 
in strong support of our troops who have performed magnificently in 
battle and with a grace under pressure that is distinctively American. 
I stand with the American people, who have placed their trust in the 
President, the Vice President, and the former Secretary of Defense, 
each of whom abused the public trust and patience.
  I stand with the American taxpayers who have paid nearly $400 billion 
to finance the misadventure in Iraq. I stand with the 3,019 fallen 
heroes who stand even taller in death because they gave the last full 
measure of devotion to their country. For these reasons,

[[Page 4318]]

Madam Speaker, I stand fully, strongly, and unabashedly in opposition 
to the President's unilateral decision to escalate the war in Iraq by 
deploying more than 20,000 additional combat troops to Iraq, and at 
least that many more to provide logistical support.
  I wish to make clear, Madam Speaker, that sending more combat troops 
into Iraq will not lead to success in Iraq. We cannot achieve success 
in Iraq unless we change strategy. But the President's proposed troop 
surge is not a change in strategy and it does not signal a new 
direction; it is simply more of the same. As our most recent great 
President, Bill Clinton, once said, ``if you always do what you've 
always done, you'll always get what you've always got.''
  In proposing this latest troop surge, President Bush seeks to ``cry 
havoc and let slip the dogs of war.'' But even Henry V did not exhort 
his troops, his band of brothers, to go ``once more, into the breach'' 
for a fifth time. And neither should we.
  Madam Speaker, instead of a surge in combat troops, the United States 
needs to launch a diplomatic surge for political and national 
reconciliation in Iraq. That is why I have introduced H.R. 930, the 
``Military Success in Iraq and Diplomatic Surge for Political and 
National Reconciliation in Iraq Act of 2007.'' As I will discuss in 
greater detail later in my remarks, my legislation offers a far better 
chance of sustainable success in Iraq than does the President's 
escalation. And equally important, my legislation will go a long way 
toward ensuring that never again will the American people or the 
Congress be bamboozled into rubber-stamping an ill-advised, ill-
planned, preemptive war.
  Madam Speaker, I am privileged to represent the citizens of the 18 
Congressional District in the great State of Texas. The sons and 
daughters of the Lone Star State have always answered the call to 
service. More than 280 Texans have been made the ultimate sacrifice for 
their country. More than 2,200 Texans have been wounded. Only 
California has suffered a greater number of dead and wounded. Today, 
Madam Speaker, there are more than 31,000 Texans serving in Iraq, which 
is 12,000 more than the next highest state. Since the war began in 
March 2003, more than 180,000 Texans have served in Iraq, some deployed 
two, even three, in some cases four times.
  Madam Speaker, it is more than irresponsible not to oppose the 
President's plan to escalate the war in Iraq. It is unconscionable. In 
opposing the President's latest folly, we send a message that is both 
simple and profound: You cannot win the just War on Terror by launching 
an unjustified War in Iraq. That is one of the hard and bitter lessons 
we have learned during the 4 years course of the War in Iraq.
  The misguided, mismanaged, and costly debacle that is the Iraq War 
was preemptively launched by President Bush in March 2003 despite the 
opposition of me and 125 of my colleagues in the House of 
Representatives. To date, the war in Iraq has lasted longer than 
America's involvement in World War II, the greatest conflict in all of 
human history.
  But there is a difference. The Second World War ended in complete and 
total victory for the United States and its allies. But then again, in 
that conflict America was led by FDR, a great Commander-in-Chief, who 
had a plan to win the war and secure the peace, listened to his 
generals, and sent troops in sufficient numbers and sufficiently 
trained and equipped to do the job.
  My friends, I say with sadness that we have not enjoyed that same 
quality of leadership throughout the conduct of the Iraq War. The 
results, not surprisingly, have been disastrous. To date, the war in 
Iraq has claimed the lives of 3,109 brave servicemen and women (115 in 
December and 39 in the first 13 days of this month). More than 23,400 
Americans have been wounded, many suffering the most horrific injuries. 
American taxpayers have paid nearly $400 billion to sustain this 
misadventure.
  The depth, breadth, and scope of the President's misguided, 
mismanaged, and misrepresented war in Iraq is utterly without precedent 
in American history. It is a tragedy in a league all its own. But it 
was not unforeseeable or unavoidable. As the President's intention to 
launch a preemptive war against Iraq became known back in the fall of 
2002, thoughtful members in the halls of Congress took to the floor, 
and concerned citizens in the countryside took to the streets to stop 
it. Patriots all, we registered our dissent. We acted not out of 
dislike of the President but out of love for our country and what it 
had represented to the world. As Robert Taft, ``Mr. Republican,'' as he 
was affectionately known, the late, great Senator from Ohio, stated two 
weeks after Pearl Harbor, ``Criticism in a time of war is essential to 
the maintenance of a democratic government.''
  My friends, in light of the enormous losses of precious American 
blood and treasure, it is very small consolation to know that those of 
us who acted on the biblical injunction to speak truth to power have 
been proven right in our warnings about the disaster war in Iraq would 
produce.
  We predicted before the war that ``the outcome after the conflict is 
actually going to be the hardest part, and it is far less certain.'' We 
made the point that it was essential for the Administration to develop 
``a plan for rebuilding of the Iraqi government and society, if the 
worst comes to pass and armed conflict is necessary.'' We knew the 
Armed Forces of the United States is invincible on the battlefield and 
would decisively defeat Iraq's forces and remove Saddam Hussein. But 
like the proverbial dog chasing the car down the road, we questioned 
``whether the President knew what to do after we caught it.''
  We warned of the ``postwar challenges,'' particularly the fact that 
there was no history of democratic government in Iraq, and that its 
economy and infrastructure was in ruins after years of war and 
sanctions and that rebuilding Iraq would cost hundreds of billions of 
dollars that could be better at home securing the homeland and waging 
the real War on Terror. And we warned against sending American soldiers 
to war in Iraq without adequate protection against biological and 
unconventional weapons.
  I am also reminded how General Eric Shinseki told the Senate Armed 
Services Committee in February 2003 that the Defense Department's 
estimate of troops needed for occupying Iraq is too low and that 
several hundred thousand soldiers would be needed. But instead of 
heeding the wise counsel of General Shinseki, the Bush administration 
cashiered him out of the Army.
  Indeed, anyone who questioned the Bush Doctrine of preemptive war was 
ridiculed and marginalized as unpatriotic, weak, sympathetic to 
terrorists, and un-American: Anti-Terrorism Chief Richard Clarke, 
Treasury Secretary Paul O'Neill, Council of Economic Advisors Chairman 
Laurence Lindsay, Joe Wilson, and congressional Democrats.
  But four years later, people like us are now the majority. And we are 
united in raising our voices to proclaim: End the war and redeploy our 
troops out of Iraq.
  Madam Speaker, it is instructive to review why the American people 
have turned against the war in Iraq.
  The American people were told erroneously but repeatedly that the 
gravest threat facing America was Saddam Hussein and his regime. The 
Vice-President assured all who listened that he knew that Iraq and Al 
Qaeda had high-level contacts that went back a decade and that Iraq had 
trained Al Qaeda members in bomb making and deadly gases. He was wrong. 
What's more, the American people were led to believe that the regime in 
Baghdad had long-standing and continuing ties to terrorist 
organizations. Wrong again. President Bush even went so far as to say 
that you couldn't distinguish between Al Qaeda and Saddam when you 
talked about the war on terror. Of course, this claim turned out to be 
untrue as well.
  That is not all, Madam Speaker. The campaign to persuade Americans 
that Iraq posed a clear, present, and mortal danger to us included the 
false claims that Iraq possessed ballistic missiles with a likely range 
of hundreds of miles--far enough to strike Saudi Arabia, Israel, 
Turkey, and other nations. It was also falsely represented to Americans 
that Iraq had a growing fleet of manned and unmanned aerial vehicles 
that could be used to disperse chemical or biological weapons across 
broad areas and that Iraq was exploring ways of using unmanned aerial 
vehicles to target the United States.
  But the capstone of the administration's disinformation campaign was 
the claim that Saddam Hussein was actively pursuing nuclear weapons 
which could be used against America by Iraq, or by the terrorists to 
whom it was giving safe harbor. President Bush even went so far to 
announce to a world-wide audience in his 2003 State of the Union 
address that ``the British government has learned that Saddam Hussein 
had recently sought significant quantities of uranium from Africa.'' 
According to the President, facing such clear evidence of peril, we 
could not wait for ``the final proof that could come in the form of a 
mushroom cloud.'' We now know for sure that these claims were false. 
And covering up those false claims is one of the main reasons that 
Scooter Libby found himself in the predicament that led to his 
indictment by a grand jury and the on-going trial in the United States 
District Court for the District of Columbia.
  Regarding the actual conduct of the looming hostilities, the 
Administration and its courtiers

[[Page 4319]]

assured us that ``it would be a cakewalk'' and that American troops 
``would be greeted as liberators.'' The Secretary of Defense, Donald 
Rumsfeld, boldly claimed that ``the war could last six days, six weeks. 
I doubt six months.'' Vice-President Cheney said, ``I think it will go 
relatively quickly . . . [in] weeks rather than months.'' There are 
many things one could say about these rose- colored scenarios peddled 
by the Administration nearly four long years ago. But there is one 
thing you cannot say and that is ``truer words were never spoken.''
  Finally, Madam Speaker, let us not forget the wildly extravagant 
claims of this Administration regarding the cost of this war. The 
Director of the White House OMB was quoted as saying that ``Iraq will 
be an affordable endeavor that will not require sustained aid and will 
be in the range of $50 billion to $60 billion.'' At last count, Madam 
Speaker, the war has cost the taxpayers $379 billion. That a cost 
overrun of more than 600 percent.
  To put the cost of the war in perspective, consider that we are 
spending more than $8 billion a month to sustain the war effort in 
Iraq. Could this money be put to better use? Well, consider the 
following:
  For $33.1 billion, or 4 months in Iraq, we could have fully funded 
the Department of Homeland Security FY 2007 budget.
  For $10 billion, just 5 weeks in Iraq, we could equip every 
commercial airliner with defenses against shoulder-fired missiles.
  For $8.6 billion, just 30 days in Iraq, we could finance the shortage 
of international aid needed to rebuild Afghanistan.
  For $5.2 billion, just three weeks in Iraq, we could finance the 
capital improvements needed to secure the nation's public 
transportation system, including trains, subways, and buses.
  For the equivalent of 5 days in Iraq, just $1.5 billion, we could 
provide radiation detectors at every port in the United States.
  For only $1.4 billion, the cost of another 5 days in Iraq, we could 
double the COPS (community police grants) program.
  For the cost of a mere two days in Iraq, we could fund the $700 
million needed to provide 100% screening of all air cargo.
  For $350 million, 26 hours in Iraq, we could instead make emergency 
radio systems interoperable.
  For the cost of 8\1/2\ hours in Iraq, $94 million, we could restore 
the cuts in Homeland Security funding to cities hit on September 11.
  Madam Speaker, opponents of the resolution before us contend that it 
gives comfort to the enemy and undermines the President's strategy for 
success in Iraq. They claim it is our patriotic duty to avert our eyes 
to this Administration's nearly unbroken record of spectacular failure 
and incompetence and rally around the flag. But to paraphrase the old 
saw: fool me four times, shame on you; fool me a fifth time, shame on 
me. The truth is, Madam Speaker, this Congress--and the American 
people--has not been fickle or impatient. Rather, it has been 
understanding and generous to a fault, overlooking and excusing blunder 
after blunder committed by the White House and the Office of the 
Secretary of Defense (OSD). As Kenneth M. Pollack of the Brookings 
Institution, and a former senior member of the NSC, brilliantly 
describes in his essay, ``The Seven Deadly Sins Of Failure In Iraq: A 
Retrospective Analysis Of The Reconstruction,'' in Middle East Review 
of International Affairs (December 2006), our trust and patience has 
been repaid by a record of incompetence unmatched in the annals of 
American foreign policy.
  The Bush administration disregarded the advice of experts on Iraq, on 
nation-building, and on military operations. It staged both the 
invasion and the reconstruction on the cheap. It did not learn from its 
mistakes and did not commit the resources necessary to accomplish its 
original lofty goals or later pedestrian objectives. It ignored 
intelligence that contradicted its own views.
  It is clear now that the administration simply never believed in the 
necessity of a major reconstruction in Iraq. To exacerbate matters the 
Office of the Secretary of Defense (OSD) and the White House Office of 
the Vice President (OVP) worked together to ensure that the State 
Department was excluded from any meaningful involvement in the 
reconstruction of Iraq.
  The administration's chief Iraq hawks shared a deeply naive view that 
the fall of Saddam and his top henchmen would have relatively little 
impact on the overall Iraqi governmental structure. They assumed that 
Iraq's bureaucracy would remain intact and would therefore be capable 
of running the country and providing Iraqis with basic services. They 
likewise assumed that the Iraqi armed forces would largely remain 
cohesive and would surrender whole to U.S. forces. The result of all 
this was a fundamental lack of attention to realistic planning for the 
postwar environment.
  As it was assumed that the Iraqis would be delighted to be liberated 
little thought was given to security requirements after Saddam's fall. 
The dearth of planning for the provision of security and basic services 
stemmed from the mistaken belief that Iraqi political institutions 
would remain largely intact and therefore able to handle those 
responsibilities.
  But there were too few Coalition troops, which meant that long supply 
lines were vulnerable to attack by Iraqi irregulars, and the need to 
mask entire cities at times took so much combat power that it brought 
the entire offensive to a halt.
  It was not long before these naive assumptions and inadequate 
planning conjoined to sow the seeds of the chaos we have witnessed in 
Iraq.
  The lack of sufficient troops to secure the country led to the 
immediate outbreak of lawlessness resulting in massive looting and 
destruction dealt a stunning psychological blow to Iraqi confidence in 
the United States, from which the country has yet to recover. We 
removed Saddam Hussein's regime but we did not move to fill the 
military, political, and economic vacuum. The unintended consequence 
was the birth of a failing state, which provided the opportunity for 
the insurgency to flourish and prevented the development of 
governmental institutions capable of providing Iraqis with the most 
basic services such as clean water, sanitation, electricity, and a 
minimally functioning economy capable of generating basic employment.
  Making matters worse, the administration arrogantly denied the United 
Nations overall authority for the reconstruction even though the U.N. 
had far more expertise and experience in nation building.
  The looting and anarchy, the persistent insurgent attacks, the lack 
of real progress in restoring basic services, and the failure to find 
the promised weapons of mass destruction undercut the administration's 
claim that things were going well in Iraq and led it to make the next 
set of serious blunders, which was the disbanding of the Iraqi military 
and security services.
  Madam Speaker, counterinsurgency experts will tell you that to pacify 
an occupied country it is essential to disarm, demobilize, and retrain 
(DDR) the local army. The idea behind a DDR program is to entice, 
cajole, or even coerce soldiers back to their own barracks or to other 
facilities where they can be fed, clothed, watched, retrained, and 
prevented from joining an insurgency movement, organized crime, or an 
outlaw militia.
  By disbanding the military and security services without a DDR 
program, as many as one million Iraqi men were set at large with no 
money, no means to support their families, and no skills other than how 
to use a gun. Not surprisingly, many of these humiliated Sunni officers 
went home and joined the burgeoning Sunni insurgency.
  The next major mistake made in the summer of 2003 was the decision to 
create an Iraqi Governing Council (IGC), which laid the foundation for 
many of Iraq's current political woes. Many of the IGC leaders were 
horribly corrupt, and they stole from the public treasury and 
encouraged their subordinates to do the same. The IGC set the tone for 
later Iraqi governments, particularly the transitional governments of 
Ayad Allawi and Ibrahim Jaafari that followed.
  Finally, by insisting that all of the problems of the country were 
caused by the insurgency rather than recognizing the problems of the 
country were helping to fuel the insurgency, the Bush Administration 
set about concentrating its efforts in all the wrong places and on the 
wrong problems.
  This explains why for nearly all of 2004 and 2005, our troops were 
disproportionately deployed in the Sunni triangle trying to catch and 
kill insurgents. Although our troops caught and killed insurgents by 
the hundreds and thousands, these missions were not significantly 
advancing our strategic objectives. Indeed, they had little long-term 
impact because insurgents are always willing to flee temporarily rather 
than fight a leviathan. Second, because so many coalition forces were 
playing ``whack-a-mole'' with insurgents in the sparsely populated 
areas of western Iraq, the rest of the country was left vulnerable to 
take over by militias.
  Finally, Madam Speaker, a cruel irony is that because the Iraqi 
Government brought exiles and militia leaders into the government and 
gave them positions of power, it is now virtually impossible to get 
them out, and even more difficult to convince them to make compromises 
because the militia leaders have learned they can use their government 
positions to maintain and expand their personal power, at the expense 
both of their rivals who are not in the government and of the central 
government itself.

[[Page 4320]]

  All of this was avoidable and the blame for the lack of foresight 
falls squarely on the White House and the Office of the Secretary of 
Defense.
  Madam Speaker, the American people spoke loudly and clearly last 
November when they tossed out the Rubber-Stamp Republican Congress. 
They voted for a New Direction in Iraq and for change in America. They 
voted to disentangle American troops from the carnage, chaos, and civil 
war in Iraq. They voted for accountability and oversight, which we 
Democrats have begun to deliver on; already the new majority has held 
52 congressional hearings related to the Iraq War, investigating 
everything from the rampant waste, fraud, and abuse of Iraq 
reconstruction funding to troop readiness to the Iraq Study Group 
Report.
  But President Bush is still not listening to America. He is acting as 
if nothing has changed. He is not offering a way out of Iraq, only a 
way forward that will take us deeper into the morass and quagmire.
  The troop surge proposed by President Bush is not a new strategy for 
success in Iraq; it is just the same old repackaged policy of ``stay 
the course.'' This troop surge--this escalation of the war--will not 
provide lasting security for Iraqis. It is not what the American people 
have asked for, nor what the American military needs. It will impose 
excessive and unwarranted burdens on military personnel and their 
families. It is opposed by the Joint Chiefs of Staff. It is opposed by 
an overwhelming majority of the American people. It is opposed by a 
majority in Congress.
  The architects of the fiasco in Iraq would have us believe that 
``surging'' at least 20,000 more soldiers into Baghdad and nearby Anbar 
province is a change in military strategy that America must embrace or 
face future terrorist attacks on American soil. Nothing could be 
further from the truth, as we learned last year when the ``surge'' idea 
first surfaced among neoconservatives.
  The President's proposed troop surge is not new and, judging from 
history, we know it will not work. It will only succeed in putting more 
American troops in harm's way for no good reason and without any 
strategic advantage. The armed forces of the United States are not to 
be used to respond to 911 calls from governments like Iraq's that have 
done all they can to take responsibility for the security of their 
country and safety of their own people. The United States cannot do for 
Iraq what Iraqis are not willing to do for themselves.
  Troop surges have been tried several times in the past. The success 
of these surges has, to put it charitably, been underwhelming. Let's 
briefly review the record:
  1. Operation Together Forward, (June-October 2006): In June the Bush 
administration announced a new plan for securing Baghdad by increasing 
the presence of Iraqi Security Forces. That plan failed, so in July the 
White House announced that additional American troops would be sent 
into Baghdad. By October, a U.S. military spokesman, Gen. William 
Caldwell, acknowledged that the operation and troop increase was a 
failure and had ``not met our overall expectations of sustaining a 
reduction in the levels of violence.''
  2. Elections and Constitutional Referendum (September-December 2005): 
In the fall of 2005 the Bush administration increased troop levels by 
22,000, making a total of 160,000 American troops in Iraq around the 
constitutional referendum and parliamentary elections. While the 
elections went off without major violence these escalations had little 
long-term impact on quelling sectarian violence or attacks on American 
troops.
  3. Constitutional Elections and Fallujah (November 2004-March 2005): 
As part of an effort to improve counterinsurgency operations after the 
Fallujah offensive in November 2004 and to increase security before the 
January 2005 constitutional elections U.S. forces were increased by 
12,000 to 150,000. Again there was no long-term security impact.
  4. Massive Troop Rotations (December 2003-April 2004): As part of a 
massive rotation of 250,000 troops in the winter and spring of 2004, 
troop levels in Iraq were raised from 122,000 to 137,000. Yet, the 
increase did nothing to prevent Muqtada al-Sadr's Najaf uprising and 
April of 2004 was the second deadliest month for American forces.
  Madam Speaker, by more than 60 percent, Americans oppose increasing 
American troop levels in Iraq. So do many of the nation's leading and 
most knowledgeable military officers. In testimony before the Senate, 
Gen. John P. Abizaid, the former Commander of United States Central 
Command, stated: ``I do not believe that more American troops right now 
is the solution to the problem. I believe that the troop levels need to 
stay where they are.'' General Abizaid's view is shared by Gen. Colin 
Powell, the former Secretary of State and former Chairman of the Joint 
Chiefs, who has said ``I am not persuaded that another surge of troops 
into Baghdad for the purposes of suppressing this communitarian 
violence, this civil war, will work.'' And Gen. Barry McCaffrey 
(retired), who commanded the 24th Infantry Division during the first 
Gulf War, is even more blunt: ``It's a fool's errand . . . Our allies 
are leaving us . . . Make no mistake about that. Most will be gone by 
this summer.''
  Even leading members of the Republican Party are skeptical of the 
President's latest ploy to salvage the mess he has made of Iraq. 
According to Sen. Chuck Hagel of Nebraska, the President's escalation 
plan ``represents the most dangerous foreign policy blunder in this 
country since Vietnam--if it's carried out. I will resist it.'' Senator 
Hagel is joined in his skepticism by Senators Olympia Snowe, John 
Warner, Susan Collins, Gordon Smith, Norm Coleman, George Voinovich, 
Sam Brownback, Arlen Specter, and a growing list of others.
  Madam Speaker, although Americans are right to oppose the President's 
troop surge, stemming the chaos in Iraq will require more than 
opposition to military escalation. It requires us to make hard choices.
  It is past time for a new direction that can lead to success in Iraq. 
We cannot wait any longer. Too many Americans and Iraqis are dying who 
could otherwise be saved.
  Since the President still has not seen the light, we need to make him 
feel the heat. I believe the time has come to debate, adopt, and 
implement a plan for strategic redeployment. I am not talking about 
``immediate withdrawal,'' ``cutting and running,'' or surrendering to 
terrorists. And I certainly am not talking about staying in Iraq 
forever or the foreseeable future.
  I am talking about a paradigm shift. Rather than undertaking a 
misguided and futile surge in troops, the United States should surge 
diplomatically. The Armed Forces of the United States have performed 
magnificently. They won the war they were sent to fight. Their civilian 
leadership has not succeeded in winning the peace.
  That is why I have introduced H.R. 930, which among other things 
creates a high-level Special Envoy to launch a new offensive on the 
diplomatic front. My legislation, the ``Military Success in Iraq and 
Diplomatic Surge for Political and National Reconciliation Act of 
2007,'' implements twelve of the most important recommendations of the 
Iraq Study Group, headed by former Secretary of State James A. Baker 
and 911 Co-Chairman Lee Hamilton.
  Among other things, H.R. 930, would require a diplomatic full-court 
press designed to engage all six of Iraq's neighbors--Iran, Turkey, 
Syria, Jordan, Saudi Arabia, and Kuwait--more constructively in 
stabilizing Iraq. These countries are already involved in a bilateral, 
self-interested and disorganized way.
  While their interests and ours are not identical, none of these 
countries wants to live with an Iraq that, after our redeployment, 
becomes a failed state or a humanitarian catastrophe that could become 
a haven for terrorists or a hemorrhage of millions more refugees 
streaming into their countries.
  Madam Speaker, when Congress authorized the president to use military 
force in Iraq in 2002, it departed from the wisdom of our forefathers. 
The Framers understood that while the military does the fighting, a 
nation goes to war. That is why they lodged the power to declare war in 
the Congress, the branch of government closest to the people. They knew 
that the decision to go to war was too important to be left to the whim 
of a single person, no matter how wise or well-informed he or she might 
be. But the AUMF passed by Congress was not a declaration of war but 
rather a blank check for the president to start and wage war in Iraq at 
a time, place, and manner of his choosing. It is time to rescind that 
blank check and return to first principles.
  That is why H.R. 930 also includes another important legislative 
initiative, the ``Military Success in Iraq Act of 2007 (MSIA).'' This 
provision of my legislation is crafted to end the American military 
involvement in Iraq and redeploy American troops out of Iraq.
  The MSIA declares that the objectives which led Congress to pass the 
2002 AUMF have been achieved. It further declares that whenever the 
objectives set forth in an AUMF have been achieved, the AUMF expires 
automatically. Then it finds that Congress is the ultimate arbiter as 
to whether the objectives set forth in its AUMF have been achieved.
  Because Congress now finds that the 2002 AUMF objectives have been 
achieved, my legislation provides that the authorization to use force 
conferred upon the President by the AUMF has now expired. My bill then 
makes clear that the President must obtain a new authorization to 
continue the use force in Iraq. Finally, my bill requires that if the 
Congress does not vote to reauthorize the use of force

[[Page 4321]]

in Iraq by March 31, 2007, then all American armed forces in Iraq must 
be redeployed out of Iraq. Thus, under my legislation, an up-or-down 
vote must be held by the House and Senate to continue waging war in 
Iraq.
  Madam Speaker, our domestic national security, in fact, rests on 
redeploying our military forces from Iraq in order to build a more 
secure Middle East and continue to fight against global terrorist 
networks elsewhere in the world. Strategic redeployment of our armed 
forces in order to rebuild our nation's fighting capabilities and renew 
our critical fight in Afghanistan against the Taliban and al-Qaeda is 
not just an alternative strategy. It's a strategic imperative.
  My legislation requires the Congress to provide leadership on the 
most important issue of our day. That is what the American people want. 
That is what they voted for last November. That is what has been 
required all along.
  And providing constructive leadership that will bring peace, enhance 
security, and save lives is the task to which I am now, and always have 
been, dedicated. That is why I strongly and proudly support our 
magnificent, heroic, and selfless service men and women. That is why I 
strongly support H. Con. Res 63 and squarely oppose the President's 
decision to escalate the war in Iraq. I urge all members to support the 
resolution before the House.
  Mrs. WILSON of New Mexico. Madam Speaker, I am pleased to yield 5 
minutes to my colleague from Pennsylvania (Mr. Peterson).
  Mr. PETERSON of Pennsylvania. Madam Speaker, the situation we are 
facing in Iraq right now is serious. The resolution we are debating 
here tonight, unfortunately, is not.
  Everyone agrees the situation on the ground is unacceptable. To make 
it right, we need leadership, resources, and resolve. What we don't 
need is 36 hours of time trading speeches on a nonbinding measure, a 
measure that imparts no new policy, offers no new alternatives, and 
commands no real effect.
  Most of the speeches I have heard this week are about the war. On 
that subject, there is plenty of room for disagreement. But the 
resolution before us isn't about the war, it is about a specific 
tactical question: the number of troops we need to deploy to finish the 
job.
  I can't think of a group that is less qualified to make strategic and 
tactical decisions on the ground than 535 Members of Congress, sitting 
6,000 miles away on Capitol Hill. Congress shouldn't be in the business 
of micromanaging war tactics.
  Should we debate the war in Iraq? Certainly. Can we disagree about 
its goals and purpose? Absolutely. But decisions on the ground need to 
be determined by our military commanders on the scene, and not public 
opinion polls.
  Of course, the other responsibility of Congress is, when it comes to 
wars, the power to fund them. As a member of the Appropriations 
Committee, I take that responsibility seriously. But if my colleagues 
on the Appropriations Committee and in the full House think the war is 
a lost cause, if they think that sending more troops to help secure 
Iraq is the wrong strategy, they shouldn't hesitate to cut off the 
funding for the operation. I wouldn't support that measure, but at 
least it would be a measure of genuine intent, not a two-paragraph 
statement on military tactics we have on the floor this week.
  Mistakes have been made. But this is a mission that is consistent 
with our vital interest and worthy of our support. I don't believe 
President Bush has prosecuted this war flawlessly, and, frankly, I 
don't believe he has always particularly been well advised. But this 
strategy of reinforcement is not always supported by the President, it 
is supported by the military and the political leadership of Iraq.
  People have to understand something. We are facing an enemy like no 
other we have faced before, an ideological enemy driven by hate, not 
reason; an enemy for whom there can be no rest until the freedoms and 
values that define our civilization are destroyed.
  Victory is the only outcome that can be accepted. But the resolution 
we are debating on the floor this week was not written with ultimate 
victory in mind; it was written in expectation of defeat. And, unlike 
some of my colleagues, I am not willing to concede to defeat.
  So many families have sacrificed so that we can be successful in 
Iraq, and they are willing to sacrifice even more. To cut support for 
them now would be unforgiveable.
  You know, Mr. Speaker, watching the debate on the floor this week, my 
thoughts keep going back to the Loudon family who live in my district.
  Their son Christopher, a member of his college ROTC program, was 
deployed to Iraq after graduation and came home this fall in a flag-
draped coffin.
  Their son Nicholas is a West Point graduate I nominated to the 
Academy, who served with his brother in Iraq, and he is heading back to 
Iraq this weekend for another tour of duty.
  Their son Jonathan, their youngest, and another one of my Academy 
nominees, is going to West Point this fall. The Loudon family had great 
concern over whether to send their third and youngest son to West 
Point. In the end, they were swayed by their son's commitment to serve 
his country and their shared belief that his mission is one worth 
fighting for.
  If the Loudons can remain strong and committed in the face of the 
most difficult circumstances any family can endure, why can't Congress?
  I have gotten other calls from families in my district. One mother 
called this week to tell me that her son, a young man named Nathan 
Stone whom I nominated to West Point in 2001, is currently serving in 
south Baghdad, sweeping the city, going door to door, risking his life 
so the Iraqis can live their lives with a basic security. And do you 
know what he told his mother to relate to me? He told her that they are 
making a difference, they are seeing progress. They need help, they 
need these troops, and they will be excited when they get them.
  If First Lieutenant Stone believes that these additional troops are 
vital to him completing his mission in Baghdad, that tells me a lot. 
And if the Loudons can send their youngest son to West Point knowing 
that he may some day be called into service himself, that tells me all 
I need to know.
  Mr. Speaker, no one likes war. No one wants our troops to be in Iraq 
one minute longer than they have to be to ensure the mission is 
accomplished. Reasonable people may disagree on strategy, but this 
resolution is not about alternative viewpoints. There are no different 
courses offered, no suggestions, and no responsibility taken.
  I stand with the Loudon family and Lieutenant Stone, and vote opposed 
to this resolution.
  Mr. SMITH of Washington. Madam Speaker, I yield 5\1/2\ minutes to the 
gentleman from Oregon (Mr. DeFazio).
  Mr. DeFAZIO. I thank the gentleman.
  We are debating a simple, straightforward resolution. Clause 1 says, 
``Congress and the American people will continue to support and protect 
the members of the United States Armed Forces who are serving or have 
served bravely and honorably in Iraq.''
  Every Member of Congress, despite outrageous allegations from the 
Republican side of the aisle from some, fully supports our troops and 
wants them to have the best equipment available to accomplish this 
mission. The disagreement is over the strategy that determines their 
mission.
  The Republicans don't want to have a debate over that strategy. They 
are trying to conflate support for the troops with support for the 
President's failed stay-the-course strategy dressed up with a little 
bit of escalation.
  But as President Theodore Roosevelt said during World War I, standing 
by a President, whether right or wrong, is not only unpatriotic and 
servile, it is morally treasonable to the American public.
  Supporting the troops doesn't require supporting the failed policies 
of this President and his administration. The Republicans don't want to 
debate the conduct of the war and the future strategy in Iraq. The 
former Republican chairman of the House Intelligence Committee, Peter 
Hoekstra, wrote a letter to his colleagues saying, ``This debate should 
not be about the surge or its details. This debate should not even be 
about the Iraq war to date, mistakes that have been made, or whether we 
can or cannot win militarily. If we let the Democrats force us

[[Page 4322]]

into a debate on the surge or the current situation in Iraq, we lose.''
  So change the subject. Make things up.
  There is a massive propaganda effort on the part of many Republicans 
to distract and dissemble. They have trotted out the tired and 
thoroughly discredited catch phrase, ``If we don't fight them there, we 
will fight them here,'' invoking the specter of Osama bin Laden and al 
Qaeda. However, U.S. intelligence agencies, including military 
intelligence agencies, have refuted that claim that the conflict in 
Iraq is driven by al Qaeda. It is not. The violence is driven by a 
civil war primarily between the Iraqi Sunnis and Shias in a 1,400-year-
old conflict, and our troops are caught in the middle of that civil 
war. The recent National Intelligence Estimate definitively put that 
issue to rest. The Iraqi Sunnis and Shias have no interest in or 
capability of attacking the United States.
  Osama bin Laden, al Qaeda, and their Taliban allies are still alive 
and active on the border of Afghanistan and Pakistan, thanks to the 
Bush administration and the massive diversion of our troops and 
resources from Afghanistan to an unnecessary war in Iraq. We do need to 
reinforce our troops in Afghanistan in order to end, once and for all, 
the threat posed by al Qaeda and the Taliban leadership.
  Our Nation and our troops were led into the war in Iraq by the 
distortion of intelligence, dissembling by the President, and senior 
members of the administration. It is time for the truth. The Bush 
administration has saddled our troops with a failed strategy in Iraq. 
It is that failed strategy that hurts our troops, not the words of 
those of us who have pointed out the obvious failures by this 
administration.
  I don't believe there is a level of U.S. troops that could stabilize 
Iraq at this point and resolve these underlying ages-old sectarian 
conflicts.
  The President remains optimistic. However, optimism is not a 
strategy. Staying the course and repeating the failures of the past is 
not a new strategy. Vice President Dick Cheney, despite the grim 
National Intelligence Estimate acknowledging the civil war in Iraq, 
dismissed suggestions that Iraq is a disaster, saying, ``The reality on 
the ground is that we have made major progress.'' Vice President 
Cheney.
  Optimism, stay the course, and delusion and denial, those do not 
serve our troops well. We need a real change in strategy.
  A better strategy is to announce a time line negotiated with the 
Iraqi Government to bring our troops home over the next 6 months to a 
year.
  The administration has always set time lines for political 
developments in Iraq, for the elections, for the drafting of the 
constitution. The administration argued such time lines were necessary 
to focus the energy of Iraq's leaders and to force compromises. We need 
to do the same on the military side. Negotiating a time line for 
bringing home U.S. troops with responsible parties in the Iraqi 
Government would boost the Iraqi Government's legitimacy and claim to 
self-rule, and force the Iraqi Government to take responsibility for 
itself and its citizens. Negotiating a withdrawal timeline and strategy 
with the Iraqi Government could more than possibly anything else 
improve the standing of the Iraqi Government in the eyes of its own 
people, a significant achievement in a region where the standing of 
rulers and governments is low, and it could also abate the insurgencies 
of both Sunnis and Shias. Too many Iraqis view us as an occupying 
force. Large majorities of both Sunnis and Shia want U.S. troops to 
withdraw, and approve of attacks on our men and women in uniform.

                              {time}  2030

  The U.S. must engage, despite the reluctance of this administration, 
in robust diplomacy with all factions in Iraq, except the foreign 
terrorists and domestic al Qaeda elements and work with Iraq's 
neighbors in an effort to bring about political reconciliation among 
Sunnis, Shias and Kurds. Our troops have done all that has been asked 
of them in Iraq.
  Saddam Hussein is dead. His allies are on the run or in prison. The 
threat from WMDs is nonexistent. The war that has been authorized by 
Congress is won. The troops should come home. Congress should not 
authorize U.S. troops to referee a civil war in Iraq.
  Mrs. WILSON of New Mexico. Madam Speaker, I am pleased to yield 5 
minutes to my colleague from Missouri (Mr. Hulshof).
  Mr. HULSHOF. Madam Speaker, on November 19 of 1863, President Abraham 
Lincoln rose on the platform at Gettysburg, Pennsylvania, following a 
2-hour oration by Edward Everett, and gave a brief but very eloquent 
discourse that has become a prominent part of our country's heritage. 
At the dedication of the Gettysburg National Cemetery he acknowledged, 
``The world will little note nor long remember what we say here, but it 
can never forget what they did here. It is, for us, the living, rather, 
to be dedicated here to the unfinished work which they who fought here 
have thus far so nobly advanced.''
  Can we find some poignancy today in those simple words uttered 7 
score and 4 years ago? What is the unfinished work that confronts this 
body politic, and more to the point, does this resolution promulgated 
unilaterally by the majority advance the cause for freedom for which 
3,000 of our countrymen have given the last full measure of devotion?
  For all of these rhetorical meanderings that have occurred lo these 
many hours, the responsibility for the current state of affairs in Iraq 
rests squarely with the majority of Members who serve in this Congress 
of the United States. Back on December 17, 1998, do you recall House 
Resolution 612 which declared in pertinent part, ``Resolved, by the 
House of Representatives that . . . `the Congress reaffirms that it 
should be the policy of the United States to support efforts to remove 
the regime headed by Saddam Hussein from power' and to promote the 
emergence of a democratic government to replace that regime.'''
  I note that the gentleman who just spoke, along with 400 other 
Members of the Congress, supported that resolution as the policy of the 
United States, and thereafter in October of 2002, Congress, both the 
House and the Senate, approved the resolution approving the use of 
force and military action necessary to effectuate that policy of regime 
change.
  Now, deposing the former dictator, in relative terms, was the easy 
part, yanking him from his hiding place, a hole in the ground. He 
eventually stood trial in the dock as a common accused, was judged by 
his countrymen according to the rule of law, and held to account for 
the brutality of his many crimes.
  A second policy objective, promoting a democratic government has been 
the harder path, but though difficult, is it no less important? As my 
friend and colleague, my classmate from New Mexico (Mrs. Wilson) so 
passionately and persuasively annunciated yesterday, America has vital 
national interests in Iraq.
  Does anyone argue the contrary? Can we not all agree that we must 
deny al Qaeda sanctuary in Iraq? Do we not further agree that Iraq must 
not be the source of instability in the Middle Eastern region?
  Well, if we can agree on these points, can the majority make a 
legitimate case that this resolution accomplishes either of those 
important interests? President Bush recently nominated General David 
Petraeus as the new Commander of Multinational Forces in Iraq. Widely 
known as a brilliant tactician in the area of counterinsurgency, 
General Petraeus was unanimously confirmed by the other body.
  Today, however, the majority desires to deny this extremely capable 
commander the means to accomplish his objective. Isn't it incumbent 
upon us, as Lincoln urged, to remain dedicated to the task remaining 
before us? Haven't many in this body expressed frustration that the 
Iraqi Government has put limitations on the rules of engagement of our 
troops in our field, not allowing our military to hunt down the enemy 
because insurgents had escaped to a safe haven in a region deemed off-
limits by the Iraqi Government?

[[Page 4323]]

  Well, isn't the majority party doing exactly the same thing half a 
world away with this resolution? Isn't denying military additional 
reinforcements deemed necessary by our generals in the field hampering 
our last best chance for success?
  Two nights ago I was moved by the quiet eloquence of the 
distinguished gentleman from New York (Mr. McHugh) when he made the 
simple yet ironic observation: At no time in our Nation's history has 
this House considered a public rebuke of a sitting Commander in Chief 
for the manner in which a war has been conducted that Congress itself 
has authorized.
  On that score alone, I find this resolution breathtaking in its 
audacity. If I may be allowed to paraphrase the Great Emancipator, it 
is true, the world will little note nor long remember what we say here, 
but the world will never forget what we do here.
  I urge rejection of this resolution.
  Mr. SMITH of Washington. Madam Speaker, I yield 5 minutes to the 
gentleman from California (Mr. Farr).
  Mr. FARR. Thank you for yielding.
  Madam Speaker, it is a pleasure to see you in the Chair tonight.
  I would like to thank the new leadership in the House tonight for the 
opportunity and the time to allow this body and the Members of this 
body to go on record about the President's war strategy.
  Of course I would prefer that we were debating my bill, H.R. 413, 
which would rescind the authority that we gave the President to invade 
Iraq back in October of 2002. I voted against this war then, and I will 
continue to do so now.
  We just cannot thank, though, our leadership. We have to thank the 
American people, the people that went to the polls in November, who 
voted for a change and a new direction for this country. You, our 
constituents, voted for this change, and now you are witnessing the 
historic debate on the President's policy in Iraq.
  This resolution that we are voting on is very simple. It has two 
sections. The first section affirms our support for our troops who are 
serving and have served in Iraq.
  The second section expresses disapproval over the deployment of 
21,000 combat troops in Iraq. These two simple statements aren't 
legally binding. But they are binding promises to the American people 
who voted for us to change the direction. Promises are important. When 
soldiers and their families go to war, our government promises to 
support them, and that we should.
  Just think, if we made the same promise to the school children when 
they go to school, that we would protect them from school violence and 
fully support their efforts to get an education, and that we should.
  Just think, if we made that promise to provide health care for 47 
million Americans who are without health insurance today, and that we 
should. The promise and the list of promises goes on and on, many unmet 
domestic needs that are not getting attention because of the war in 
Iraq.
  Some say this resolution is meaningless. I disagree. It is a promise, 
and promises are important.
  If we can support our troops and we can support the teachers who are 
educating their children, we can support the health care providers that 
are caring for their loved ones.
  By voting for this resolution, we are making a promise to the 
American people to change United States' policy on the war. This 
resolution doesn't end the war, but it begins a new direction.
  This is the first time that we have said ``enough is enough'' to the 
President. It is a good start. If we go on record in opposition to 
troop surge, we can express our disapproval to the country's addiction 
to oil and to the rich getting richer and the poor getting poorer. We 
can express our disapproval of the policy that keeps homeless people on 
the streets, that keeps one in six American children living in poverty, 
and allows our skies and oceans to continue to be polluted.
  So to the American people, I thank you. I thank you for getting 
involved, because when you do, politicians respond. You have empowered 
us to chart a new course for the war in Iraq, and I am proud to cast my 
vote for this resolution.
  Today we are keeping our promise to the people, for what we do for 
our brave troops, we can do for all of God's children. Yes, Mr. 
President, we can tell you that you are wrong.
  In closing, I think what this debate is about is to wake up the 
world. America is coming back. It is coming back with the most powerful 
force on Earth, the energized electorate. This resolution is a breath 
of fresh air in our Nation's Capitol. It is time to get out of Iraq, it 
is time to lead.
  Thank you, Speaker Pelosi, for bringing us this far in just a few 
short weeks.
  Mrs. WILSON of New Mexico. Madam Speaker, I am pleased to yield 5 
minutes to my colleague from Mississippi (Mr. Pickering).
  Mr. PICKERING. Madam Speaker, I rise in opposition to this 
resolution.
  As we look back through our Nation's history, and we look back at all 
the great chapters, there were moments, decisive, critical moments, 
where our Nation could have given up, or given in, could have 
withdrawn, could have surrendered, and those moments that make us most 
proud are those chapters in our history where we did not give up, 
retreat, surrender.
  If we had a mission, we completed it. If we look to Lincoln's message 
at one of those turning and tipping points in our history at 
Gettysburg, when this Nation was in the midst of its bloodiest civil 
war, Lincoln said, We here highly resolve that these dead shall not 
have died in vain, that this Nation under God shall have a new birth of 
freedom.
  We have a new Nation trying to grasp its first breath of freedom, to 
form a more perfect union of freedom and equality and democracy.
  Lincoln's second inaugural address: With malice toward none, with 
charity for all, with firmness and the right as God gives us to see the 
right, let us strive on to finish the work we are in, to bind up the 
Nation's wounds, to care for him who shall have borne the battle and 
for his widow and his orphan, to do all which may achieve and cherish a 
just and lasting peace among ourselves and with all nations.
  Today I took a couple on a tour of this great Capitol, and we walked 
into the Rotunda under the magnificent dome, the place where if you put 
the Statue of Liberty, it would still have room within that dome.
  The dome was finished and constructed during our Civil War. Abraham 
Lincoln was questioned during that time, Shall we devote our time and 
our resources and the labor to the completion of the dome, or should 
that go to the war effort? And Lincoln said, No, that is a symbol of 
our union, and we will complete the work of the dome.
  When Lee met Grant at Appomattox, it is said that Lee's first 
question to Grant was, Have they finished the dome yet? They had just 
finished it in the spring of 1865.
  Today that dome defines and symbolizes the strength of our Nation and 
of our democracy. Many in the world probably thought during that time 
that we would never survive, and the real question for many of us today 
as a Nation at war that is spiraling in civil war, can that civil war 
end? Can a nation be unified? Could the hatred and the violence be 
stopped and then reconciliation bring unity?
  There are many on the other side who believe that it is futile, that 
all civil wars will never end, that these ancient hatreds will not 
stop. But if we look to our recent history in Bosnia, there was a 
President of the other party who stood and said, We can intervene. We 
will give our military and our diplomatic resources to bring about an 
end to civil war.
  He was successful, and history judges him well for that. To be 
honest, many on this side of the aisle did not stand in support of that 
President at that time. But our Nation remembers and are glad that we 
had a leader who intervened and brought stability to a critical region 
of the world, and new democracies emerged.
  We started this effort together after 9/11. We all remember standing 
on the steps and singing ``God bless America.'' We can remember going 
to the cathedral, the National Cathedral, and praying for our guidance 
and for our unity.

[[Page 4324]]

We authorized the war together. We adopted a policy of regime change 
together, overwhelmingly.
  And now, 4 years later, when it is difficult and grave doubts rise, 
will we give up, or will we complete the work and finish the work in 
which we can be proud?

                              {time}  2045

  Lieutenant Joshua Trapp, who flies Apache helicopters in Iraq, 
deployed this spring after his marriage to Elizabeth of only 3 weeks. 
He now believes and hopes that he can complete his mission.
  I rise today in Joshua Trapp's name, and all of those other 
Mississippians who have given their lives, that their life may not have 
been in vain, and that their mission may be supported in this body in 
this time and this place and that it is a chapter we in this place will 
remember as we age and grow old that we did not walk away, retreat, 
surrender, but we finished the mission.
  Mr. SMITH of Washington. Madam Speaker, I would just first observe 
that none of these soldiers who died in Iraq, no matter what happens 
from this point forward, died in vain. No soldier who dies fighting for 
his country and his comrades dies in vain, regardless of the politics. 
I hope we would all understand that.
  Madam Speaker, I yield 5 minutes to the gentlewoman from New York 
(Mrs. Maloney).
  Mrs. MALONEY of New York. Madam Speaker, for almost 4 years the 
administration has been saying, just give us more time, just give us 
more money, our plan will bring peace. And now they are saying, we need 
more troops, 48,000 of them. But we have already had four troop 
increases since we went into Iraq and none of them have brought 
stability.
  Tragically, this war has cost more than 3,100 American lives, 143 
from my home State of New York, and thousands of Iraqi lives, as well 
as more than 20,000 injured American soldiers who will carry their 
wounds for the rest of their lives.
  The bipartisan Hamilton-Baker Commission called for a different 
approach. They said: ``The situation in Iraq is grave and 
deteriorating.'' As Mr. Hamilton said: ``The current approach is not 
working. And the ability of the U.S. to influence events is 
diminishing.''
  The commission called for greater use of diplomacy. And the 
commission's report stated clearly that we must not make an open-ended 
commitment to keep large numbers of American troops in Iraq. They 
warned that doing so would continue to stretch our troops too thin, 
hampering our abilities to simultaneously face other threats in the 
world.
  It would severely affect America's army readiness, and it would not 
give the Iraqi Government the incentive needed to help bring security. 
If this assessment is so clearly in opposition to a long-term 
deployment in Iraq, why is the administration doing the exact opposite?
  They are calling for a bigger commitment of troops, for more 
expenditure of lives and treasure with no end in sight. They speak of 
victory, but what is victory? Was it finding weapons of mass 
destruction? There were none. Was it a nuclear weapons program? There 
was not one. Was Iraq an imminent threat to our security? We were told 
it was, but in fact it was not.
  They claimed that they would exhaust all options before taking 
military action. But they did not even wait for the weapons inspectors' 
final report. Was our goal to impose democracy on the entire Middle 
East? The war has inflamed and destabilized the region. Whatever their 
justification, they have embarked on a policy that is dragging America 
into the mire of another country's civil war.
  In this civil war we don't know who's shooting. We just know that all 
sides are shooting at us. We also now know that there was no al Qaeda 
connection in Iraq before we invaded. The Pentagon's Inspector General 
has reported that Douglas Feith, the Pentagon's Under Secretary, cooked 
intelligence reports to make a case to go to war based on al Qaeda. It 
is tragically ironic that now by invading we have actually made Iraq 
fertile territory for al Qaeda recruitment.
  Madam Speaker, on top of their rush to war and their insufficient 
planning, their mismanagement is legendary. They initially estimated 
that the war would cost 50 to $60 billion. But by the end of this year, 
Congress will have spent about half a trillion dollars, ten times the 
original estimate.
  Last week, we had a hearing on $12 billion that was airlifted into 
the war zone and now $8.8 billion is unaccounted for, completely 
missing. Madam Speaker, how much mismanagement and misdirection can 
this country tolerate?
  In November, Americans voted for a new direction for the war, a new 
direction for Congress. I rise in support of this new direction and 
against this escalation in Iraq.
  Mrs. WILSON of New Mexico. Madam Speaker, I yield 4 minutes to my 
colleague from Ohio (Mr. Tiberi).
  Mr. TIBERI. Madam Speaker, I rise in opposition to this resolution 
this evening.
  The resolution we are debating this evening is a nonbinding 
resolution. It has no effect of law. It does nothing to change our 
direction in the war on terror. For those who oppose the war, this 
resolution does nothing to end it. For those of us who would like to 
debate the recommendations of the Iraq Study Group, this does nothing.
  For those of us who would like to continue to show our support for 
the funding of the troops, it does nothing. For all of the chest 
pounding from the majority about a new direction or redeployment, this 
does nothing. This resolution could pass 435-0 and it still would do 
nothing.
  Madam Speaker, there has been no opportunity for a free exchange of 
proposals this evening that could be useful in moving us forward. In 
fact, just this morning, one of Ohio's largest newspapers, the Columbus 
Dispatch, said it best in their lead editorial: ``Empty gestures. 
Democrat's resolution on Bush's Iraq war policy is political 
posturing.''
  That says it all. Madam Speaker, your party has the majority in the 
House and in the Senate. Yet we have tonight before us a resolution 
that does not do anything. If the majority wants to exercise real 
leadership, let's have a true debate. Let's make real decisions, tough 
decisions, that is for sure, but real decisions.
  Madam Speaker, let me tell you about a young marine corporal in my 
district. His name is Matt. Matt represents the best and brightest in 
America. Matt had a scholarship to go to college. He turned it down. He 
enlisted in the United States Marine Corps after Iraq was liberated.
  Matt was on his second tour of duty just last month when he was shot. 
He returned home a few weeks ago. Matt will receive a Purple Heart. 
Weeks before he was shot, Matt sent an e-mail back to his family and 
friends in Ohio. In it he says: ``We have done a lot of good in Iraq, 
but on the homefront we likely will not see that reported.'' Matt said 
he has watched his fellow marines' hearts grow heavy when they talk to 
their family and friends, and that this is a tough part of war and a 
tough part of fighting for freedom.
  I spoke with Matt a few days ago as we began debate on this 
resolution. Matt asked me to oppose the resolution and give him and his 
fellow soldiers the tools and the support that they need to help Iraqis 
help themselves take control of their own country, and together fight 
and defeat radical extremists.
  Matt supports the mission. Matt does not want to see his children and 
grandchildren going back to Iraq to handle what can and should be done 
now. Our constituents elected us to lead, Madam Speaker. Our brave 
servicemen and -women look to us for leadership. We must not disappoint 
them.
  Matt, God bless you and your fellow troops for your great and 
wonderful service to our country. I will vote against this resolution, 
this nonbinding resolution tomorrow, and will do all I can to support 
you and your fellow soldiers in your mission to fight and defeat 
radical extremists who seek to destroy our way of life.

[[Page 4325]]


  Mr. SMITH of Washington. Madam Speaker, I yield 5 minutes to the 
gentleman from Hawaii (Mr. Abercrombie), a senior member of the House 
Armed Services Committee.
  Mr. ABERCROMBIE. Madam Speaker, as chairman of the Armed Services 
Committee on Air and Land Forces, my overriding concern on every issue 
that comes before us is whether and how it supports our men and women 
in uniform.
  Every decision about equipment, procurement, training, end strength 
or budget authorization must meet this test: Does it support our 
troops? The question before us today, increasing U.S. forces in Iraq by 
some 21,000 combat troops and somewhere between 3 and 28,000 support 
personnel fails this test in every respect.
  Both the immediate and long-term effects of the war in Iraq on our 
Nation's military preparedness are evident and drastic. Extended 
deployments, premature redeployments, and sustained combat under 
unbelievably harsh conditions have taken a terrible toll on our forces 
and their equipment.
  The results are an overstretched U.S. Army and Marine Corps with no 
fully mission-capable Reserve forces, and an urgent need for billions 
of dollars to repair or replace worn and damaged helicopters, tanks, 
other armored vehicles, including up-armored Humvees and other 
equipment.
  I recently returned from an inspection of two of the Army's busiest 
repair depots in Corpus Christi, Texas, and Anniston, Alabama. What we 
saw there were skilled and dedicated employees working feverishly to 
make sure that our men and women in uniform, particularly those in Iraq 
and Afghanistan, have every piece of equipment they need to do their 
jobs and keep themselves safe from harm.
  What we saw were the results of an administration's abject failure to 
mobilize this country's industrial base for this war of choice. Only 
now are we ramping up America's manufacturing capacity to fully support 
our troops at home and overseas.
  Smugly self-righteous in its belief that U.S. troops would be 
targeted with nothing more lethal than rose petals, this administration 
has been complacent in leaving the burden of the war on the men and 
women of our Armed Forces, active, Reserve and National Guard. The 
impact of this attitude hit home for me in Corpus Christi when I read 
recently about the death in Iraq of a 48-year-old Army sergeant with 
five children.
  Newspaper Columnist Dan Thomasson asked: What in the world was a 48-
year-old man with five children doing in the military in Iraq? The 
answer is obvious, he was a member either of the National Guard or the 
Reserve. The Guard and Reserve are being used in a way never 
contemplated. Their repeated and sustained deployments turn lives 
upside down, sometimes permanently, and have a profound impact on 
families, businesses and whole communities.
  Why have they been so misused? Because there is not anyone else. 
Because our active duty force is too small to sustain our engagement in 
Iraq and Afghanistan. To have acted to ensure the burden of this war 
would be more broadly shared, that the industrial sector would be 
mobilized, and the military equipment, supply and maintenance and 
repair systems put on a war-time footing would have been expensive and 
an admission of a reality the Bush administration did not want to 
confront.
  The real and immediate concern is that forces now being deployed as 
part of this surge will not have the equipment they need when they get 
there. They will have to borrow it. We are not fully prepared to 
respond effectively.
  The House then is considering an expression of support or opposition 
to another failure of leadership. Nearly 23 years ago, President Ronald 
Reagan's Secretary of Defense, Caspar Weinberger, outlined in a speech 
entitled ``The Uses of Military Power,'' six tests that need to be 
applied whenever combat forces are contemplated.
  One: never commit forces unless the particular situation is vital to 
our national interest or that of our allies. Two: if we are willing to 
commit the force or resources necessary to win, we should commit them 
all.
  Three: we should have clearly defined political and military 
objectives. Four: the relationship between the objectives and forces, 
size, composition, disposition, must be continually reassessed and 
adjusted.
  Five: we must have the support of the American people and their 
elected representatives in Congress. Six: the commitment of U.S. troops 
to combat should be a last resort. President Bush's policies have 
failed every one of then-Secretary Weinberger's tests.
  What then are the consequences of this failure? Our troops are in 
peril. Our credibility is shattered and the lessons of the past are 
submerged in empty rhetoric and political dribble.

                              {time}  2100

  Make no mistake, we are engaged in a war of choice, a catastrophe 
conceived in ideological zeal, cloaked in misinformation and 
administered with breathtaking incompetence.
  It is an outrage that we have not had a single policy in Iraq worthy 
of our men and women in uniform. This surge is yet another misstep in 
this tragic journey to disaster. We need to end it and end it now.
  Mrs. WILSON of New Mexico. Madam Speaker, I am pleased to yield 4\1/
2\ minutes to my colleague from Minnesota (Mrs. Bachmann).
  Mrs. BACHMANN. Madam Speaker, the morning of September 11, 2001, I 
was a Minnesota State senator meeting with a group of local educators 
at a Perkins Restaurant in Woodbury, Minnesota. Because you can't find 
a babysitter at 7 o'clock in the morning, I had my three daughters with 
me at the restaurant when I learned of the attacks. After that meeting, 
I dropped our girls off at school and then, together with millions of 
Americans, in horror I watched my television as the terror unfolded. 
Thousands of innocent Americans were targeted for death that morning by 
an evil regime of radical jihadists. Then came the challenge of 
explaining to our children the magnitude of the tragedy that had just 
befallen our Nation. As a mother, I can tell you it was one the most 
difficult conversations that I have ever had.
  September 11 galvanized Americans. We knew without a doubt that we 
had an enemy, but America fought back, united. We were attacked on 
September 11, but the radical Islamic jihadists declared war on 
innocent Americans long before that morning and, chillingly, that war 
continues even today. Their brand of evil chooses to kill the greatest 
number of innocent civilians. They are a cruel enemy. They are 
unwavering in their resolve to seek the total annihilation of the 
United States of America and of our freedoms, and of our Western allies 
especially. They seek to destroy our friend, the State of Israel.
  Today, Iraq is the central front in this war, and that is according 
to the radical Islamists themselves. Some in this Chamber may want to 
deny that fact. However, it is the jihadists who chose Iraq as the 
central front in the war on terror. It wasn't the United States. And we 
fight them on their turf. Al-Zawahiri has said many times that Iraq is 
one of the crucial fields in the Islamist war. The radical Islamists 
know that they cannot beat us with guns and with bullets alone. They 
can only beat us in one way, and that is if they crumple the resolve of 
America to fight and to win this war.
  To American soldiers, I want to say to you specifically tonight, know 
that many of us here in the United States Congress support you and your 
mission. We pray for you. We love you. We appreciate you and your 
sacrifices on behalf of our freedoms. It is because of your bravery 
that we will defeat the radical jihadists. Surrender is not an option, 
not if our goal is the maintenance of freedom.
  It is very telling, I think, that the resolution that we are debating 
this evening only states what those on the other side of the aisle 
oppose. After all these hours of debate, the American people have yet 
to hear a plan from the Democrats for victory in this war against 
terror.
  I believe, and you, our troops, know that victory against the evil 
people

[[Page 4326]]

who want to kill Americans transcends politics. Victory in this war 
means that no mother will have to explain to their children the death 
of thousands of innocent Americans.
  American soldiers, please know that many of us in this Congress stand 
strong in our resolve to support you and our fight to preserve 
America's freedoms. On my watch, I pledge to you during this, my term 
in Congress, that I will stand for you, and I will vote to preserve 
America's freedom.
  And I want to say to you this evening that it is American soldiers, 
Minnesotans, who are in the National Guard. It is members of the 
Minnesota National Guard who make up over 10 percent of this increase 
in troops. Minnesota is supplying over 10 percent of those troops.
  I had the brigadier general of the Minnesota Guard in my office 
yesterday, and I asked him, What is the morale? What is the message 
that these troops want me to know? And he said, They want you to know 
that they stand ready to fight, and their morale is high.
  I say thank you to the Minnesota National Guard. Thank you for your 
sacrifice. Thank you for your bravery. I will stand with you. Just as 
the Minnesotans who stood first in line in the battle to fight for our 
Union, it is Minnesota who is standing strong in this battle to fight. 
It is the battle of our time, the balance of our generation, and I 
stand with you.
  Mr. SMITH of Washington. Madam Speaker, I yield 5 minutes to the 
gentleman from Tennessee (Mr. Cohen).
  Mr. COHEN. Madam Speaker, the great poet, Maya Angelou said, ``When I 
knew better, I did better.''
  I am a member of the Progressive Caucus, proudly so, because I 
believe that we must always strive to do better to truly make progress.
  A sign of intelligence and learning is to take the knowledge that we 
have acquired and adjust our goals accordingly. For some, it seems to 
be a badge of honor to stay the course, no matter what facts have come 
to light to contradict that course.
  So what did some think they knew then, and what do we actually know 
now?
  Some thought Iraq played a part in the attacks of 9/11. Now we know 
better.
  Some thought that invading Iraq would not diminish our ability to 
continue our mission in Afghanistan, defeat the Taliban, and find Osama 
bin Laden, the mastermind of the terrorist attacks in America. Now we 
know better, but we still don't know where Osama bin Laden is.
  Some thought that the intelligence used by the President to lead us 
to war was accurate. Now we know better.
  Some thought that Saddam Hussein had weapons of mass destruction, 
which could not be discovered by the U.N. peacekeepers. Now we know 
better.
  Some thought that Saddam Hussein tried to purchase yellow cake 
uranium from Niger. Now we know better.
  Some thought that we did not need the support of the free world to 
enter into war. Now we know better.
  Some thought we would never send our troops into harm's way without 
proper equipment. Now we know better.
  Some people thought the people of Iraq would welcome us with open 
arms, and that the war would be won swiftly. Now we know better.
  Some thought on May 1, 2003, some 4 years ago, that the mission was 
accomplished. Our President told us so on an aircraft carrier in a 
photo-op. Now we know better.
  Most importantly, we know that young Americans have heeded their 
country's call and have placed themselves in harm's way to serve 
America. There is nothing nobler than the sacrifice made by our men and 
women in uniform. But such sacrifice should never be secured through 
deception. Now we know better, and we must do better.
  Early on, many of my colleagues in the Progressive Caucus did not 
believe all they were being told about the connection between 9/11 and 
the terrorists and Iraq. We were all very concerned that pursuing an 
invasion of Iraq would be an act of aggression unheard of in our 
Nation's history.
  What makes America unique is we believe that our Nation is founded on 
the rule of law, and that is what has made our country great and why we 
have been respected all over the world.
  Millions of Americans put faith in the administration. Many could not 
have imagined that such a disastrous course would be pursued without 
truth beyond the assurances that were given. But now we know.
  We know we have lost the goodwill of many of our allies. We know we 
have no exit strategy. We know that more Americans will sacrifice their 
lives. We know that mothers, fathers, wives, husbands and children will 
weep. Children will be orphaned, and young people will spend their 
lives maimed. And for what?
  We can choose enlightenment or we can choose blind ignorance. We can 
choose to wrap ourselves in the American flag and claim that anyone who 
demands answers about the reasons for sending our troops into harm's 
way is unpatriotic and does not support our troops.
  We can choose to use the knowledge we now have, or we can cling 
irrationally to the President's failed policies that led us to war.
  The Earth is not flat. The sun does not resolve around the Earth, and 
we did not go to war for the reasons we were told. I don't know what 
the real reasons were. Maybe we will never know. But we do know better 
now and, knowing better, we must do better.
  That is why I support this resolution, why I support our troops, why 
I oppose the escalation, and why we must follow the recommendations of 
the Baker-Hamilton Commission and shift from the war zone to the 
diplomatic arena. We have gone from shock and awe to aw shucks.
  And escalating this war by putting 20,000 Americans into the streets 
of Baghdad, ala Mogadishu, aka Blackhawk Down, is inviting a 21st 
century Pickett's Charge or a Charge of the Light Brigade.
  May God save us if the President of the United States will not.
  Mrs. WILSON of New Mexico. Madam Speaker, I am pleased to yield 5 
minutes to my colleague from Texas (Mr. Neugebauer).
  Mr. NEUGEBAUER. Madam Speaker, I rise tonight in strong opposition to 
this resolution and in strong support of our troops in the mission as 
they fight the global war on terror.
  I am really disappointed in the hollow resolution that does not match 
the seriousness of this issue that we are debating. It appears 
politics, not the safety of our Nation, is leading the way.
  Not long ago, several of my Democratic colleagues were arguing we 
need additional troops in Iraq. But now the President and the Iraqi 
Study Group say, send more troops, and now the Democrats are against 
it.
  So when they say, now that they have the ability to and the 
responsibility to govern, the majority has no plan for success. In 
fact, the only plan is to cut funding for our troops on the ground in 
Iraq.
  Statement after statement from Members on the other side of the aisle 
paint a very clear picture. This week's debate is merely paving the way 
for future cuts in funding for Iraq. The realities of the current 
global conflict demand a more responsible approach from this body.
  We know that terrorist enemies are patient. They are calculating, and 
they intend on attacking us again. They have stated that Iraq is the 
central front for the global jihad, yet expelling America from Iraq is 
merely the first step in their strategy.
  We also know that leaders of the terrorist organizations have ordered 
their followers to extend their jihad throughout the region and the 
world. So it is clear that the attacks on our country and the citizens 
will not stop if the troops pack up their bags and return from Iraq. 
The terrorists will follow us back to our America.
  A long list of terror attacks took place long before 9/11 and long 
before we entered Iraq and overthrew Saddam Hussein.

[[Page 4327]]

  I, like everyone else, want our troops to come home as soon as 
possible. However, with shortsighted political calculations made in 
this body that may cause us to lose that war, terrorist groups will 
only be encouraged to expand their efforts.
  In addition to the terrorist groups who are watching this debate and 
our actions in Iraq, we also know that Iran will see that America is 
buckling to our political reactions to this issue. Not only does Iran 
stand to benefit from increased instability in the region, but seeing 
America retreat in the face of military obstacles will only embolden 
that rogue regime to question America's resolve.
  While we can disagree on whether to send reinforcements, we must all 
agree that the consequences of losing the battle on the global war on 
terrorism is catastrophic and far-reaching.
  America must not be a Nation where our school buses, our malls, our 
neighborhoods, become the battlefields for the war on terrorism. 
Therefore, we should be saying we will not retreat, we will not back 
down from this fight. We should stand 100 percent behind our troops and 
give them the tools and support necessary to get the job done. Our 
security depends on it.
  Unfortunately, this resolution fails on each front. This resolution 
does not put forth a successful strategy for victory, and the 
resolution does not show our troops that they have our full support.
  In fact, for the last 2 or 3 days, you have not heard one solution 
offered by the other side. You have not heard one solution offered of 
what happens if the President is right. This is too important of an 
issue for us to be backing down from and to be having silly political 
debates.
  To the contrary, this resolution only serves to score political 
points and embarrass the Commander in Chief during a time of war. It 
does so while, at the same time, weakening the morale of our troops. 
Fighting and winning the war is serious business. It requires our 
President, our military leaders, our elected officials to make 
important decisions, tough decisions. Yet making tough decisions is 
what the American people expect their Representatives to do.
  Therefore, I call on my colleagues to reject this resolution, end the 
political stunts, take seriously our responsibility to govern and to 
ensure the safety and the security of the American people.
  This has been a rock fight. This is not a place for a rock fight. 
This is a place for serious deliberation to make sure that we keep 
America safe, both today and in the future.
  I urge my colleagues to reject this resolution.

                              {time}  2115

  Mr. SMITH of Washington. Madam Speaker, I would just argue, first of 
all, I respect the gentleman from Texas, but I have only been here for 
an hour and 15 minutes and I have heard countless alternatives from 
many Democratic speakers. May not like those alternatives, may not 
think they are the best course, but it is wrong to say that the 
Democrats have not offered alternative courses of action in Iraq. They 
have offered a good many.
  Madam Speaker, I yield 5\1/2\ minutes to the gentlewoman from Ohio 
(Ms. Kaptur).
  Ms. KAPTUR. Madam Speaker, I thank the gentleman for yielding.
  With this resolution, Congress puts the Bush administration on notice 
we take the first step toward a course correction in Iraq that the 
American people voted last November.
  We also put the leaders of Iraq on notice that our troop strength 
there will be redeploying, not escalating.
  This House cannot stand by and expect our courageous troops to win 
the war against terrorism militarily while the Commander in Chief loses 
it strategically and ideologically.
  Some have said passage will make bin Laden smile. They are mistaken. 
He is already smiling due to the devolving chaos in Iraq. He is 
achieving exactly what he set out to do: forcing us to destroy a nation 
to save it, while embroiling our military in an unending Islamic civil 
war of attrition that produces more terrorism and anger toward America.
  Our mission in Iraq is struggling, but it is not due to a shortage of 
supplies or a lack of will or poorly trained forces. To the contrary, 
we have the best military in the world, with every dollar appropriated 
by this very House.
  Our mission is faltering because the President misjudged the field of 
battle. Our troops are poised against a borderless political movement 
determined to mobilize downtrodden people.
  That idea emboldens its adherence to confront the largest military 
force in the world. That idea enlists the weak to confront the 
powerful. It pits puritanical religious followers against kingdoms, 
against the superrich, and against corrupt regimes they deem to be 
unfaithful. And in Iraq it propels Sunni against Shia.
  Despite the heroic efforts of our troops, the paradox is that the war 
in Iraq cannot be won in Iraq. Indeed, the war in Iraq becomes 
counterproductive in winning the war of ideas across the region.
  We cannot ask our troops to bear the burden of winning a ground war 
when the President's policies have lost the idea war.
  We know the truth. There were no chemical labs, as pictured here, 
when Secretary Powell laid out the case against Iraq before the U.N. 
and said there were chemical labs in Iraq. There were no such chemical 
labs. There was no yellow cake uranium from Niger, and there were no 
weapons of mass destruction.
  We cannot ask our troops to win military victory when the 
administration's reason for invasion were falsehoods and debased our 
Nation throughout the world.
  The intelligence was not faulty. No one should be allowed to blame 
this on the Central Intelligence Agency. Our intelligence community, 
including the CIA, tried to tell President Bush and Vice President 
Cheney, but they refused to listen.
  Madam Speaker, though I voted for the NATO mission in Afghanistan, I 
spoke out strongly against the resolution authorizing President Bush to 
wage preemptive war against Iraq because I feared what would happen: 
more terrorism, not less; more instability, not less.
  Since that vote I have supported our troops at every turn and will 
continue to support them. And I do not regret my vote against the war 
in Iraq, and I do not apologize for my support of our troops. But now 
is the time to take the first step toward course correction to redeploy 
them more effectively.
  The roots of terrorism did not spring from Iraq. Terrorism sprang 
from diplomatic and political failures in undemocratic states, from an 
Afghanistan that was let fester after the Soviet defeat. Terrorism 
springs from an Iran whose Shia majority our Nation has isolated for 
the last quarter century and tried to throttle for the prior quarter 
century.
  Terrorism springs from Saudi families who pay to promote the most 
radical form of Islam in other nations to hold onto power in their 
homeland, one of the most undemocratic places on Earth. Terrorism 
springs from the unaddressed Israeli-Palestinian standoff. Terrorism 
springs from a Lebanon where the Shia majority has been 
underrepresented in the institutions of government.
  Terrorism springs from a view, fair or not, that the United States 
allies with the rich but not the poor across the undemocratic Islamic 
world. How can America stand for democracy in Iraq but not in all of 
the oil kingdoms and theocracies to which this Nation has been 
unfortunately tethered for our entire adult lifetimes?
  How can we ask our troops to bear the brunt of war in the most oil 
rich region of the world when we have refused to become energy 
independent here at home?
  Madam Speaker, we cannot ask our troops to bear the burden of war 
when real diplomacy has been absent and political coalitions for 
victory are missing in action. In the end, war is the breakdown of 
diplomacy.
  Now is the time for a course correction: redeloyment of U.S. forces, 
benchmarks to measure strategic achievements, diplomatic alternatives 
such as

[[Page 4328]]

a soft partition of Iraq enforced by the world community to quell the 
rising Sunni-Shia-Kurd standoff.
  Chances are the violence in Iraq could continue for years to come. 
The danger now is that our actions to date exacerbate it and encourage 
this violence to spill over into Jordan, Turkey, Bahrain, Kuwait, 
Lebanon, and even Saudi Arabia.
  This resolution begins to resurrect America's reputation among the 
freedom-loving nations of world. America has always been a nation that 
believes in containment, not preemption. We have always known defense, 
not offense, is the best war strategy. We have always been strong 
enough to ferret out, wait out, outsmart, and counterweight the enemy.
  3,117 U.S. dead numbering; 23,000 injured; hundreds of thousands of 
Iraqis dead; the rejection of the world community. These facts should 
lead us to face a future of a new possibility.
  This resolution opens that door. I urge my colleagues to vote 
``yes.''
  Mrs. WILSON of New Mexico. Madam Speaker, I am pleased to yield 5\1/
2\ minutes to my colleague from Florida (Mr. Mica).
  Mr. MICA. Madam Speaker, first let me say to those who question our 
going into Iraq, I voted to go into Iraq and I would vote the same way 
again. We have found 300,000 mass graves to date, and standing right at 
this podium, the Iraqi leader told us that Saddam Hussein slaughtered 1 
million of his fellow citizens.
  The question before us tonight, and what Congress is now considering, 
is a nonbinding resolution that makes two points. The first point is it 
praises our troops. The second point is it speaks against the 
President's decision to increase or surge our U.S. troop numbers in our 
current attempt to end the civil and terrorist conflict in Iraq.
  Let me say at this point that I do not fault individual Members and 
their choice made tonight or tomorrow to support or oppose the 
arbitrary nonbinding resolution that is before us. I do, however, fault 
the failed Democrat leaders who crafted this resolution behind closed 
doors, written in the dark of night.
  The people should know that this is not a true debate. In fact, this 
exercise is a 3-day politically hatched farce. In fact, this exercise 
is absent of any legitimate legislative process. It is also, in fact, 
vacant of the two options provided Congress under our Constitution: 
first, to declare war or, second, to appropriate funds for the conduct 
of war. In fact, this is a stealth resolution brought to the floor 
absolutely void of the democratic process; that our men and women are 
fighting, as we are here tonight, to preserve our freedoms at home and 
the rights at home and extend those rights to oppressed people abroad.
  This is not Cuba. This isn't Venezuela. This is not North Korea or 
some Third World country. This is the Congress of the United States.
  But let me congratulate the authors of what history will surely 
record as a very dark chapter in the conduct of the House leadership 
and the House of Representatives, leadership, in fact, entrusted to 
them by the American people.
  Let me congratulate the authors on the clever wording of a resolution 
to praise our Armed Forces and at the same time undermine our Commander 
in Chief. Very clever.
  I also want to congratulate the very clever timing of the floor 
discussion of this worthless measure that disregards the fact that 
American troops have already been deployed for this mission.
  Congratulations are also in order for duping the public and the media 
into creating the illusion that Congress is really doing something 
about the conflict in Iraq.
  And again congratulations on making people think that this is 
bipartisan support, that this is going to be bipartisan support for a 
resolution that, in fact, achieves nothing but the discrediting of a 
President of the United States in a time of war. So I also want to 
extend congratulations to the crafters of this illegitimately drafted 
nonbinding resolution. Your accomplishments will be lauded by Hamas, al 
Qaeda, touted by Al Jazeera, and highly praised by America and Bush 
haters throughout the world.
  Ironically, I pulled this up. Google it yourself. This is tomorrow, 
8:17 Mecca time, Al Jazeera: ``Democrats Attack Bush War Policy,'' and 
the lead quote is from Speaker Pelosi.
  Again, congratulations on your achievement.
  Fortunately, though, folks, throughout history great Presidents have 
ignored Congress and have not wavered. George Washington was nearly 
recalled by Congress in the darkest hours of the American Revolution. 
He fought on for nearly 8 years to gain our independence and freedom. 
Abraham Lincoln endured untold criticism in Congress in his fight to 
ensure freedom for those once enslaved. Ronald Reagan never flinched in 
his quest to bring down the Iron Curtain and free millions. And George 
Bush will be remembered for freeing Iraq, giving women and the 
oppressed the right to vote, for conducting free elections, helping 
Iraq adopt a constitution, and combating terrorism and extremists.
  The 110th Congress, however, will go down in history for adopting a 
nonbinding resolution. Think about it.
  Yes, we all want our troops home. We all want our children to live in 
a world of peace. And this resolution will not help us achieve either 
of those goals.
  Mr. SMITH of Washington. Madam Speaker, I now yield 5 minutes to the 
gentleman from Illinois (Mr. Jackson).
  Mr. JACKSON of Illinois. Madam Speaker, I rise today in defense of 
our national security, in support of our troops, and in favor of this 
resolution.
  This measure is a first and important step in preventing the 
President's ill-conceived escalation plan; reversing our present, 
perilous course; and ultimately bringing our brave troops home from 
Iraq.
  Mr. President, when in a deep hole, stop digging.
  But rather than searching for a way out, the President proposes to 
dig down deeper, plunging further into a dark abyss. Blinded by 
ideology and steeped in delusion, the administration's answer to the 
chaos in Iraq is to send an additional 21,500 troops into the middle of 
it.
  I do not support the President's shortsighted, wrong-headed, reckless 
approach. And on behalf of the American people, this House must act now 
to stop the continuation of an ambiguous, constantly changing, open-
ended engagement in Iraq.
  During the last 4 years, our men and women in uniform have answered 
the call of duty. They have demonstrated true courage and bravery and 
honor. They have served our Nation valiantly, even as many civilian 
leaders have failed them.
  I mourn the loss of 3,100 Americans who died, 95 of whom are from my 
home State of Illinois. I pray for the thousands who have been 
seriously wounded and permanently disabled. And I have voted again and 
again to ensure that our troops in Iraq had the body armor and the 
equipment that they need to protect their lives and discharge their 
duties.
  Tragically, the war in Iraq is a case study in ``mission creep.'' And 
the fact is no amount of troops can successfully complete a mission 
that is unclear, that is ill-defined, that is muddled and mutable.
  During the run-up to the first gulf war, then-Chairman of the Joint 
Chiefs of Staff, General Colin Powell, put forth eight criteria to be 
met for military action. Among the critical questions posed by the 
Powell doctrine were the following: Do we have a clear attainable 
objective? Is there a plausible exit strategy to avoid endless 
entanglement? Have the consequences of our actions been fully 
considered?
  The answer to each question when applied to Iraq today is the same as 
it has been since the start of this war: no, no, and no.

                              {time}  2130

  With the help of its author, the Powell Doctrine was shredded to bits 
and the mission in Iraq is adrift.
  Consider this: On September 12, 2002, President Bush challenged world 
leaders at the U.N. General Assembly session to confront the grave and 
gathering danger posed by Iraq's weapons of

[[Page 4329]]

mass destruction. However, no weapons of mass destruction were found 
there.
  Then President Bush shifted his justification, arguing that the war 
was about liberating Iraqis from a brutal dictator. But in December 
2003, 4 years ago, Saddam Hussein was found and captured. He has since 
been tried and hanged for crimes against humanity.
  After Saddam was taken into custody, President Bush claimed that the 
mission was to spread democracy throughout the Middle East. Yet Iraq 
has deteriorated into sectarian violence erupting into a bloody civil 
war.
  Now, with the violence increasing, the President says our mission is 
to confront the terrorists in Iraq so we don't have to face them here 
at home. However, according to government intelligence, the war in Iraq 
has helped recruit more terrorists, not vanquish them.
  Madam Speaker, now is not the time to close our eyes, cross our 
fingers and stay the course. We cannot continue to engage in the same 
action and expect a different result. We should not send more of our 
soldiers to the desert on a mission that shifts like the sands beneath 
their boots.
  The President's plan attempts to impose a half-baked, unworkable 
military solution, when Iraq needs a political one. Rather than a 
military escalation, this situation in Iraq requires a diplomatic and 
political intensification. The American military must stand down, so 
the Iraqi people can stand up and seek a political settlement and 
assume responsibility for their own future. The Iraqi government must 
engage in negotiations and compromises that balance the power of 
provincial and central governments, share oil revenues and protect the 
rights of every Iraqi citizen.
  The Iraq Study Group, co-chaired by James Baker and Lee Hamilton, 
released a report in December stating the same. They said the security 
situation cannot improve unless leaders act in support of national 
reconciliation. There is no action the American military can take by 
itself that can bring about success in Iraq.
  As Democrats, we support our troops, but we don't support the 
Commander in Chief squandering billions of our tax dollars and 
recklessly putting our brave soldiers in the cross-hairs of someone 
else's civil war. I believe our domestic national security rests on 
redeploying our military forces from Iraq in order to build more 
consensus in the Middle East.
  To conclude, Madam Speaker, I support this resolution opposing 
President Bush's failed policy of escalation. It is time to bring a 
responsible end to this war, to bring our troops home, and to bring 
them home right now.


                Announcement by the Speaker Pro Tempore

  The SPEAKER pro tempore (Mrs. Capps). The Chair must remind Members 
that remarks in debate should be addressed to the Chair and not to the 
President.
  Mr. BUYER. Madam Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
  Madam Speaker, I recall March 6, 2003. I came to this floor and spent 
an hour and outlined the 17 resolutions before the United Nations in 
which Saddam Hussein continued his open defiance. That is what was also 
discussed. So what is lost from this debate is Saddam Hussein's 
recalcitrance unto the world. As a veteran of the Gulf War, that was 
ended by a ceasefire, where Saddam Hussein did not uphold his end of 
that agreement.
  To the last speaker, he spoke about the political and economic, but 
in order for an infancy government to be able to survive, you have to 
be able to establish its political apparatus, you have to be able to 
give it its economic goals and a means to achieve them, but you also 
need to establish security.
  Therein lies the President's plan. He met with the leaders of Iraq 
and he got some concessions from Iraq. ``In fact, you will take the 
lead, you will work with your parliament, you will achieve these 
political and economic goals as we work together to establish your 
security.'' That is the plan.
  The Democrats only want to focus on one small portion of the plan, 
which is called a surge, which is disrespectful to the plan. But it 
makes good politics, and that is what is disheartening to me.
  Madam Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentlewoman from Ohio (Mrs. 
Schmidt).
  Mrs. SCHMIDT. Madam Speaker, I rise tonight after another long day 
out of disappointment--disappointed that we are not having a real 
debate about how we win in Iraq. We have spent countless hours in what 
is little more than political theater.
  This body is scheduled to meet 145 days this year. Just to open our 
doors, we spend over $8 million for each legislative day. This debate 
will cost some $30 million, yet it will yield nothing but a partisan 
vote on a nonbinding resolution after literally hundreds of speeches 
designed to do no more than charge up one's own political base.
  I am deeply disappointed. The people expect more from us. They expect 
solutions, not grandstanding. They expect both parties to work 
together. There will be no victory when our votes are tallied. We will 
have every problem we began with, but be even further apart 
politically.
  Tonight, I believe we embarrass ourselves before our brave men and 
women in uniform, before the American people and before our enemies.
  Mr. SMITH of Washington. Madam Speaker, I yield 5 minutes to the 
gentleman from Oregon (Mr. Blumenauer).
  Mr. BLUMENAUER. Madam Speaker, after Congress has successfully 
completed action on the first 100 hours, we now begin a critical 100 
days for the future of our engagement in Iraq, United States policy in 
the Middle East and our struggle against violent fundamentalism. 
Between now and the Memorial Day recess, 100 days for Congress to 
reassert itself as a coequal branch of government, as envisioned by the 
framers of the Constitution, to change the course in Iraq.
  This is a decisive moment. It is time for every one of us who would 
be a leader to lay our cards on the table. Each must be true to our own 
conscience and to the responsibility of office by letting the American 
people know honestly and directly what we stand for and what we would 
do in Iraq.
  This resolution gives clear and concise voice to the desires of the 
American people. It expresses support for our troops and demands that 
we not place more of them at risk without a reason or a plan. And I 
strongly support it.
  Along with this resolution, the Congress under Speaker Pelosi's 
Democratic leadership has already done more to provide oversight and 
accountability than Republicans over the last 5 years. We have held 50 
hearings on the conduct of the war, fraud and failure in reconstruction 
efforts, and the outrage of our troops being sent into harm's way 
without the equipment they need. I applaud the efforts of our 
leadership on the Appropriations Committee to end the practice of 
giving too much to the wrong people to do the wrong thing.
  However, these are only the first steps. We should not only oppose 
escalation of the war, but we should pass legislation to bring the war 
to an end responsibly. Investigations must be followed by specific and 
personal accountability for crimes that have been permitted in the 
conduct of this war.
  We should use the power of the purse to ensure that funds go 
specifically to keep our soldiers safe, rebuild badly damaged military 
readiness, undertake new diplomatic efforts and support the Iraqi 
people, not an open-ended occupation.
  For the last 2 years, I have been working with concerned citizens in 
Oregon to develop a responsible plan to end the war and provide the 
best hope for a better future in Iraq. Last month, I introduced 
comprehensive legislation, the New Direction For Iraq, H.R. 663, as a 
model for the kind of legislation that Congress should enact, and I am 
confident will enact.
  This legislation would bring the troops home, require a comprehensive 
diplomatic effort, redirect reconstruction assistance, promote 
international efforts to disarm militias, investigate and punish war 
profiteering and deal with the 2 million Iraqi refugees who have been 
forced to flee their country, people the administration has only 
recently been able to recognize.

[[Page 4330]]

  A word about Iran. It is a complex puzzle, more difficult than any of 
us imagine and one that poses real challenges. But as the President 
marches us closer and closer to a major provocation, maybe a new war, 
whether intentionally or not, Congress should not let itself be 
steamrolled or lied to, as it was with Iraq; Congress must assert 
itself with real diplomacy and a real strategy.
  It is also time that America lived up to our ideals. No more torture, 
kidnapping and unauthorized wiretaps; no more lying and unnecessary 
secrecy; not treating the Constitution as a suggestion or using false 
claims about national security to score political points against those 
of us who have been right about this war from the beginning.
  We must start treating the public like a partner and recognize that 
they are far ahead of the President and the Republican leadership. I am 
just frustrated to hear false analogies to the dark days of World War 
II or to the Civil War. We are bogged down in somebody else's civil 
war, and we have been doing it longer than World War II or the Civil 
War, with no end in sight, until now.
  They should join us in taking this conversation to coffee shops, 
churches, campuses and conference rooms, working with the American 
people.
  Over the next 100 days, I will continue to fight for a comprehensive 
plan that I am confident will come forward. It is in the honor of 
Travis Bradach Nall, a constituent of mine who was killed in Iraq the 
very day the President taunted the insurgents to ``bring it on.''
  For Travis and over 3,000 of his brave comrades who have given their 
lives, I urge support of this resolution as a critical first step to 
bringing this tragic war to a close.
  Mr. BUYER. Madam Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
  Madam Speaker, I stand before you in opposition to this resolution. 
It champions a dismally irresponsible and dangerous course of action. 
On its face, the resolution merely addresses the troop surge, ignoring 
the President's plan in its totality, as I said earlier.
  I will now address our efforts to move forward on the diplomatic and 
economic front. With regard to the establishment of government 
capacities, the establishment of the rule of law is a necessity, for to 
have Iraq address the national plan of reconciliation, to have them 
pass enabling legislation for the Constitution and amendment process, 
and to set provincial elections, is extremely important.
  With regard to the economic piece, the concession whereby the Iraqi 
government will seek to have a quasi-Alaskan model with regard to the 
revenue sharing of its precious assets is extremely important, because 
you do not want the distribution of the oil proceeds to go to regional 
leaders. It will only empower them and then weaken the unity Federal 
Government.
  With regard to the debt relief agreements, much has been negotiated, 
but the neighboring Gulf States need to step forward, and upcoming 
meetings are at hand.
  The debate seems to be on the security piece. There are those saying 
well, let's just back out completely. They use words such as ``withdraw 
to the United States'' and ``redeploy.'' But is that a plan? I haven't 
heard any form of military plan. They say what, we will just turn it 
over to them? Wow.
  As we listen to the neighboring leaders, they express caution of 
cataclysmic consequences. I fear how America will be defined by our 
friends. Do you reach out to a child as you are teaching it how to 
walk, let go of the hand and let them fall and say it is up to you, and 
leave them alone? You are going to have to find your way to the 
kitchen. Or do you go back and help them walk?
  I am concerned about how cold and callous the new majority is to this 
new infant democratic government. But I guess even more disconcerting 
to me is the politics behind this resolution. While the majority tells 
the American public that change must occur, that we are going on the 
wrong course, this amendment basically opts for the status quo, the 
same status quo for which they have attacked the administration, which 
they campaigned against last fall.
  They offer no solution, only acting as the critic, and being a critic 
is the easiest role in the world.

                              {time}  2145

  Just sit back and just bark at someone, yet offer no plan of 
resolution for stability within the region. What is the plan of success 
for them? Silence.
  Let us also address the undemocratic process under which their 
resolution was brought to the floor here. We stand here and debate how 
best to bring democratic government to Iraq, yet this majority in 
Congress shows the leaders in Iraq how to be undemocratic and deny a 
Republican minority a chance to bring a substitute resolution. I find 
that quite ironic that this Capitol that is supposed to be the most 
democratic process in the world is now undemocratic.
  I beg of my colleagues not to play politics with the safety and 
security of this Nation. I must remind this body and the American 
people the threat we face.
  Iraq is a critical front in the larger global war on terror. We are 
entrenched in a fight against masters of intimidation, bound together 
by an extreme, perverted ideology which they claim is a legitimate 
interpretation of Islam.
  Our enemies seek to establish regimes that rule according to a 
violent and intolerant distortion of the Islamic faith, that is, to 
deny all political and religious freedoms and aim to establish 
sanctuaries for violence and additional attacks. They have no 
centralized command structure or place to call home. Instead, they 
exploit local conflicts to build a culture of victimization. They 
mobilize resentful, disillusioned, and underemployed young men and 
women and have mastered technology to aid them in their bidding.
  Abu Masab al-Zarqawi, the former leader of al Qaeda in Iraq, 
explicitly warned that the establishment of a democratic Iraq is the 
death of al Qaeda there. Think about that. The leader of al Qaeda in 
Iraq says to establish a democratic Iraq is the death of al Qaeda. Yet, 
what does the new majority want? Pull-out of our troops, weaken the 
stability of that country, to be overtaken then by al Qaeda, instead of 
strengthening the democratic government, ensuring that they have an 
economy political apparatus and have the security to prevail, which is 
the death of al Qaeda.
  Our resolve should be to succeed in this struggle, and we must be 
stronger in our resolve than their resolve to inflict terror. At every 
step they are watching our move, waiting for us to falter, fail, drop 
our guard, or just walk away.
  General John Abizaid, the former commander of U.S. CENTCOM, described 
well the ramifications of letting Iraq fall to terrorism in his 
testimony before the United States Senate: ``The enemy's vision of the 
future would create a region-wide zone that would look like Afghanistan 
under the Taliban. Music would be banned, women ostracized, basic 
liberties banished, and soccer stadiums used for public executions. The 
people of the region do not want the future these extremists desire. 
The more we talk about this enemy, the more its bankrupt ideology will 
become known.''
  This enemy uses suicide bombings, beheadings and other atrocities 
against the innocent citizens of the world to pursue its objectives. 
They are the enemy of freedom and wanting nothing more than to disrupt 
peaceful, civilized people everywhere. No one is safe from this hatred, 
and it is not restricted to the Middle East. Just ask those in London 
and Italy and other places around the world. This is a global threat. 
Iraq is not the limit of this beast's haven.
  It is the challenge of our generation to destroy this enemy wherever 
it lurks. We cannot do it without the resolve, cunning, and above all 
vigilance. The price that we pay for freedom is eternal vigilance from 
those who seek to steal it away.
  While we have not been attacked on our homeland since September 11, 
2001, it is not for the lack of the terrorists' efforts. We have been 
fortunate to have spoiled and foiled several plots here in

[[Page 4331]]

this country and around the globe. Yet, the fight is far from over. 
Chances are that today you feel safe in your neighborhood. You can walk 
to the store. You can play with your children at the local park or in 
your backyard without having the fear of being blown up by a roadside 
bomb or being shot by a sniper. You allow your children to go to the 
malls without fear of a suicide bomber.
  It is that peace of mind, this feeling of safety that we are endowed 
as the elected leaders of this country to preserve at all costs.
  I remind you that these extremists want to disrupt and destroy our 
every way of life. They are not equipped to do battle on a conventional 
battlefield. Instead, they look to disrupt our most basic freedoms, our 
securities and our institutions, public and private. The world is their 
battlefield. Their hope and their goal is to outlast our resolve.
  It is our burden to bear, our generation's great challenge to defeat 
their hopes and objectives. We cannot cower and seek the sanctity of 
security in this challenge. You are not free when you cower. You have 
given in to the designs of the terrorists if you do.
  This debate began with the Speaker asking whether or not this 
resolution will make our troops safer. The answer I believe is no. This 
resolution lacks courage. It lacks leadership and it lacks a forward 
way of thought. This resolution, to me, is pure political theater. The 
administration has given us a legitimate plan to work with, and the 
majority in this House has given us nothing but criticism and a path 
for an easy way out that virtually holds the door open for terrorists 
to destroy an infant democratic government and to open a way of access 
to the U.S. and our allies for terror.
  I close with a thought from a past President who faced the trials of 
war in his lifetime. President Kennedy said, ``Let us resolve to be the 
masters, not the victims, of our history, controlling our own destiny 
without giving way to blind suspicions and emotions.''
  Madam Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
  Mr. SMITH of Washington. Madam Speaker, I yield 5 minutes to the 
gentlewoman from California (Ms. Linda T. Sanchez).
  Ms. LINDA T. SANCHEZ of California. Madam Speaker, I join my 
colleagues today to add my support to this resolution.
  This resolution is straightforward and simple: we support our troops 
and oppose President Bush's plan to send more than 20,000 additional 
combat troops to Iraq.
  I support this resolution because we need a new direction in our Iraq 
policy. This war has been going on for almost my entire service in this 
House, and during that time, I have heard one misrepresentation after 
another.
  This war began on a flawed premise, that Iraq had weapons of mass 
destruction and posed an imminent threat to the world. After months of 
fruitless searches, it became clear that there were no weapons of mass 
destruction; but 3 years after coming to that conclusion, we are still 
in Iraq.
  Then we captured Saddam Hussein and more than 3 years later we are 
still in Iraq. We were told we needed to be there to fight the 
terrorists who attacked us, but we all knew that al Qaeda was based in 
Afghanistan, not in Iraq.
  Vice President Cheney said the insurgency was in its last throes; and 
20 months later, our troops are still in combat in Iraq.
  We were told we were in Iraq to establish democracy and freedom. Iraq 
now has a Constitution and an elected government, but over 1 year later 
we are still in Iraq.
  It was 3 years, 9 months and 2 weeks ago that President Bush declared 
mission accomplished, but our troops are still in Iraq.
  We in this House and the American public have been continuously 
misled about this war. Enough is enough. If I really believed that 
sending another 20,000 troops would end the war and bring stability to 
Iraq, I would support it. It would be worth the sacrifice. But the war 
in Iraq cannot be solved militarily because it is a political problem.
  So when the President wants to send even more troops, we really need 
to take stock of what that means for our country and the lasting impact 
that it will have.
  We all know the statistics: 3,124 American troops killed; over 20,000 
wounded; and over $379 billion spent.
  And I have seen the costs beyond the numbers, and I am sure my 
colleagues have as well.
  Each visit that I have made to Walter Reed, every wounded veteran 
that I have met in my district and each condolence letter I write to 
the widow or the parent of a fallen soldier painfully reminds me of the 
great sacrifice we are asking from our men and women in uniform and 
their families.
  There are also costs that we don't have numbers for, but they are 
worth considering. How many children will grow up without a parent 
because of this war? How many veterans' lives will be forever altered 
because of the injuries they have endured? How are we being perceived 
throughout the world, and has it made us more vulnerable to terrorism?
  As we consider the President's decision to send yet more troops and 
to escalate the costs we are bearing, we need to ask ourselves whether 
the cost of sending more troops to fulfilled a flawed policy is 
justified. I don't think it is, and most Americans don't think it is 
either.
  As far as I am concerned, this is a moral issue. We are not doing 
right by our troops and their families to continue sending them into 
harm's way without a winning strategy.
  And we are not doing right for America. Our continued presence in 
Iraq is breeding new recruits for terror groups and eroding the 
readiness of our own Armed Forces.
  We are increasingly vulnerable to defending our interests in other 
parts of the world, such as Afghanistan, where just yesterday The 
Washington Post reports that NATO lacks enough troops to fight the 
Taliban and al Qaeda.
  It is time to change our tactics and bring an end to our current 
mission in Iraq. This resolution is not going to do that, but it is a 
first step in articulating to this President that staying the course is 
not working and it is not acceptable to the American people.
  I urge all my colleagues to join me in voting ``yes'' on the 
resolution.
  Mr. BUYER. Madam Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
  Thinking about this debate, I reflected back to when this House voted 
on the resolution to go to war and so thought I would better look up 
what I said, because I remembered something that was very serious to me 
and what was very curious was the years before 2001.
  I had watched a lot of people vote against the defense bill. Yet 
coming off of September 11, there was this bravado about going to war, 
and I felt a sense of unease. So I thought I would go back and see what 
I said when I came to the floor on that day, and I would like to share 
it with everyone.
  I said: ``I have seen great resolve uttered in this Chamber and the 
swaggering display of courage.
  ``I can share with my colleagues, as a veteran of the gulf war, that 
war may be glorious in verse or prose, but in reality it is not. We are 
about to send America's finest, and that means men and women will die. 
It will be a noble cause, but we must remember the resolve of this 
moment, because in war it is chaotic. Not everything is going to go 
right. We cannot be 400 and 500 generals between the House and the 
Senate.''
  Now, I said that back on September 14, 2001, trying to caution all of 
my colleagues, many of whom had voted against defense bills, now 
rattling sabers, feeling this bravado of let us go to war.
  Now I have to ask, was that a false bravado because now, as war has 
gotten chaotic and has gotten hard and difficult, now they cower, and I 
have great concern.
  So I ended with: ``We cannot have the bravado of today and then run 
at the first sound of the guns.''
  Please remember this day when it gets hard.
  The gentleman I am about to yield to, the gentleman from California 
(Mr. Lewis), was chairman of the Defense

[[Page 4332]]

Appropriations Committee, and I remember him well because I had served 
as the chairman on the House Armed Services Committee at the time and 
served with Mr. Smith, and when we came out after Oklahoma City, then-
President Clinton, very concerned about terrorism, and we passed our 
first anti-terrorism bill here in the House and many people were like, 
wait a minute, that was a domestic act of terror.
  No, President Clinton began to focus abroad, not only upon the 
Russian Mafia, but he was also focusing on Osama bin Laden and other 
terror. It can be debated whether or not he took great vigilance on 
that front or not, but let me post a real compliment to Mr. Clinton 
because he turned to Hugh Shelton.
  General Shelton was at the time the commander of Special Operations. 
I was very upset coming out of the House conference on the anti-
terrorism bill because Joe Biden and I were trying to bring the country 
to roving wiretaps, but the country was not ready for it. So then it 
was defeated.
  I then get on the phone and call General Shelton and bring him up to 
Washington, D.C., and I asked him a simple question: What are the top 
ten unfunded requirements that you have given Special Operations, the 
missions that you have to do in the dark world to secure America but 
you don't have the resources to accomplish them?

                              {time}  2200

  He sat down and he detailed them. More importantly, as President 
Clinton then named him, appropriately and wisely, the Chairman of the 
Joint Chiefs, he worked then with Jerry Lewis and prepared the force. 
So when America was hit on September 11 and we immediately sent those 
special operators into Afghanistan, they were prepared, they were 
equipped, they were trained to fight in the dark world and special 
operations, and Jerry Lewis, his leadership, was responsible for that.
  Mr. Speaker, I yield to the gentleman from California such time as he 
may consume.
  Mr. LEWIS of California. Mr. Speaker, I thank my colleague for those 
very, very poignant remarks laying the foundation for all of us to 
understand just how serious this challenge is that we are about.
  Mr. Speaker, I rise to oppose the resolution before us and urge those 
who are voting for it, or considering it, to carefully reconsider their 
decision.
  Section 1 simply expresses all of our support for our troops who are 
fighting for our freedom and freedom in the world in Iraq.
  All of us agree with that piece of the statement, and each of us has 
expressed our support and encouragement to our troops in our own way 
and our own time.
  The second section challenges the President's, actually the Commander 
in Chief's, request for a surge in Iraq.
  Much has been said about our going to Iraq because of the prospect of 
weapons of mass destruction in the hands of the madman Saddam Hussein. 
We presumed their presence, as most of the leaders of the world and 
most of the intelligence communities of the world so presumed. Not 
finding weapons of mass destruction does not set aside the importance 
of eliminating the force of Saddam Hussein from the face of the Earth.
  It was my honor to lead one of the early trips to Iraq following the 
fall of Saddam. We were about to consider an $87 billion supplemental 
to help finance our presence in Iraq. I wanted to take a team of 
Members who would reflect much of the Congress, so that trip included 
conservatives and moderates and liberals. It also included within us 
Members who had voted to support going to war and those who had voted 
against it.
  We visited most of Iraq, Mosul, Tikrit. We spent time in Baghdad. We 
visited the killing fields where over 500,000 bodies of Iraqis lie, 
Iraqis who were murdered by Saddam Hussein. We saw the golden palaces 
and visited the industrial sites suffering under Saddam Hussein's 
neglect. We saw the economic conditions, the handbasket conditions left 
by Saddam Hussein.
  We stopped out of country on our way home to consider the fact that 
there was this supplemental appropriations before us when we returned, 
some $87 billion, discussing what we had experienced. And the 
experience had a tremendous effect upon all of our colleagues. It is 
properly summarized by the statement of one of our Members who said: 
``You all know where I have been coming from. I voted against the war. 
But after we have seen what we have seen over this long stay in Iraq, I 
am afraid what I am about to do is going to be very, very unpopular at 
home but I don't know how we can do anything else. Sometimes,'' he 
said, ``you have to be ahead of your people; sometimes we are elected 
actually to lead.''
  That was almost 4 years ago. And fast forward to today. Saddam 
Hussein is gone, he is dead, and he is buried. But the extremists 
jihadi Islamic terrorists remain and continue to impact the entire 
Middle East. That is why we must succeed in Iraq. That is why we cannot 
afford to withdraw troops now.
  Watching our floor debate last night, my wife turned to me and said, 
``They want us to redeploy or withdraw. They want us to retreat.'' She 
said, ``George Washington did not retreat when our country was in 
danger.'' She questioned why we find ourselves in this kind of 
circumstance today.
  I was reminiscent of that early time in our history when our Nation 
was threatened. The French came to our rescue, our assistance, and 
indeed played a major role in our future Commander in Chief himself 
being successful.
  Americans should never forget that. The Statue of Liberty stands on 
Ellis Island as a reminder of the French view of that young America, 
its potential, a land of hope where freedom could reign and opportunity 
indeed might abound. For that and many other reasons we love France, 
and the French people are our friends.
  But France is not entirely the same country at this point in its 
history. She no longer provides such a leading light for the world. No 
longer is it presumed that the French language should be the language 
of the international world. Today, about 10 percent of the French 
population is Muslim. Much of that population is middle class and 
something less than a middle-class opportunity.
  Within that group, there abounds the voice of Islamic extreme. There 
are those who advocate jihad and who would wipe France as we know it 
off the face of the Earth.
  We should not consider withdrawing now, because a stable Iraq is 
vital to our national interests and is an important part of our ability 
to promote peace and economic opportunity in the entire world. It is a 
critical battleground in our war against terrorism.
  If we succeed in Iraq, we will have taken a gigantic step towards 
stamping out the source of terrorism that exists in that part of the 
world. If we are not successful in Iraq, we will meet extremist Islamic 
activism elsewhere. 9/11 was only a part of a beginning. If we do not 
stop extreme Islamic jihadists in the Middle East, we will see it 
again, and most likely we will see it again here at home.
  Review with me for a moment where we have been in Afghanistan and 
Iraq and where it may take us. Al Qaeda was nurtured and gained 
strength in Afghanistan. America had played a key role in forcing the 
former Soviet Union to cease its incursion in Afghanistan. The Islamic 
extremists who surround the likes of Osama bin Laden took advantage of 
the vacuum of Afghanistan, and used it as a training ground that would 
provide the terrorists an opportunity to spread their jihad around the 
world and spread terrorism with it.
  America cannot allow the likes of Osama bin Laden to have places like 
Afghanistan to serve as training grounds. It is in our vital interests 
to see that Iraq, for example, does not serve as a recruitment and 
training ground for the forces who oppose freedom and oppose our very 
way of life.
  Make no mistake about it, there are forces in the Islamic world who 
do not believe we should exist. They may be relatively new or small in 
number, but there are those of Islamic jihadist extreme who are 
committed to the death

[[Page 4333]]

of the nonbelievers. There are those on the extreme Imam fringe who 
teach hatred for the infidels in mosques all around the world.
  We do not want to believe in such extremism as a country or a people, 
but the true believers want all of us to be dead, all Englishmen, all 
Germans, all French people, all Americans who are not committed to 
their belief. The heathens should be dead. How else would one be able 
to convince men, women, and children to strap themselves with bombs and 
kill the innocents by the thousands? If not death to all infidels, how 
else would a mother praise Allah as her young child explodes as a bomb 
in a crowded train station?
  The war on terror goes well beyond Iraq. But make no mistake, that 
war will not be won by walking away from Iraq.
  The President has called for a surge of just over 20,000 troops. That 
request does not flow from a naive presumption that maybe, just maybe 
the battle for Baghdad can be won by a few brave men.
  The call for these troops is a change in strategy, a strategy that 
suggests that, with the leadership of such brave men committed to 
taking the Iraqis out front, can lead the way to a successful change in 
Baghdad, indeed, a change throughout Iraq; a strategy that the 
President would suggest involves clearing areas of Baghdad, clearing 
other areas throughout Iraq, stabilizing them, and then providing the 
real opportunity for democratic growth and change in Iraq.
  A successful stabilization of Baghdad indeed is only the beginning 
point in Iraq. To me, this kind of change is the real hope for the 
people, not just of Iraq, but of the entire region. To me, that is the 
definition of success in Iraq.
  If we are successful, we will have changed the face of the Middle 
East. A successful Iraq will send a great message to the likes of Iran, 
Syria, Yemen, and Indonesia.
  The chance for a long-term peace and the chance for stability in the 
entire Middle East is the great strategic interest of the United States 
saving tens of thousands of lives are worth a great commitment by the 
world's only remaining superpower. The economic values that are to be 
gained from stabilizing the region are impossible to estimate, but they 
can be measured in multiple trillions of dollars.
  But what happens if we walk away now? Also difficult to estimate, but 
here are but a few of the possibilities. And listen to the 
possibilities:
  First, instability is replaced by a new kind of centralized 
authoritarian control potentially, perhaps an arbitrary government with 
Saddam-like controls. Shia would very likely be in charge, and force 
would be exercised in the name of stability.
  Beyond that, Kurdistan in the offing; an insecure Kurdish population 
to the north would do all it could to provide for its own protection. 
The prospects of independent Kurdish region or state would create major 
tension between Turkey and Baghdad and that new region in northern 
Iraq. Beyond that, Sunni Iran would look upon the new direction of Iraq 
with great concern because of sectarian differences.

                              {time}  2215

  Fourth, the jihadist extremists of Islam would have increased sway in 
the entire region. The threat of terrorism all over the world would be 
a reality to those who would but look. Indeed, the prospects, to say 
the least, should be frightening to anybody who will but look.
  Ladies and gentlemen, Mr. Speaker, all of our country, please realize 
that this is not the time to walk away. This is the time for the only 
remaining superpower in the world, America, to lead on behalf of 
freedom, to lead on behalf of people who are looking for opportunity 
and change for the entire world.
  Mr. Buyer, I very much appreciate your extending me this time.
  Mr. BUYER. Reclaiming my time, I thank the gentleman for his 
contribution.
  Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
  Mr. SMITH of Washington. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I 
may consume.
  I guess the first thing I want to point out, and there are other 
arguments I want to make, but during Mr. Lewis' comments, and I have a 
great deal of respect for the gentleman from California, he mentioned 
that, you know, George Washington never retreated. Well, as it happens, 
I just read a biography of Mr. Washington, and not to go puncturing 
holes in the midst of our great Nation, he retreated a fair amount, 
actually.
  In fact, I don't know where we got this idea that the great leaders 
of our time only went forward. We have heard about President Kennedy 
and President Truman. At one time or another, they retreated from a 
fair number of battles. Now, sometimes that was a wise and tactical 
maneuver to win the larger war. Sometimes it was a mistake.
  History judges, but I think it does sort of portray the thinking of 
the President that the only way is forward, regardless of the details. 
A little more thought, I think, might help us. I will return to that 
point at the end of my remarks.
  But the first thing I want to say, I think this is by and large a 
very good debate on a very important issue facing our Nation. The only 
time I become troubled in this debate is when speakers on the other 
side say that this is just political, and that this resolution is 
irrelevant. What they are saying is that the opinion of the United 
States House of Representatives on the most important public policy 
issue facing our Nation today is irrelevant. The opinion of the 
people's House doesn't matter.
  Now, that explains a lot for the last 4 years while the minority 
party was in the majority, when they did not question this President, 
when they did not express their opinion in a way that would move us in 
a more positive direction.
  I feel very strongly that it is absolutely the responsibility of 
those of us in Congress who represent people, our constituents, to 
express our opinion. In a way we are expressing their opinion. That is 
what we are supposed to be here in the House, the most directly 
reflective voice of the people of this country.
  So to say that this is irrelevant is just an absolute attack on the 
Constitution and the way this country is supposed to be set up. We must 
express our opinion on the most important issues of the day.
  Then we come to the next issue, which is, you cannot question the 
Commander in Chief. He is the guy in charge, he knows more than the 
rest of us. You cannot question him. It undermines everything.
  Let me say I express a certain amount of sympathy for the view that 
we should place faith in the Commander in Chief. That is a good part of 
the reason why I voted for this resolution 4 years ago. A little more 
than a year after 9/11, our President was saying to us, To prosecute 
the broader war on terror I need this authority. And I had my doubts, 
but, by and large, I want to be supportive of the Commander in Chief, 
recognizing the power he has.
  But the question I have for the minority is for how long? How many 
mistakes does this President have to make before we don't have an 
obligation, not just a right, but an obligation to express our 
disapproval and try to get him to move in a different direction? Books 
have been written, more than I can count, about all of mistakes that 
this President has made in Iraq; books not written just by opponents of 
the war, many of them written by proponents, outraged that they took 
their idea, the President took their idea and made such a hash of it.
  We have an obligation at some point to stand up and say, enough. Mr. 
Commander in Chief, I am sorry, but based on 4 years, we do not trust 
you enough to give you a blank check anymore. We have to express our 
opinion, and that is what this resolution does.
  Let me also assure you, we want to win. We, on this side of the 
aisle, recognize everything that has been said on that side about the 
threat that al Qaeda and their followers present. We will fight them 
anywhere, anytime, because we recognize that threat.

[[Page 4334]]

  In fact, I believe that there is al Qaeda in Iraq, and we should 
fight them.
  But what we are talking about specifically today, and Mr. Buyer 
mentioned the 21,000 troops, that is the aspect of the plan that we 
focused on, precisely because that is the aspect of the plan that is 
most wrong, that does the exact wrong thing, sending 21,000 U.S. troops 
to fight in a civil war that has been better described by some of my 
colleagues, so I won't go into it any further, that they cannot 
possibly sort out the bad gays from the good guys is the exact wrong 
thing to do.
  Given that feeling, and I have personally thought about this a great 
deal, I met with the President on a couple of occasions as he outlined 
this plan. I talked with many soldiers who served, gotten many opinions 
on this, and have come to the honest conclusion that it is a mistake, 
that it undermines our ability to win that larger war against al Qaeda, 
which is the war we are fighting.
  Given the fact that I feel that way, I would be betraying everything 
that I said I was going to do when I got elected if I didn't on the 
Record express that opinion. That is what this resolution does.
  So I know this hope will go unfulfilled, but I would hope at a 
minimum that the minority can stop saying that the opinion of this 
House is irrelevant. If they feel that way, they should all just go 
home. All right, it matters. You may disagree with the opinion we are 
expressing. I urge you to vote ``no'' if you feel that way, but I don't 
feel that way.
  I feel we need to tell the Commander in Chief that he has led us down 
one too many blind alleys. We disagree with him. We want him to change 
course, and that is the will of the people's House, being expressed by 
us. That is not just our right. It is our duty as Members of Congress.
  Mr. Speaker, it has been nearly four years since the war in Iraq 
began--four-and-a-half since President Bush and his team in the White 
House started the effort to launch our nation on the path to this war. 
We learned a lot during that time frame, but two things stand out. 
First, the war effort has failed to achieve the outcome the President 
hoped for, instead creating problems he clearly felt would not come to 
pass. Even he admitted that he is dissatisfied with the way the war has 
gone. Second, at every step along the way, beginning with the way the 
President got us into the war, right up to the President's latest plan 
to once again increase the number of U.S. troops in Baghdad, President 
Bush and his administration made mistake after mistake--failing to an 
almost incomprehensible level to learn from past errors or to 
demonstrate even a modest level of competence in prosecuting this war. 
Countless books from all points on the political spectrum lay out in 
painful detail all the mistakes this administration made in Iraq.
  It is way past time for this Congress to stand up and say enough. We 
disapprove of what President Bush is doing in Iraq.
  But our friends on the other side of the aisle claim that such a 
statement is meaningless. This is an astounding assertion. The United 
States House of Representatives--the elected voice of the people of our 
Nation--stating clearly and on the record how they feel about the 
single most important policy issue of our time is meaningless? This 
opinion, expressed by the minority party, perhaps explains the utter 
lack of oversight and accountability that they employed when they were 
in charge--standing by and acting as mere cheerleaders for the 
President's actions in Iraq as he made mistake after mistake. The other 
side of the aisle at least has a consistent record of believing that 
the opinion of Congress, a body our Constitution set up as a coequal 
branch of government with the Executive, is meaningless.
  As much as I disagree with this conclusion as to the proper role of 
Congress in expressing its opinion on the Iraq War, I do understand 
this initial reluctance to pressure President Bush to change course. In 
a time of war we all want to stand behind our Commander-in-Chief as a 
first option, and the powers of the presidency make it difficult for 
Congress to, in a clear-cut straightforward manner, direct the 
President in the conduct of war. But the President's record of mistakes 
in Iraq makes it clear we can no longer cling to this first option, 
and, difficulties notwithstanding, the cost of continuing down the same 
path the President has been pursuing in Iraq has reached the point 
where Congress must at least try to force a change in direction.
  This effort should logically begin with a clear statement from the 
House that we disapprove of the way the President is conducting the war 
in Iraq. That is what this resolution does. With this vote members can 
no longer hide behind, ``on the one hand, but then again on the other'' 
statements. We can all mutter about things we don't like in Iraq, but 
an official on the record vote is required to make that disapproval 
clear. Do you support the way President Bush is conducting the war in 
Iraq? Yes or no.
  And make no mistake about it the President's plan to increase the 
number of U.S troops in Baghdad represents no change in policy. It is 
stay the course, more of the same. In the last year we made large 
increases in the number of our troops in Baghdad twice already. Both 
times violence went up in the city, and as we have begun the current 
increase in troops that violence has once again increased. The lesson 
should be clear at this point--United States military might will not 
stop or even reduce the violence in that city.
  Listening to the arguments against this resolution helps to 
understand why our President insists on making some of the same 
mistakes over and over again in Iraq. We are told that our fight in 
Iraq is a clear-cut battle against the same type of al Qaeda-backed 
extremists who attacked our Nation on 9/11 and that we are defending a 
worthy Iraqi government against these evil forces. If this were true, I 
would support whatever increase in troops was necessary to defeat that 
evil force.
  But it is not even close to true--it is instead a dangerous attempt 
to paint a black and white picture on a situation that is far, far more 
complex. Baghdad is caught in a sectarian civil war. Both Shia and 
Sunni militias are battling each other as well as United States forces 
and the Iraqi government. It is a complex web of frequently changing 
alliances and interests that makes it impossible for our troops to 
separate good guys from bad guys. This is why our troops cannot stop or 
even reduce the violence. And the Maliki government we are being asked 
to support spends as much time acting like they are supporting the Shia 
side of the civil war as they do acting like they want to bring 
Shiites, Sunnis and Kurds together to form a stable Iraq.
  Al Qaeda is in Iraq and we should continue to target them, but that 
effort will require a far, far smaller U.S. military presence than we 
have there today. Currently we are expending an enormous amount of 
resources in Iraq, most of which is going towards putting our forces in 
the middle of a chaotic civil war where our efforts do not advance and 
may even retard our fight against al Qaeda. That massive military 
commitment reduces our ability to pursue al Qaeda in the dozens of 
other nations where they have influence--most glaringly in Afghanistan 
and Pakistan.
  This larger, more important fight is not solely or even primarily 
military. Diplomacy and other efforts to move disaffected Muslim 
populations away from joining al Qaeda are a huge part of our battle, 
and we need to enhance those efforts. But we can't, because we're 
hamstrung both by a lack of resources--financial and strategic--that 
are tied down in Iraq, and because our open-ended occupation of Iraq 
continues to undermine America's standing in the world.
  Instead of sending more troops to Baghdad the United States policy in 
Iraq should be to instruct our military leaders there to put together 
plans to as quickly and responsibly as possible reduce the number of 
U.S. troops in Iraq. We need our troops to focus on al Qaeda and its 
supporters, not to be bogged down in a sectarian civil war that is only 
tangentially related to the larger fight against al Qaeda.
  The first, critical step in this process of changing our policy in 
Iraq is this resolution. Congress must make its disapproval of the 
President's policy in Iraq clear and on the record.
  Mr. Speaker, I yield 5 minutes to the gentleman from Maine (Mr. 
Allen).
  Mr. ALLEN. I thank the gentleman for yielding.
  Mr. Speaker, I thank our Speaker and the majority leader for 
scheduling this long overdue debate on Iraq. For 4 years we have 
suffered from a Congress that was unwilling to lead, and content simply 
to follow on Iraq. The previous majority gave the President a blank 
check for the war and rubber-stamped the funding. They ignored 
oversight, avoided investigations, and stifled debate.
  Today in Iraq, the price of this neglect is the loss of too many 
American lives caught in the crossfire of a sectarian civil war.
  Now our new Democratic leaders and committee chairs are asserting 
Congress' constitutional responsibilities on

[[Page 4335]]

war and peace. We are reclaiming a congressional role in foreign policy 
in order to bring a responsible end to the U.S. military involvement in 
Iraq. One step is this resolution, which sends a vital signal of 
disapproval of the President's escalation plan. Another is the 
ambitious list of long overdue oversight hearings.
  In the first 5 weeks of this Congress, we held more hearings on Iraq 
than the Republicans held in all of 2006. The next step, we should use 
the appropriations bills to shape policy in Iraq.
  I strongly support the Skelton-Lantos resolution, which expresses 
support for the troops and disapproval of the President's escalation. 
Only a political solution, not a military one, will address the 
sectarian conflict in Iraq. Yet President Bush has rejected the wisdom 
of his military commanders, the Iraq Study Group, and many other 
experts by choosing to send more troops into a Sunni-Shia conflict that 
we cannot control.
  Escalation, we know, is opposed by the majority of the American 
people. More telling, it is opposed by a majority of the Iraqi people. 
When the White House war plans diverge from the wishes of the people 
and leaders of Iraq, we must question the relevance of the mission. Our 
statement on the escalation is important, but our constituents also 
deserve to know our position on an exit strategy.
  We cannot make needed investments in our future until we put our 
involvement in Iraq in the past. This war is straining our military and 
undermining our ability to deal with domestic challenges. We must force 
Iraqis to take responsibility for their own security by directing an 
orderly redeployment of the troops and promoting a political solution 
in Iraq with a focus on transition to Iraqi control.
  Recent experience shows that the U.S. must impose deadlines with 
consequences so that Iraqi leaders will be compelled to take 
responsibility. An indefinite U.S. military experience in Iraq creates 
a climate of dependency that undermines the goal of having the Iraqi 
Government control internal security. It is not in our national 
interests to have U.S. troops placed between warring factions in a 
sectarian war.
  To achieve this goal, I support H.R. 645, a bill introduced by 
Representative David Price and Representative Brad Miller. The bill 
terminates, by December 31, 2007, the authorization for military 
operations in Iraq that passed, over my objection, in 2002. The 
original mission, eliminating weapons of mass destruction and ousting 
Saddam Hussein, is no longer operative.
  If the President believes troops should remain in Iraq beyond 2007, 
he must come to Congress and justify a new mission, and Congress would 
have to vote to approve a new mission. H.R. 645 also requires the 
President to submit a plan and timetable for phasing out troop 
deployments by December 31, 2007. It prohibits funding for permanent 
U.S. bases in Iraq. It authorizes funding for employment, democracy, 
and governance programs in that country, and it creates a Special Envoy 
for Iraq regional security.
  America's servicemen and women who have been sent to Iraq have served 
with skill, determination, and courage. We owe them and their families 
our gratitude and our unwavering support.
  Like every Member of Congress, I have been to too many funerals not 
to understand the sacrifice of those who have served, and their 
families. Neither H. Con. Res. 63 nor H.R. 645 cuts our funding for 
armor and protective equipment still needed by troops in the war zone. 
Congress must take a long overdue leadership role in ending this war. 
This resolution is an important first step, and I urge all Members to 
support it.
  Mr. SMITH of Washington. Thank you, I just want to add, before 
reserving the balance of my time, I want to thank Mr. Allen for 
offering a very specific plan and to once again remind all of you who 
are watching the debate that to charge the Democrats don't have a plan 
simply isn't true. We have a large number of them. We are just trying 
to get the Commander in Chief to start paying attention to them.
  Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
  Mr. BUYER. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
  The mission here is to develop a country that can govern, sustain and 
defend itself, govern, sustain and defend. So under that, under govern, 
you have political. Under sustain, you have economic. And under defend, 
you have security.
  So as I listened to my colleagues come to the floor and say it only 
requires a political solution, really? These are not inextricable. I 
also appeal for consistency. I just heard the last speaker talk about 
the necessity for national interests, so he said it is not in our 
national interests to be in Iraq.
  Let's stop and think about that for a second. Let's be consistent. In 
the 1990s, Republicans operated under what was called the Weinberg 
Doctrine, that only commit U.S. ground troops if there is a national 
vital security interest. And that is how we kind of were guiding 
ourselves based off the Weinberg Doctrine. Then what happens? We have 
got Bosnia. We said oh, that is a European problem. Then the U.N. came 
in, the U.N. was ineffective.
  President Clinton made a judgment, and he upset Republicans. He made 
a judgment that because of the atrocities in Bosnia, the ethnic 
cleansing that was occurring, that it took U.S. ground troops, a 
presence of them. Republicans at the time said there are not vital 
national interests at stake. Democrats then said, oh, that doesn't 
matter, this is a humanitarian cause.
  Democrats said, it is okay to take U.S. troops, put them on the 
ground to stop the fighting for a humanitarian purpose. That is what 
Democrats said in the 1990s. Republicans were curious about all of this 
because it was against the Weinberg Doctrine. As a matter of fact, 
there were 315 votes. I brought a resolution to the floor, 315 
Republicans; Democrats then said, oh, no, no, no, no. Don't put U.S. 
ground troops on the floor, and that was in the middle of the Dayton 
Peace Accords.
  Bill Clinton was very upset with me. So the President brings me down 
to the White House and says, hey, work with me. So I said, I will, and 
we drafted benchmarks for the success of the civil implementation of 
the Dayton Accords. I worked with President Clinton.
  Where do I hear you working for a solution in Iraq? Don't just be the 
critic. I ask of my colleagues, where is your consistency and your 
policies? If you are as consistent as you were for a Democratic 
President, it was a humanitarian cause in Bosnia, I don't hear you 
talking at all about the atrocities that occurred under Saddam Hussein.

                              {time}  2230

  The murders, the ethnic cleansing, a humanitarian cause, the effect 
it has not only upon the neighbors, the stability of the Middle East, 
but what about Israel? Do you want to turn your back on Israel?


                Announcement by the Speaker Pro Tempore

  The SPEAKER pro tempore (Mr. Hodes). The gentleman's remarks should 
be directed to the Chair, rather than to others in the second person.
  Mr. BUYER. Mr. Speaker, do you want to turn your back on Israel? If 
that is what you are asking me, Mr. Speaker, do you want to turn your 
back on Israel?
  I am stunned. I just ask for people to remain consistent, or if you 
change your beliefs, say that you change your beliefs, or if you don't 
want to say that you changed your beliefs, then we must assume that you 
changed your beliefs.
  Mr. Speaker, I yield 5 minutes to the gentleman from Arkansas (Mr. 
Boozman).
  Mr. BOOZMAN. Mr. Speaker, I rise tonight to ask my colleagues to vote 
against House Concurrent Resolution 63. I ask this despite the fact 
that I am very much in favor of the first part of the resolution before 
us. The first part says: Congress will and should continue to support 
and protect the members of the United States Armed Forces who are 
serving or who have served bravely and honorably in Iraq. If the 
resolution stopped there, it would be great.
  We would be sending a message that we unequivocally support our 
troops in Iraq, our troops who are preparing to go there, and General 
Petraeus is being confirmed to lead those troops.

[[Page 4336]]

  But the resolution does not stop there. It goes on and by its words 
takes that support away. How do you support the troops without 
supporting the plans of those troops? General David Petraeus was 
confirmed just a scant 20 days ago with much praise and fanfare. He is 
probably one of the most respected men to ever wear the uniform.
  Congress said to him, you are great, go get the job done. Now, less 
than a week after he took over in Baghdad, we are in the throes of the 
process which will essentially tell the general, sorry, we don't 
approve of the plan you created or are currently undertaking.
  Most of those criticizing this plan offer no alternative, and I say 
most. Some have offered an alternative, but most of those criticizing 
this plan have offered no alternative.
  Even the Iraq Study Group, a bipartisan commission of statesmen who 
have been heralded and quoted by the many who support this resolution, 
have indeed said that they support the short-term surge. This was later 
confirmed by Mr. Hamilton, the Democratic co-chair of the group when he 
appeared in front of the Foreign Affairs Committee of which I am a 
member.
  I visited Iraq five times, the last with my friend from Indiana (Mr. 
Buyer). I met with the troops from my State and from others across 
America, thanking them for their service in combating radical Islam and 
the insurgency and liberating a people from tyranny.
  I have sat down with the President and the Prime Minister of Iraq. I 
have told them that the Americans and the coalition forces would soon 
be leaving Iraq in the not-too-distant future. Their response has 
always been, we want you to leave but we need your help now until we 
can train our forces to provide our own security.
  America will one day hand over responsibilities to the Iraqis, but it 
must be on terms which are beneficial to the interests of America, Iraq 
and the region, while not sacrificing the progress we have made or the 
security that we have earned. We must do right by the Iraqi people. We 
must do right by our troops in Iraq tonight, and we must do right by 
the men and women in uniform and their families who have served and 
sacrificed so much.
  Our allies, countries in the region, in fact most of the world, 
agrees that if we pull out before the Iraqis are ready, it will create 
tremendous instability in the region, leading to the possibility of war 
and nuclear proliferation in the Arab states.
  I had the opportunity to successfully play sports at a fairly high 
level. Whether it was on a Boys Club team, a high school team or a 
major college football team, nothing emboldened our team more or made 
us work harder to defeat the other team than when we saw dissension on 
the other team. We have an opportunity this week to send a strong 
message to our allies, the insurgents and most importantly the men and 
women in uniform who ironically are in combat tonight attempting to 
execute the plan that is being railed against on the House floor as we 
speak.
  The message that we should send should be our will to not jeopardize 
the safety of those in Iraq by emboldening our enemies. We can show 
this by our will tonight of defeating this resolution.
  The other thing I would like to say is that reference was made to 
Washington. And I also am reading a book on John Adams that is related, 
certainly. And Washington did at times have to pull back. He was facing 
the greatest army of the time.
  But he did pull back. And Washington also was under tremendous 
pressure from Congress, under tremendous criticism. And I am certainly 
glad that Washington did not listen to that criticism, that he fought 
on. If he had not, we would probably be under British rule today.
  Mr. BUYER. Reclaiming my time, Mr. Speaker, this past fall I had an 
opportunity to meet with 18 representatives of the European Union. The 
European Union is quick to say that we are not necessarily with you on 
Iraq. But boy, we are with you in Syria and standing tough on Iran.
  Do you know what the message is? It is inextricable. You cannot pick 
and choose. The Middle East is so complex. So, Mr. Speaker, when you 
begged of me to address you the question, it is this: If we were to 
follow the Pelosi-Murtha plan, what happens to Israel if we leave a 
vacuum that is quickly filled by Islamic extremists in Iraq? Therein 
lies the question.
  I believe we jeopardize the safety and security of a lone democracy 
called Israel, and we leave them to defend against a region filled with 
vipers who seek their annihilation.
  Now, our friends who are also of Arab nations, they are partners in 
our coalition to help on the political and economic success of Iraq, 
and they are eager for us to also help Israel and the Palestinians 
resolve those differences. It is all inextricable.
  Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
  Mrs. DAVIS of California. Mr. Speaker, may I ask how much time 
remains on both sides.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. The gentlewoman from California has 1 hour 
and 10 minutes. The gentleman from Indiana has 1 hour and 19 minutes.
  Mrs. DAVIS of California. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I 
may consume. I just wanted to mention to my colleagues on the other 
side of the aisle that it is concern for our allies in the region, it 
is concern for our friends there that we have chosen and speak to 
escalating our diplomatic efforts in the area that this resolution 
comes forward.
  Mr. Speaker, I yield 5 minutes to the gentleman from Colorado (Mr. 
Perlmutter).
  Mr. PERLMUTTER. Mr. Speaker, it is good to see you in that chair, Mr. 
Speaker, because you and I, I think, are here because people in this 
country wanted a new direction. They had had enough. They wanted a 
change. And they want a new direction in how this country is being run. 
And if there is a single subject where they want a new direction, it is 
on Iraq.
  Now, we have a resolution before us tonight that is a vote of 
confidence for our troops and a vote of no confidence for our 
President's policies in Iraq. First and foremost, I want to say that I 
support our troops and will fight to make sure they have the equipment 
they need and deserve. What they require on the battlefield they must 
have. What they need when they come home we must provide.
  However, our troops are entitled to sound public policy with a 
realistic mission that strengthens America's national security 
interests. I am opposed to the President's proposed surge of sending 
21,000 additional troops to Iraq. I was opposed to the invasion of 
Iraq, and I believe that we have taken our eyes off the necessary war 
in Afghanistan and against terrorism by the costly distraction of 
nation-building in Iraq.
  We must be seeking Osama bin Laden. That is where our attention must 
be focused. But this surge is not a change in direction, but it is more 
of the same.
  The President has not listened to the American people. He has not 
listened to the bipartisan Iraq Study Group or even to our senior 
officers such as Generals Powell, Abizaid, and Hoar.
  Now, my opponent and I in this last election debated the issue of a 
surge. How my opponent knew that there would be a surge, that is beyond 
me. But he supported the escalation and I opposed it. And I still 
oppose this surge, because in my opinion it is too little too late.
  The people of the Seventh Congressional District of Colorado spoke 
loud and clear. They questioned the President's policies in Iraq. 
Americans elected a new majority in Congress to act as a check and 
balance, and not a rubber stamp of the President's policies, especially 
those in Iraq.
  It is time to turn over security to the Iraqi people, press forward 
with diplomatic efforts, create a multinational reconstruction effort 
and redeploy our troops from Iraq by the spring of 2008, as recommended 
by the Iraq Study Group.
  It is time for Iraq to take responsibility for its future. Mr. 
Speaker, I urge the Congress and all of the Members to vote in favor of 
the resolution that is before us tonight.

[[Page 4337]]


  Mrs. DAVIS of California. Mr. Speaker, I yield 5 minutes to the 
gentleman from Texas (Mr. Cuellar).
  Mr. CUELLAR. Mr. Speaker, I rise in support of this resolution. While 
I believe that the President as the Commander in Chief has the inherent 
authority to manage the conduct of congressionally approved military 
action, I have serious concerns that a surge in the number of U.S. 
combat troops in Iraq is not the best course of action at this time.
  The deployment of 21,500 additional combat troops to Iraq is not the 
answer. I agree with former Secretary of State Colin Powell when he 
stated: ``I am not persuaded that another surge of troops into Baghdad 
for the purposes of suppressing this communitarian violence, this civil 
war, will work.''
  Secretary Powell is not alone in his belief. Generals Wesley Clark, 
Barry McCaffrey, John Abizaid, and James Conway have also made 
statements to this same effect.
  I have traveled to Iraq and I have met with our military forces. And 
I believe our foremost commitment must be to their safety. I strongly 
believe that we must concentrate our efforts on preparing the Iraqi 
Government for the task of providing security to their own citizens. 
Our forces in Iraq should be primarily focused on training and 
supporting Iraq's own military and police.
  We must continue working to shift the responsibility for security 
from the U.S. forces to those of the Iraqi Government. It is only 
through this path that we will ensure the safe and orderly return of 
our brave men and women.
  Empowering the Iraqi people and the Iraqi Government must be our 
primary goal. I will continue fighting to ensure that our service men 
and women have every tool and every resource that they need to carry 
out their duties and return home safely.
  We must all dedicate ourselves to ensuring that our brave men and 
women in uniform have all of the unconditional support and thanks. 
Their sacrifices and bravery must never be forgotten. We should also be 
mindful of those who have served and serve in our National Guard and 
Reserve units, and those that are not yet American citizens but who 
still serve our country with distinction.
  Let us always remember the lives of more than 3,000 dedicated 
Americans who have lost their lives in this conflict, and the thousands 
and thousands of American soldiers that have been injured.
  It is time to be bipartisan and move forward with a comprehensive 
plan for handing over responsibility to the Iraqi Government and 
stabilizing the region. Iraq must become the responsibility of the 
Iraqis. Let's surge forward only in the commitment to transfer 
responsibility for Iraq to the Iraqis.
  Only together can we ensure the safe return of our brave and 
dedicated American troops.
  Mr. BUYER. Mr. Speaker, I yield 9 minutes to the gentlewoman from 
Florida (Ms. Ginny Brown-Waite).

                              {time}  2245

  Ms. GINNY BROWN-WAITE of Florida. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman, 
who is also the ranking member of the Veterans' Affairs Committee and 
obviously, very, very passionate and articulate on this issue.
  Mr. Speaker, my constituents know that I vote my conscience. I voted 
against my party and our President when I thought that they were wrong. 
I have stood up to my leadership when my constituents knew Congress 
could do better.
  But, Mr. Speaker, my vote on the resolution before us isn't about my 
party or about the President. Unfortunately, this vote and this debate 
is all about politics and providing some political cover. This vote 
does nothing to help our soldiers win. What I see here is this liberal 
leadership pandering to the vitriolic left wing of the Democrat Party.
  How do I know this?
  At the opening of this debate, Speaker Pelosi asked the only real 
relevant question: Will this resolution make our troops safer? In her 
remarks, and I have read and reread them, she didn't say how her 
resolution did that. I have pored over the remarks and the text of this 
resolution to find all the instances where the House will be giving 
greater resources to the troops, and it doesn't.
  After I read all 60 words many, many times, I can tell you, not one 
single word in the resolution offers any more equipment, not any more 
diplomacy, or any more security for our troops.
  And guess what?
  It also does not bring one soldier home sooner. It doesn't demand the 
Iraqis take the lead in the fight. These omissions make it startlingly 
clear to me that the answer to Speaker Pelosi's questions, will this 
resolution make our troops safer, is absolutely no, it will not.
  The Democrats have this resolution all wrong. To be more specific, 
there is not a single mention in this resolution of how we will send 
more body armor for the troops, not a single mention of new tools to 
detect IED explosives, not one word dedicated to up-armored Humvees, 
and, Mr. Speaker, not one mention of the method to fund the health care 
needs of those veterans who will come home. Not one word.
  I invite the Speaker to come back into the Chamber and tell this 
House where is the additional money to make our soldiers safer and our 
Army stronger, because if she can't show me the substance in these 60 
words, then they are nothing but rhetoric, and this resolution cannot 
and will not help our troops.
  This week the House is debating a useless resolution that's only 
purpose is to weaken and divide. The American people are not stupid. 
They can see through this charade for exactly what it is. It is a 
toothless effort to provide political cover for Democrats.
  As a matter of fact, the Orlando Sentinel, certainly not a 
conservative newspaper, has said that this is an empty measure. It says 
the pointless House Resolution on Iraq fails to set goals. It goes on 
to say, The U.S. House launched a welcome debate this week on the Iraq 
war. It is too bad 3 days of points and counterpoints will end in a 
vote on a pointless resolution. This isn't thoughtless policy, it is 
political cover.
  Believe me, the Orlando Sentinel is, by far, not a very conservative 
newspaper.
  My constituents know that over these 3 days we have debated a 
resolution with no teeth, no enforcement, and it is delivered in a way 
that has no guts, no character and provides no leadership.
  Mr. Speaker, if this debate were about policy, we would be talking 
about changing or creating law. If the Democrats believed what they 
were saying, this House would be debating spending and funding, not 
wasteful rhetoric. If my colleagues on the other side of the aisle were 
genuine, we would be talking about benchmarks for Iraq, the Iraqi 
Government, and strict guidelines for appropriations.
  I have heard some on the other side of the aisle say that this debate 
is about preventing an escalation. Is the Democrat majority so 
powerless that it cannot stop a deployment?
  Before I got elected, Congress authorized this war, and with the 
force of law, this Congress could stop it. Congress' concern should be 
for our troops, not the Presidential and political ambitions of the 
Democrat Party.
  It is rare when I stand on the floor and say that the Senate actually 
got it right, but I must commend them for their more thoughtful and 
less politically attuned resolution, because their resolution states 
the long-term security interests of the United States are best served 
by an Iraq that can sustain, govern and defend itself and serve as an 
ally in the war against extremists. That statement acknowledges the 
battle that we are waging and the eventual victory that we must achieve 
in the Middle East.
  The 60-word resolution before this Chamber makes no such statement or 
recognition and sets absolutely no benchmarks.
  My sole concern is for our troops. The litmus test for my vote is 
whether or not this resolution makes our troops safer.
  Mr. Speaker, I believe every Member of this House should ask 
themselves the following questions:

[[Page 4338]]

  Will this resolution protect one of our soldiers?
  Will this resolution make one piece of armor thicker?
  Will these empty words make a single IED less lethal?
  Will this resolution stop one sniper or one suicide bomber from 
attacking our troops in the field?
  Sadly, the answer is no. This resolution is not being debated in a 
vacuum.
  We must ask the question, Could this resolution encourage our 
adversaries?
  Could this debate put one of our soldiers in further harm's way?
  Might some Islamic terrorist believe that the more of our troops that 
they kill, the quicker the U.S. will withdraw our forces?
  If the answer to these questions is even possibly ``maybe,'' then I 
cannot vote for this resolution. We should not risk encouraging those 
who would attack our troops just for the empty gesture of partisanship.
  Let's call this for what it is. This resolution puts our troops at 
risk for the Presidential aspirations of some Members of the opposite 
party.
  Many Members have noticed that on the 11th day of every month I wear 
this pin. This was given to me by firefighters. It is a depiction of 
firefighters putting up our flag in New York City after it was 
attacked. This is why we have very brave young men and women out there 
fighting today.
  I am not a blind supporter of the President's policies. And if we 
wanted to make this debate about policy, I would be there to work with 
them.
  The President knows all well my strong reservations about some of the 
policies in Iraq. But, Mr. Speaker, it has not been a perfect war.
  I stand here today to let our troops know that I will hold the 
President's feet to the fire to ensure that our soldiers have the tools 
for our victory. That is what our soldiers want.
  In the South, we have a wonderful saying and it goes like this: ``Git 
'er done.'' Our soldiers want to get it done and come home. And our 
President wants the same thing. And this Congress should also demand 
the exact same thing. Let's get out there and ``Git 'er done.''

               [From the Orlando Sentinel, Feb. 14, 2007]

  Empty Measure--Our Position: The Pointless House Resolution on Iraq 
                           Fails To Set Goals

       The U.S. House launched a welcome debate this week on the 
     Iraq war. It's too bad three days of points and counterpoints 
     will end in a vote on a pointless resolution.
       The non-binding measure simply declares that Congress 
     supports U.S. troops, but disagrees with President George W. 
     Bush's decision to send another 20,000 to Iraq. Members who 
     vote for it can say they made clear their opposition to 
     escalating an unpopular war, but didn't sell out the troops.
       This isn't thoughtful policy; it's political cover.
       In the Senate, a detailed resolution whose sponsors include 
     Michigan Democrat Carl Levin and Virginia Republican John 
     Warner, the chairman and former chairman, respectively, of 
     the Armed Services Committee, is a more constructive response 
     to the president's troop surge.
       While the Senate resolution declares support for U.S. 
     troops and opposition to the surge, it also points out ``the 
     long-term security interests of the United States are best 
     served by an Iraq that can sustain, govern, and defend 
     itself, and serve as an ally in the war against extremists.'' 
     It advocates reaching that goal by encouraging Iraq's leaders 
     to make the political compromises critical to promote 
     reconciliation and security.
       The resolution places the responsibility for dealing with 
     Iraq's civil war where it belongs, on Iraq's armed forces. 
     But it acknowledges a role for U.S. forces in battling 
     terrorists, and in training and supporting Iraqi forces.
       The resolution echoes an assertion Mr. Bush made in 
     announcing the surge: The U.S. commitment to Iraq is not 
     ``open-ended.'' But the measure goes a step further by 
     declaring U.S. help should depend on getting Iraq's 
     government to agree formally to meet benchmarks. These 
     include sending all the troops it has promised to Baghdad, 
     fairly distributing the country's oil revenues among all its 
     people, and letting the country's military operate without 
     political interference.
       Unfortunately, parliamentary maneuvering between Democrats 
     and Republicans over the Levin-Warner measure and two other 
     Iraq resolutions doomed a debate and vote last week in the 
     Senate. The chamber's leaders need to work out a compromise 
     that will allow a full discussion and roll call on all three 
     resolutions.
       We share the misgivings of many members of both parties in 
     Congress about the president's latest war strategy. But with 
     the troop surge under way, and Mr. Bush vowing to push ahead, 
     it's better at this point for Congress to raise the pressure 
     on Iraq's leaders to meet their obligations to reconcile and 
     secure their country.
       Mr. Bush insisted this week that he would not be closely 
     following the House debate. A vote for the House resolution 
     will be easy for him to dismiss. But a bipartisan endorsement 
     of the Senate's constructive measure is more likely to get 
     the attention of the president, as well as Iraq's leaders.

  Mr. BUYER. Mr. Speaker, reclaiming my time, I yield 4 minutes to the 
gentleman from Kentucky, Ron Lewis.
  Mr. LEWIS of Kentucky. Mr. Speaker, this debate is a sad moment in 
our Nation's history. If there was ever a time when Americans should be 
standing together, this is the time. This resolution does nothing but 
divide.
  Throughout our country's illustrious history, we have been confronted 
with many challenges, but challenges met with unity of purpose, 
unflinching courage and unyielding resolve to be victorious against all 
odds.
  This debate, disguised as a no-confidence vote against the President, 
is really about defeat, about surrender, about retreating from an enemy 
determined to destroy our very existence.
  Mr. Speaker, the obvious truth of our situation is that we may run, 
but we can't hide. They know where we live.
  Today, Americans all over this great land should stop for a moment 
and consider this national debate. They should ask themselves what this 
means to them personally, their families and their neighbors. Is it 
worth the expense and sacrifice of war now in order to establish a 
secure and lasting peace? Or should our Nation take momentary relief 
and retreat as we wait for our newly emboldened enemies to strike our 
homeland with even more fierce and deadly attacks?
  Mr. Speaker, we must all realize that September 11, 2001 was not the 
end of the radical Islamic jihad against the United States. It was just 
the beginning. September 11 was a declaration of war. The fact is, we 
are not at war with Iraq. Iraq is an ally in our war against the 
radical Islamic jihadists. Iraq is only one among many battlegrounds 
where we are fighting jihadists who are committed to the destruction of 
Western civilization and replacing it with theocratic Taliban-style 
rule.
  Mr. Speaker, if we cut and run, if we retreat from Iraq, we will 
forfeit our ability to lead the world against the enemies of peace. 
Iraq, in all likelihood, would fall to Iranian dominance and would 
become a launching pad for terror attacks against the United States and 
Israel. Islamic jihadists will be emboldened in Afghanistan, Pakistan, 
and the greater Middle East. The world oil supply could be vulnerable 
to jihadist control, and nuclear armed missiles in Pakistan could turn 
into a hellish nightmare.
  And Israel, Mr. Speaker, one of our closest and most faithful allies, 
could see its very existence perilously close to total annihilation. 
World War III could even be the final consequence of the misguided 
actions of this Congress if we retreat from Iraq. But sadly, Mr. 
Speaker, there are some in this Congress who are more concerned about 
the next election than the next generation.
  So where are the FDRs, the Churchills, the Pattons, the MacArthurs, 
the Trumans, the John F. Kennedys, and the men and women of the 
Greatest Generation in this hour of our great peril? They are in Iraq 
and Afghanistan fighting for our safety and our security. But the self-
centered generation, the politicians, the media types and the whiners 
and complainers are sitting in the safety of their homes complaining 
about the unpleasantries of war. This generation of the self-centered 
and indulgent, if successful in their defeatism, will condemn untold 
numbers to horrors never imagined by the most creative writers of 
horror fiction.
  Mr. Speaker, I cannot, will not believe, as a Nation, that we have 
become so preoccupied with our own personal and political agendas that 
we have fallen asleep to the dangers before our Nation. The hour of 
decision is upon us. Will we rally from our slumber and awaken to 
reality? We are at war. Or

[[Page 4339]]

will we close our eyes in self-deception and hide ourselves under the 
blanket of a cowardly resolution? Tomorrow we must choose. Will it be 
commitment over retreat, freedom over slavery, courage over fear, 
democracy over theocratic fascism, security over terror, life over 
death?
  Mr. Speaker, our brave men and women serving in our Armed Forces have 
already chosen. They have willingly volunteered to put their lives on 
the line and, at this very moment, are fighting for all that we 
cherish. It is they who represent today's greatest generation.
  Tomorrow we can honor these brave souls by choosing their values, by 
defeating this disgraceful resolution, or we can pass this vile 
legislation and have it recorded to our eternal shame.
  Mr. BUYER. Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
  Mrs. DAVIS of California. Mr. Speaker, I am now very happy to yield 
5\1/4\ minutes to my colleague from Maine, Mr. Michaud.
  Mr. MICHAUD. Mr. Speaker, I rise tonight in support of this 
resolution that expresses our unwavering support of our troops and our 
opposition to the escalation in Iraq. This is an extremely important 
debate and it is one that is long overdue.
  We have lost over 3,100 brave Americans. Many more will return home 
with mental health and physical wounds that will stay with them for the 
rest of their lives.
  We have spent hundreds of billions of dollars. Hundreds of thousands 
of Iraqis have lost their lives or fled their homes as their country 
has fallen into deeper civil war.
  Regardless of one's opinion on how we got into Iraq, we are there, 
and the situation is deteriorating. So the simple question before us 
is, What is the best plan for the future?
  The President has called for an escalation of troops; in other words, 
more of the same approach.
  I oppose an escalation of U.S. troops in Iraq. I will not support 
funding for the President's plan or blank checks for an open-ended 
commitment.

                              {time}  2300

  We need a new plan, and escalation is not what the Iraq Study Group 
called for. It is not what our top generals have advised, and it is not 
what the American or Iraqi people want. When General John Abizaid, 
former top commander in Iraq, asked his commanders in the field if more 
U.S. troops would help, the unanimous answer was no. As he said: ``And 
the reason is because we want the Iraqis to do more. It's easy for the 
Iraqis to rely upon us to do this work. I believe that more American 
forces prevent the Iraqis from doing more, from taking more 
responsibility for their own future.''
  U.S. forces cannot clear and hold neighborhoods in Baghdad 
indefinitely. We have tried so-called ``surges'' before, and they have 
not stopped the violence. And as with these previous surges, when we 
leave, the same problems will return, and perhaps even worse.
  The reality is that United States military strength cannot solve the 
problems in Iraq nor should it. The future rests on the capability and 
the will of the Iraqi people. Our continued dominance only prevents 
Iraqis from taking control of their country and their destiny. The 
military mission of toppling Saddam Hussein is over. The political 
mission, the reconstruction mission, the nation-building that this 
administration said it would never do has all but failed.
  But that is what we must now address, not our strength of arms but 
our strength of diplomacy and our power to rebuild.
  Our new strategy should be to withdraw and redeploy our soldiers 
quickly while empowering the Iraqi security forces. We can help to 
rebuild and create economic opportunity, to train Iraqis and perform 
other assistance as asked, but we cannot remain the dominant force in 
Iraq.
  It is time for Iraqis to take control of their own country. A 
stabilized, secure and free Iraq can only be achieved when Iraqis take 
full control. Until that time our forces will be stuck in the middle of 
an increasingly violent civil war and all the while Afghanistan sliding 
back into danger and violence and al Qaeda continues to plot while our 
attention is being diverted.
  I have spoken with many people in Maine about this war. I have spoken 
with current military personnel, many who have served in Iraq, their 
families, veterans, and concerned citizens of all political stripes. 
Everyone agrees there is no simple solution to the challenges we face 
in Iraq and how to solve it.
  There is one opinion that is unanimous. We all support our men and 
women in uniform. They, like the generations before them, are heroes. 
They heard their country's call and they did not hesitate to answer. I 
am glad this resolution makes that support clear. We owe it to our 
military personnel to provide them with the very best when they are in 
harm's way and when they come home.
  I have heard from many Vietnam-era veterans who fear that our new 
veterans may face many of the hardships that they faced. This cannot 
happen. As a member of the Veterans Affairs' Committee, I am committed 
to addressing the mental health and physical needs of our returning 
heroes, and I know the American people are willing to do that as well. 
And as we discuss alternative strategies, it must be clear that we must 
do something that fully supports our military personnel.
  This resolution is not about politics. This issue should unite all of 
us. This is about the future of Iraq, our strategy abroad, and our 
welfare for our troops.
  Mr. BUYER. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
  I would ask the last speaker if he could remain for a moment. I have 
such great respect for my colleague, Mr. Michaud of Maine. We have 
worked together on the Veterans' Affairs Committee. We deal with the 
consequences of war. And so out of my respect for Mr. Michaud, I would 
like for us to clarify what may be a potential contradiction.
  The gentleman said that, and correct me if I am wrong here, 
unanimously commanders did not ask for an increase in troops. According 
to General Peter Pace, the Chairman of the Joint Chiefs, and this was 
in his testimony before the House Armed Services Committee on January 
11, 2007: ``So, collectively, the military commanders, both U.S. and 
Iraqi, have asked for this increase. And those of us in advisory 
positions agree with their request.
  ``General Casey and his Iraqi counterparts have determined that there 
are more forces needed . . .
  ``To do this, we're going to need additional U.S. forces. General 
Casey and General Abizaid have asked for those additional forces, as 
have the commanders below them.
  ``In addition, to reinforce success at Anbar province, the Marine 
commander out there has asked for, and General Casey and General 
Abizaid have asked for, an increase of about 4,000 troops out there . . 

  ``So, collectively, the military commanders, both U.S. and Iraqi, 
have asked for this increase.''
  That was our testimony of our Chairman of the Joints Chiefs before 
the Armed Services Committee. So I will yield to the gentleman and ask 
if he was aware of General Pace's comments before the Armed Services 
Committee because it appears contradictory to the gentleman's 
statement.
  Mr. MICHAUD. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman for yielding. Yes, 
that was a quote in a paper from General Abizaid where he said that 
they requested no additional troops, and I will try to find that 
article for the good gentleman to get it hopefully to him tomorrow.
  Mr. BUYER. Mr. Speaker, I just want to make sure our record is clear 
because we have got the Chairman of the Joint Chiefs quoting General 
Abizaid. So I want to work with the gentleman.
  Thank you.
  Mr. MICHAUD. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman very much. And I will 
find that quote, because you know sometimes quotes get misquoted; so I 
will get that for the gentleman.
  Mr. BUYER. Mr. Speaker, I now yield 8 minutes to the gentleman from 
Florida (Mr. Bilirakis).
  Mr. BILIRAKIS. Mr. Speaker, failure in Iraq is not an option. We 
enjoy our

[[Page 4340]]

freedom today only because we have been willing to fight for it in the 
past. We must win the war on terror that has been thrust upon us.
  Before going any further, let me first clearly state that I do not 
believe we should have an open-ended commitment in Iraq. I believe a 
new strategy is needed. America has a proud history of promoting and 
fighting for democracy around the globe. I don't believe now is the 
time to abandon that commitment.
  While a new strategy is needed, the resolution that we are debating 
does not present us with any new policy options. Instead, we are voting 
on a nonbinding status quo resolution which will not do anything to 
change the situation in Iraq. It smacks of political posturing. 
Americans expect more of the world's greatest legislative body.
  Let us not debase the honor and tradition of the great men and women 
who have served before us. We are duty bound to serve the public and 
engage in serious lawmaking, not political pandering. This resolution 
does nothing. Worse, it endorses the status quo of the violence and 
bloodshed. Maintaining the status quo is what ultimately resulted in 
the situation we find ourselves in today.
  The debate before is more consequential than the question of should 
we engage in a troop surge or not. None of us want to see Americans 
unnecessarily be put in harm's way. The debate before us is about the 
global threats facing the United States and how we choose to respond to 
them. Failure to forcibly respond to previous acts of terrorism has 
undermined America's credibility around the world and projected us as 
weak to our enemies.
  Some examples of these attacks include: the World Trade Center in 
1993; U.S. troops in the barracks in Saudi Arabia; sailors on the USS 
Cole; and the bombings of the U.S. embassies in Kenya and Tanzania. 
Unfortunately, Americans were too quick to forget these terrible acts.

                              {time}  2310

  Like many Members of Congress, I believe there should be strategic 
benchmarks that are designed to hold both the administration and the 
Iraqi Government accountable for success in Iraq. These benchmarks 
should measure whether sufficient progress is being made. 
Unfortunately, under the restrictive rules imposed upon this debate, we 
will not have an opportunity to vote on other proposals which would 
institute benchmarks for success.
  I am compelled to vote against this status quo resolution. Americans 
deserve a real debate with multiple options for success in Iraq, not 
closed proceedings that are intended to be a political ploy.
  I would rather America fight the terrorists on the streets of 
Baghdad, instead of allowing the terrorists to attack our homeland.
  I am concerned that the resolution we are debating this week is a 
precursor to cutting off funds for our troops. The Democrats have even 
called it a first step. I have heard it several times tonight. Our 
troops must have all the resources they need to accomplish their 
mission. I support our troops in the field. Therefore, I will vote 
``no'' on this resolution.
  General Petraeus has indicated that reinforcements will hasten the 
end of the Iraq battle, allowing us to direct our efforts elsewhere in 
this greater war on radical Islamic terrorists.
  The national commander of the VFW, the Nation's largest organizations 
of combat veterans, issued a statement earlier this week which says, 
``We need to send a message to our troops that America wants them to 
succeed in Iraq by giving the buildup a chance to succeed.''
  As a Member of Congress, I will always do whatever possible to 
support our brave men and women in uniform. As such, I will actively 
oppose efforts to cut off funding to our troops.
  I cannot support this resolution, but I am committed to working with 
the President and my colleagues in Congress to ensure that the actions 
taken in the war accomplish the following: Moves Iraq closer to a 
peaceful and stable democracy; improves America's security; ensures the 
utmost safety and best equipment for our soldiers; and provides the 
shortest feasible time frame for their return to their families.
  Failure in Iraq will lead to Iraq becoming a training and staging 
ground for terrorist groups intent on destabilizing the entire Middle 
East and destroying the United States and our allies.
  In closing, I thank and offer my prayers for all our troops, 
including those brave men and women in the Ninth Congressional District 
and throughout the State of Florida who have answered their Nation's 
call to duty.
  God bless our troops, and keep them safe.
  Mrs. DAVIS of California. Mr. Speaker, I am now pleased to yield 5 
minutes to the gentleman from Illinois (Mr. Lipinski).
  Mr. LIPINSKI. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentlelady for yielding.
  Mr. Speaker, I rise today in support of this resolution and in 
support of a new policy in Iraq. Up until this point, the Bush 
administration's Iraq policy over the last 3\1/2\ years appears to be 
one of America's worst foreign policy blunders. More than 3,100 of our 
brave men and women in uniform have been killed and more than 24,000 
have been wounded, many very seriously, and hundreds of billions of 
dollars have been spent and in some cases wasted. This has resulted 
from the tactical mistakes, errors in judgment and other major missteps 
by the Bush administration.
  It is painfully clear that a change in strategy in Iraq is needed 
now. We need a plan for bringing stability to Iraq and bringing our 
troops home. Unfortunately, the President's plan to add over 20,000 
additional troops does not provide this, and, therefore, I must support 
this resolution.
  I see three main flaws in the President's plan.
  First, the administration has not provided convincing evidence that 
this surge will succeed after many similar plans have failed. After 
almost 4 years in Iraq, the American people are asking, why should we 
have faith in this plan and place more troops in harm's way?
  Second, by failing to provide clear benchmarks for success or a time 
frame by which we can expect the surge to yield positive results, the 
President's plan appears to commit our country to a ``stay the course'' 
strategy with no clear end in sight. Aid should be tied to a deadline 
for progress by the Iraqi Government.
  Third, and most importantly, the President continues to place too 
much emphasis on a military solution, when it is clear that force alone 
will not solve this crisis. Solutions must support broad international 
engagement to promote stability and reconstruction in Iraq and must 
address political, economic and religious issues.
  Because of the need for such a plan, earlier this year I laid out a 
set of recommendations, and this week I introduced H.Res. 152 based on 
these. My proposal consists of three core recommendations.
  First, encourage achievement of important goals and national 
reconciliation, security and governance by arranging a peace conference 
for Iraq's ethnic and religious factions, similar to the conference 
that led to the Dayton Accords. One venue for this would be El 
Salvador, which has shown a strong commitment to stabilizing and 
rebuilding Iraq and has gone through its own recent history of a bloody 
civil war and ensuing reconciliation.
  But wherever and however it is done, the political, economic and 
religious issues must be addressed if peace and security are to be 
established in Iraq. And it is essential that more pressure be put on 
the Iraqi Government and all interested parties in Iraq to find and 
accept real solutions so the American forces can begin withdrawal.
  The second recommendation is to seek international cooperation to 
develop solutions for Iraq. This should include calling an 
international conference that will work on putting together a 
peacekeeping force and setting up an international reconstruction 
program.
  Iraq's strategic position in the volatile Middle East, its potential 
to become a terrorist safe haven, its large

[[Page 4341]]

supply of oil and the great potential for a humanitarian catastrophe 
make security in Iraq a critical international issue. It is time for 
America to engage the nations of the world to encourage them to address 
this international crisis.
  The final recommendation is to require the administration to give 
Congress detailed reports on the situation in Iraq so that we can make 
informed decisions regarding funding for reconstruction and deciding 
when American forces can be redeployed. This new Congress has been 
vigorously conducting oversight after 3\1/2\ years of congressional 
neglect, but we must have the full cooperation of the administration.
  If the recommendations laid out in my resolution are followed, I 
believe American troops can begin redeployment in 2007, leaving a 
secure, stable Iraq.
  As the U.S. Conference of Catholic Bishops stated, ``The search for 
genuine justice and peace in Iraq requires moral urgency, substantive 
dialogue and new direction.'' Unfortunately, the President does not 
give us this. That is why his plan is discouraging to many Americans 
who are weary of this war.
  But no one is wearier than our troops and their families. This past 
weekend I spoke to a soldier who spent 13 months in Iraq and will 
likely be returning. He told me that it is important to make sure that 
we let our troops know that they have our complete support. We cannot 
let anything in this debate be construed otherwise. If this surge 
occurs even after we pass this resolution, we must continue to support 
our troops and pray for them every day, so that by God's grace they can 
succeed in their mission.
  Mr. BUYER. Mr. Speaker, I yield 8 minutes to the gentleman from Texas 
(Mr. Gohmert), a former Army captain.
  Mr. GOHMERT. Mr. Speaker, I thank my friend from Indiana. I 
appreciate the opportunity to engage in this debate.
  Mr. Speaker, like many others here, previously I typed up different 
potential remarks for this debate. But as I have listened to the debate 
over the last couple of days, I kept hearing some things being said 
over and over again, and I started making notes of some of the things I 
just really need to address.
  As the old saying goes, we are all entitled to our own opinion, but 
we are not entitled to our own set of facts. Facts are facts.

                              {time}  2320

  One of the things I have heard over and over the last couple of days, 
well, it goes without saying. Normally in reference to we support our 
troops, it goes without saying. If there is anything I have noticed 
since I left the bench and came to Congress is that nothing goes 
without saying in this House. Everything gets said and seems like gets 
said over and over again. Nothing goes without being said.
  But let us talk about that. It goes without saying we support our 
troops. That has stirred up a great deal of debate and animosity at one 
point, and led usually into things about the lies the President told 
before this war, lies the President told before this war. Well, look, 
some of us believe in forgiveness.
  I think there is still potential disagreement. Obviously we know that 
Saddam had weapons of mass destruction. He killed thousands of Kurds, 
gassed thousands of people. Certainly he was killing with mass 
destruction, but if you happen to believe really, honestly, truthfully 
that the President lied, then it is time to forgive President Clinton 
for all those lies. Forgive Madeleine Albright for all those lies. All 
the time, Madeleine Albright and Bill Clinton told us over and over 
again that there were weapons of mass destruction, and if President 
Bush happened to have believed President Clinton and Madeleine Albright 
and those people that were saying there were weapons of mass 
destruction in Iraq, well, I guess they just should not have believed 
the Clinton administration.
  But there were things that the Clinton administration could base that 
on, but we have got to get past that. It just seems to engender so much 
hatred.
  I have heard people say over and over this is a historic debate 
because the Republicans never allowed this debate when they were in the 
majority. I remember having discussions like this twice in the last 
Congress. We voted on a couple of resolutions, and people would say one 
thing and then end up voting another on the resolution.
  Now, I did hear one of my friends across the aisle say something I do 
agree with. He said he did not believe it was appropriate to tell 
troops they were coming home on a certain date and then change that. I 
agree, and a number of us have been pointing that out to those in the 
military and to the White House. That needs to stop. When you tell 
somebody who is in harm's way you are coming home on a certain date, 
they need to come home. We can agree on that.
  But then I heard another say, we need to avoid a constitutional 
crisis by shocking this President into a new course of action. You 
shocked him into a new course of action. He said we are going to send 
21,000 troops over there, 21,500. In fact, people like Harry Reid down 
in the Senate have been calling for that last fall, maybe even as 
recently as December, but oh, wait, as soon as the President calls for 
it, then it is a terrible thing; we cannot believe that he is doing 
this.
  So the President has proposed something new. His commanders in the 
field have said we need this, and so it is being done. We have got 
troops already arriving and more arriving all the time.
  I heard another one make reference to Vietnam, and one in indignation 
said, have we not learned anything from Vietnam? I would submit, I 
believe, Mr. Speaker, apparently not, because some people want to 
rewrite history; but the fact is, if you go back, the people were 
saying get out of Vietnam, get out of Vietnam are the same people 
saying this now in Iraq, and so President Nixon tried to get folks out. 
For all his faults, and he did have plenty, and you will not hear me 
say I think he was a great President because he lied, but one of the 
things he did try to do, he saw the polls and started trying to get 
people out of Vietnam.
  When we started the Paris peace talks, things broke down. It was not 
going well. He decided to bomb North Vietnam. He went on the attack. He 
was carpet-bombing Hanoi, and as Sam Johnson and those who were in the 
Hanoi Hilton said, they were worried they might be hit by the bombs, 
but they were so glad, finally the United States was reacting and 
responding, and as Sam says, when he left, to get the chronology 
correct, the bombing went on. They came back to the peace talks, and we 
reached terms, and the POWs, most of them were coming home. Sam said 
one of the leaders at the prison said, you know, if you guys had just 
kept bombing a little longer, we would have had to surrender 
completely.
  That was a winnable war, but people were not doing what it took to 
win so that we could have a good reputation. If you go look at our 
enemies and al Qaeda's, the rhetoric now in Iraq, Afghanistan, around 
the Middle East, they are saying look at what they did in Vietnam. They 
promised their allies they were going to stick with them.
  Gerald Ford has been quoted recently. What a fine man. I hear people 
on both sides of the aisle at his funeral and after his death. He 
begged this Congress and this House please do not cut off the funding; 
we promised them funding even after we pulled our troops out. But this 
Congress said, no, we are cutting the funding, and we have been harmed 
ever since.
  So in 1979, in Iran, they were bold enough to attack. An act of war, 
that is what attacking an embassy is, and I was at Fort Benning at that 
time. Nobody was dying to go to Iran, but everybody I knew was willing 
to go and die because we had been attacked, and that was the first act 
of war in this war involving terror, and we did not respond.
  We did not respond in 1983 when our barracks were attacked and our 
marines were killed. We withdrew 1991, on through the 1990s. We have 
not responded, but I want to touch on one other thing.

[[Page 4342]]

  I saw the majority leader come down. I saw it replayed in the wee 
hours this morning. I did not realize it went on, and he came down and 
challenged what Heather Wilson, who had left the floor, said, and 
ultimately said basically, that anybody that would come and say, as she 
did, that there might be a problem with Democrats being willing to 
support and fund the troops as needed, and he said to come and say 
anything of that nature was just not honest. I think it comes close to 
violating the rules if it does not, but the fact is Heather Wilson had 
stood right here and she had asked her Democratic friends across the 
aisle, look, if you are really willing to say that, if you are saying 
that this resolution means we will always provide everything that is 
needed to our troops in harm's way, let us put it in the resolution. We 
will have a unanimous-consent amendment, we will both agree, and it was 
not agreed. The Democratic majority would not agree. The Rules 
Committee did not agree. The Democratic leadership did not want that in 
there.
  So, to say it goes without saying ain't the way it should be. It 
ought to be in print. It ought to be here said in black and white 
because Heather Wilson was right: if you really believe that, put it in 
black and white where our troops can see, and I would just in 
conclusion leave you with this: this resolution for what it does and 
does not do, it is a stay the course, stiffen the enemy, start our 
collapse, and you look at our friend Mr. Murtha's comments to say, that 
is what this starts the process for doing.
  Ms. ESHOO. Mr. Speaker, I am very happy to yield 5 minutes to my 
colleague from Missouri (Mr. Cleaver).
  Mr. CLEAVER. Mr. Speaker, as I began to consider the comments I would 
make during this debate tonight on the occupation, escalation and 
gravitation of the U.S. military action in Iraq, I concluded that my 
visit to this well must somehow echo the threat and frustration of the 
people who sent me to represent them in the people's House.
  Tomorrow, the United States of America should begin a massive and 
voter-mandated salvaging operation in Iraq. Yes, as bad as conditions 
have gotten, there are important and valuable things that could be 
salvaged. A tarnished international image clings to a nation like a 
shadow to a human being. It follows a nation to the next world crisis. 
It cannot be blamed for faulty intelligence, and it spoils 
opportunities to influence a world desperate for direction. Henceforth, 
we must conduct our foreign policy in a manner which salvages our 
sunken international image.
  Because of the way we launched a long-range military action in Iraq, 
our prestige among the community of nations has surely suffered. 
Nothing deflates as a punctured international image. We can salvage our 
image not only by de-escalating in Iraq but also by reestablishing 
desperately needed dialogue with all the sovereign nations in the 
neighborhood with Iraq. It takes many, many people, and not just one to 
put a policy together.
  Now, with regard to peace in the Middle East, it has become crystal 
clear that the United States cannot whistle a symphony.

                              {time}  2330

  It will take an orchestra of many international players willing to 
make music in the same key. The days of the international soloist or a 
conductor without an orchestra are past. We must salvage our 
relationship with the family of nations. We must salvage what is left 
of our Treasury.
  Mr. Speaker, for most Americans war does not pay, but it must be paid 
for. And, to date, we have spent billions and billions of dollars that 
could have been spent for valuable programs to set this Nation on the 
right course. We must salvage soldiers. Yes, thousands of brave young 
U.S. soldiers have been killed, and Iraqis are dying weekly by the 
hundreds. If this conflict continues, there will be only two classes of 
young people, one half in graves, the other half in hospitals.
  Some have said this conflict will last for decades. Nevertheless, 
that kind of policy or lack thereof has caused young Americans to ask: 
Will we ever see the last of this war, or will it see the last of us?
  The Kansas City Chiefs is my team. The general manager, Carl 
Peterson, would never go to the sports editors of the local media and 
admonish them not to criticize the game plan of Coach Herman Edwards, 
because to do so would demoralize the players. Such a warning by the 
general manager would be ludicrous, if not loony. Why? Because the 
players of the Kansas City Chiefs are professionals who cannot be so 
easily defamed. And, friends, neither can the men and women who form 
the fiercest fighting force in the history of this planet.
  After all the ethnic and sectarian human butchering, after all the 
billions spent, after all the children of God killed, after all the 
maimed who have been hospitalized, after all the dissenters who have 
been heard, after all the purple thumbs that have been raised, the war 
drum still throbs, the sabers still rattle, and the blood still flows. 
Yet, we can salvage the soul of the Nation, even though at this hour we 
seem to have lost our way.
  Tomorrow, this Congress must adopt House Concurrent Resolution 63 as 
bold and beckoning to begin salvage operations.
  Mr. Speaker, as I began to consider the comments I would make during 
the debate on the occupation, escalation, and gravitation of the U.S. 
military action in Iraq, I concluded that my visit to this well must 
somehow echo the fret and frustration of the people who sent me to 
represent them in The People's House.
  For more than 132 years, the steamboat Arabia lay beneath the fathoms 
of the waters of the mighty Missouri River. Not until Bob and Florence 
Howley committed their life savings to a massive salvaging operation, 
did the rusting of this once stately riverboat cease. Today, the 
salvaged cargo of this retrieved vessel is on display in Kansas City's 
Historic River Market. Since I first walked into the Arabia Steamboat 
Museum in 1992, I have become a serious supporter of salvage 
operations. Anything of great value that is lost or damaged is worth 
salvaging.
  Tomorrow, the United States of America should begin a massive and 
voter-mandated salvaging operation in Iraq. Yes, as bad as conditions 
have gotten, there are important and valuable things that can be 
salvaged.
  A tarnished international image clings to a nation like a shadow to a 
human being. It follows a nation to the next world crisis, it cannot be 
blamed for faulty intelligence, and it spoils opportunities to 
influence a world desperate for direction. Henceforth, we must conduct 
our foreign policy in a manner which salvages our sunken international 
image. Because of the way we launched a Lone Ranger military action in 
Iraq, our prestige among the community of nations has surely suffered. 
Nothing deflates as fast as a punctured international image. We can 
salvage our image not only by de-escalating in Iraq, but also by re-
establishing desperately needed dialogue with all the sovereign nations 
in the neighborhood of Iraq. With regard to peace in the Middle East, 
it has become crystal clear that the U.S. cannot whistle a symphony. It 
will take an orchestra of many international players willing to make 
music in the same key. The days of the international soloist, or a 
conductor without an orchestra, are past. We must salvage our 
relationship with the family of nations.
  We must salvage what is left of our treasury. Mr. Speaker, for most 
Americans, war does not pay, but it must be paid for. To date, we have 
appropriated $380 billion for the armed conflict in Iraq, and the 
President has requested an additional $142 billion in the FY08 
supplemental. With this amount of money, we could have fully funded No 
Child Left Behind and the COPS program (which places badly needed 
police on the streets in high crime neighborhoods). We must salvage 
respect from our noble veterans who, today, are outraged that they are 
showered with praise when they are in battle but blasted with neglect 
when they return home. Soon enough, they will discover that the 
President's recently submitted budget raises fees on veterans for their 
health costs by $355 million in FY08, $2.3 billion over 5 years, and 
$4.9 billion over 10 years. Those who serve--deserve!
  We must salvage soldiers. Yes, thousands of brave young U.S. soldiers 
have been killed, and Iraqis are dying weekly by the hundreds. If this 
conflict continues, there will be only two classes of young people: one 
half in graves and the other half in hospitals. Some have said that 
this conflict will last for decades. Nevertheless, that kind of policy, 
or lack thereof, has caused young Americans to ask, ``Will

[[Page 4343]]

we ever see the last of this war, or will it see the last of us?''
  Let me address a part of this debate which has frustrated me because 
of its defective logic. Over and over again, many of my honorable 
colleagues have stood behind this distinguished desk and warned that 
the debate on House Concurrent Resolution 63 will demoralize our troops 
in Iraq. Nothing could be further from the truth. I will never accept 
the premise that U.S. troops are demoralized by the debate in a 
democracy. The President's stated goal in Iraq is to aid in creating a 
nation where citizens and public officials can debate in a robust 
democracy. And then to denounce debate in The People's House as 
demeaning or damaging? My friends, that denigrates the democracy we so 
proudly extol and that our troops valiantly fight to defend. We cannot 
lead others to the light while we stand in the dark.
  The Kansas City Chiefs is my team. The General Manager, Carl 
Peterson, would never go to the sports editors of the local media and 
admonish them not to criticize the game plan of Coach Herman Edwards 
because it will demoralize the players. Such a warning by the General 
Manager would be ludicrous if not loonie. Why? Because the players of 
the Kansas City Chiefs are professionals who cannot be so easily 
defanged. And friends, neither can the men and women who form the 
fiercest fighting force in the history of Planet Earth.
  After all the ethnic and sectarian human butchering, after all the 
billions spent, after all the children of God killed, after all the 
maimed who have been hospitalized, after all the dissenters who have 
been heard, after all the purple thumbs have been raised, the war drum 
is still throbbing, the sabers are still rattling and the blood is 
still flowing. Yet, we can salvage the soul of the nation even though 
at this hour we seem to have lost our way. Tomorrow, this Congress must 
adopt House Concurrent Resolution 63 as a bold beckoning to begin 
salvage operation.
  Mr. BUYER. I would say to the gentleman that just spoke, that in 3 
years Iraq has gone from a repressive dictatorship who enslaved his 
people to an inclusive government chosen by a freely elected Parliament 
under a popular ratified constitution. That is a fact.
  I would like to yield 5 minutes to the gentleman from South Carolina 
(Mr. Inglis).
  Mr. INGLIS of South Carolina. I thank the gentleman for yielding. Mr. 
Speaker, we face three questions here tonight: Where are we? Where do 
we want to be? And how do we get there?
  First, where are we? We are in phase three of a conflict in Iraq. In 
phase one, we overran Iraq in response to an American national security 
threat. We won.
  Then came phase two. We were forwardly deployed; the terrorists 
brought the fight to us; we busted up terrorist networks. America was 
protected from further attacks. We won.
  Now comes phase three. At best, Iraq is engulfed in a sectarian 
killing spree. At worst, Iraq has descended into a civil war.
  So where are we? We are thankful for the incredible work of our 
military in winning phase one and two. We are aware, and I think all of 
us are aware, that only the Iraqi people can win phase three.
  It is a neocon mistake to charge our warfighters with building an 
Iraqi national consensus. Iraqis must decide for themselves if they 
want to live in a unified, pluralistic, and peaceful Iraq. No amount of 
American military might can compel that result.
  So where are we? Thankful for the successes and the outcomes that we 
can control; aware of the outcomes that we cannot control.
  Where do we want to be? We want the Iraqis to take responsibility for 
their own country. The President is wisely pressing them to do so. We 
want the Iraqi leadership to make some key political decisions that can 
bring reconciliation. We want them to divide up the oil fairly, to 
allow banned Baathists back into positions of public trust, and to 
develop a working model of pluralism. We want the Iraqi leadership to 
know that they don't have forever, and that they should settle these 
reconciliation questions quickly. And we want to avoid the error of 
nation building.
  The job of the U.S. military is to crush, kill, and destroy the 
enemies of the United States. They are not nation builders; they are 
warriors, and they do their jobs very, very well.
  As commanded, our military entered Iraq to destroy what we 
understandably believed were threats to our national security. We were 
successful in destroying those threats and, thereafter, in interrupting 
terrorist networks. Those were outcomes that we could control.
  Now, we are rightly asked for inputs that we can control, but we are 
faced with outcomes that only the Iraqi people can control. It is right 
to evaluate the quality of our force's inputs, but wrong to hold them 
accountable for outcomes beyond their control.
  Diplomats, statesmen, peacemakers, and everyday Iraqis must work to 
develop a path to progress, a path that has milestones along the way, 
and which has rewards for meeting those milestones and consequences for 
failure.
  If the Iraqi people follow the path to progress to a peaceful, 
pluralistic, and unified Iraq, they will have been successful. The path 
may lead to something less. Any lesser outcome is the responsibility of 
the Iraqi people. So we want a path to progress, and we hope for the 
blessings of liberty for Iraq.
  Now, how do we get there? The President has ordered an increase in 
troop strength in Iraq. He thinks a surge in troops will give breathing 
room for the development of a path to progress. I am concerned that a 
surge will have the opposite effect: that we will give breathing room 
to the death squads; that our servicemen and women will be caught in 
the crossfire; and that the surge will end right where it began. In 
fact, that is what happened in Baghdad in August and September of 2006.
  I am concerned that a surge sends a conflicting message. On the one 
hand, we are telling the Iraqi leadership, ``Hurry up, you don't have 
forever.'' On the other hand we are saying, ``No, not to worry. We are 
increasing the size of the American security umbrella.''
  I want all Iraqi factions and all leaders of Iraqi factions to worry. 
I want them to see us reaching for the button that would bring down 
that security umbrella. I want them to imagine the click of the button 
and the feel of the wind from that descending umbrella.
  The resolution before us isn't written the way I would have written 
it, but it is the resolution before us. Resolutions are the way that 
Congress discharges its constitutional responsibility to communicate 
with the President. This resolution says we disapprove of the surge. 
Parties on both sides have added additional and conflicting meaning to 
those words. In the end, I just have to vote on the basis of the words. 
That is why I am going to vote in favor of the resolution and express 
my concern about the effectiveness of the surge.
  Mrs. DAVIS of California. Mr. Speaker, I am very happy to yield 5 
minutes to the gentlewoman from Pennsylvania (Ms. Schwartz).
  Ms. SCHWARTZ. Mr. Speaker, on Monday morning of this week I had the 
opportunity to recognize and honor 53 elderly widows of veterans of 
World War II and the Korean War.
  The sacrifices of that Great Generation are legendary, and they are a 
reminder of the sacrifice of the current generation of our military men 
and women who have heeded the call to service in defense of our Nation. 
Their patriotism, their willingness to put themselves in harm's way, 
possibly to pay the ultimate price for our Nation, should give us all 
pause.
  So, Mr. Speaker, I stand here with deep gratitude and respect for the 
sacrifices of all of our troops, but especially for the 3,124 Americans 
killed in Iraq and those tens of thousands injured.
  I stand here with great sympathy for the mothers and fathers, sons 
and daughters, whose loss is irreplaceable. I stand here tonight firmly 
and strongly in support of this resolution, in support of the troops, 
and in opposition to the President's escalation of our military 
involvement in the war in Iraq.

                              {time}  2340

  Let there be no misunderstanding. The men and women serving our 
Nation in our Armed Forces will continue to receive the support they 
require during their training, while they are in theater and when they 
return home.

[[Page 4344]]

  It is in honor of their service and the sacrifices of their family, 
and the love of our country that we share that I stand to make it clear 
that the President's plan for Iraq to escalate the number of troops and 
to continue his failed conduct of this war is wrong.
  Escalation of this war will not make our Nation safer. Escalation of 
this war will not stabilize Iraq. Escalation of this war will not move 
us closer to bringing our troops home, and escalation of this war will 
not better protect Americans from those terrorists who would stop at 
nothing to bring grave danger to our Nation and our allies. It is for 
these reasons that the President's escalation of the war in Iraq is 
wrong.
  At a time when so many current and former military leaders, as well 
as the bipartisan Iraq Study Group, recognize the need for political, 
rather than military solutions to the ever increasing violence, that 
the President is so gravely misguided in sending more of our men and 
women into combat in Iraq.
  Mr. Speaker, this resolution is the answer to a simple question: Do 
you believe that an escalation of this war will bring our troops home 
sooner, and will it help the Iraqis achieve the national reconciliation 
needed to bring a lasting peace to their nation? I and the majority of 
Americans do not think so.
  We believe the facts are clear. Escalation of this war fails to 
address the administration's strategic and diplomatic failures. It does 
not move us closer to success.
  What we now need to succeed in Iraq is an overwhelming political and 
diplomatic force, not more American combat troops. Instead, the 
President should be working to end U.S. combat involvement in Iraq. To 
do so, he must demand that the Iraqis take charge of their internal 
security, should demand that the Iraqi President take the lead in 
national reconciliation, he should engage all the regional parties to 
prevent this war from escalating regionally and to explore every 
diplomatic and political solution to end this war.
  Finally, the President must be accountable for his actions to this 
Congress and to the American people.
  Mr. Speaker, over the first 6 weeks of the Democratic control of 
Congress, we have begun to move our Nation in a new direction, to 
restore credibility and ethics in this Chamber and to put the interests 
of everyday Americans in the forefront. There is so much more to do, 
here at home, and in our relations internationally, to better ensure 
the security and opportunity for all Americans.
  The war in Iraq overshadows all that we do. The war has already cost 
this Nation so much, young lives lost, greater uncertainty and 
instability in the Middle East, greater hostility towards our own 
Nation and financial costs that will take years to repay. So it is 
timely and right that we take action now to change direction and 
strategy in Iraq.
  I stand with the majority of Congress in support of this resolution, 
in support of our troops, and in opposition to the escalation of U.S. 
combat troops in Iraq. This resolution sends the President a very 
strong message. It is our hope and the hope of the American people that 
he heeds it.
  Mr. BUYER. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
  As a good listener of the gentlelady's remarks, I would think she 
would be in support of the President's plan. I agree with her when she 
was talking about what is necessary for Iraq to govern itself, but in 
order for this country to begin to govern itself, it also needs to have 
security, and the Iraqi people themselves must have a belief in the 
support of that new unity government.
  Now, with regard to the Iraqis themselves, whom we have been 
training, that is, the Iraqi Army and the Iraqi police force, that is 
exactly what the plan is. The plan is for the Iraqis to take the lead.
  So the gentlelady's remarks confuse me, because as she says, I want 
the political apparatus to do this, but I define Petraeus' need for 
additional troops as an escalation. Therefore, she advocates for the 
status quo, and everybody knows the status quo is for failure. The 
remarks confuse me.
  The commander on the ground of our forces in Baghdad just said on 
January 26, that this is about Iraqis taking charge of their own 
security. In order for them to do that, we have to buy them time to 
continue to train and for the government to become more legitimate in 
the eyes of the Iraqi people. Earlier what I said, the mission is to 
govern, sustain and defend. You have the political, economic and 
security necessities to accomplish that mission. I think everybody in 
this body is going to agree.
  When I met with President Talabani in August, we talked about the 
establishment of the rule of law, we talked about the implementation of 
the national plan of reconciliation, the distribution of the oil 
revenue, the modernization of their electrical grid. Promoting Iraqi 
unity was really deep on the President's mind.
  I wrote a note here after I met with him. The note I wrote was I 
believe the unity federal government has a real challenge. Their 
challenge is to convince the Iraqi political, religious and civil 
society leaders to compromise for a sustainable settlement to support 
the new federalism. That is the challenge.
  So I am challenged when I hear individuals say, well, on the security 
apparatus, let's just get U.S. forces out of there, we'll let the 
Iraqis take care of this. The question is, are the Iraqis prepared to 
do it alone? I haven't heard anybody say they are, that they can do it 
alone.
  The Iraqis in turn said we still need coalition assistance, and so 
the commanders on the ground say we need these more troops to do this. 
We are sending General Petraeus, our best commander, to the field.
  Mr. Speaker, a father-in-law of a soldier wrote this 10 days ago: 
``From where I am sitting, it seems that threatening loss of funding 
for operations in Iraq, tying the hands of senior officers, to say 
nothing of the Commander in Chief, and proposing to legislate the 
conduct of this war, looks worse than cut and run. It feels like 
betrayal of the families who bear the burdens.''
  I can remember being in the desert in the first gulf war while this 
body debated a resolution on the utilization of force. I know what it 
was like to lose a friend in war. I shed the tears of my father when he 
lost buddies for his Army service in Korea.
  Challenged by my own Member of Congress who voted against that 
resolution, I felt betrayed. While I was in the desert, I felt 
betrayed, so much so that I vowed while I stood at that cemetery in 
Lafayette, Indiana, the funeral of my friend, that I felt I still had a 
mission left, and it was to come help the country again.
  So I ran against that incumbent Member of Congress who I felt 
betrayed me while I was in the desert in the gulf war. I had never run 
for any political office in my life. I was elected in this body at the 
age of 32 with so much to learn.
  But I have never forgotten about the soldier, the sailor, the airman, 
the marine and the coast guardsman. I am so proud of them and what they 
do.
  The world of an American soldier is more complex today than ever 
before, with technology, intricate rules of engagement designed to 
eliminate the loss of noncombatant life and a tough, innovative and 
savvy enemy. Our soldiers who are in the fight are watching and 
listening.
  One wrote from Iraq 2 weeks ago: ``Until victory or until the 
perseverance and the spirit of the American will arose, victory in Iraq 
is achievable by our amazingly capable and determined Armed Forces. 
Their effort will only be undercut by self-serving politicking and 
pointless impatience. If we decide we want victory, we will have it. If 
we quit on our effort, we will have defeat.''
  Contending with the complexity of today's battlefield and the ripple 
effects of politics 6,000 miles away, our soldiers live and measure 
value by simple enduring imperatives. They place a lot of value in 
loyalty. They count on each other, loyal to each other, to their 
commanders and to their oath to defend the Constitution, and their love 
of country helps them do their duty. A warrior bears true faith and 
allegiance.

[[Page 4345]]



                              {time}  2350

  Members of our Armed Forces live and die by the readiness of their 
buddies to express their loyalty in the conduct of faithful duty. They 
expect no less of their leaders up the chain, whether they wear the 
stripes and diamond of a first sergeant, the eagles of a colonel, or 
the stars of an admiral or general, or their leaders in government, 
both executive and legislative branches.
  Yet, in response, what do we offer? The fortitude of contradiction I 
say. The Senate unanimously confirms a new multinational force 
commander, General David Petraeus, whose most compelling value is 
perhaps his reputation for unrivaled understanding for his clear grasp 
of counterinsurgencies.
  Yet the authors of the resolution before us seek to deny our best 
commander the manpower assets he has asked for to prevail. What a 
disturbing contradiction. The Senate unanimously says, this is our best 
commander. Before they vote and say we are going to send you, he says, 
I need these five brigades. Then this body drafts a resolution that 
says, we do not think he should have the five brigades.
  I suppose we have the Senate and the House now in complete 
contradiction. General Petraeus is a decisive man who has a decisive 
strategy, and he intends to reinforce our troops and root out the 
enemy. Aside from the gratuitous gloom that is smothering the debate on 
Iraq, moving in reinforced strength to destroy an enemy is a time-
honored and frequently successful course of military action.
  It is so especially when conducted by a capable commander. We have 
already agreed that General Petraeus is such a commander. Many of us 
know that this is what our troops yearn to do. It is what Americans 
yearn for us to do, prevail.
  Now, lest one of my colleagues is tempted to try some contextual 
mischief, we all know that military victory with the right strategy is 
only part of the equation of success in Iraq. Real success is not a 
quick, easy affair. I might offer success as defined by the 
establishment of a stable, popularly elected government, the rise of 
the rule of law, and the stability necessary to foster the growth of a 
strong middle class.
  That will take a combined and continued effort using diplomatic, 
informational and economic levers. But those levers cannot fully 
operate without security. And that is the challenge I have in listening 
to this debate. We in Congress have confirmed General Petraeus and sent 
him now into battle.
  And what now do some want to do with him? They seek to turn the House 
floor into a cockpit of battlefield wisdom to disavow his strategy. 
Some may say, go to Iraq, Commander. Disregard the strategy that you 
talked about in the Senate. Instead use your brilliance to conduct a 
feckless campaign of status quo.
  The resolution before us disavows the human assets our commander 
needs to accomplish his mission. But then it says, we support the 
troops. How can you say we support the troops but you don't give the 
commander that which he says he needs? I do not understand.
  I am a colonel in the Army Reserve. I have served for 26 years this 
Nation. How can you say to me, Steve, I support you. I will give you 
the beams, the bullets, the ammo, the water. I will give you anything 
you need, but do not ask me for any troops and good luck on your 
mission. Because you do not get to ask for reinforcements. You do not 
even get to ask for anybody else.
  As we know the Pelosi-Murtha real strategy is to slowly bleed our 
battlefield commander dry. They know he cannot prevail waging a 
campaign of the status quo. So some will slowly reduce funding for his 
Army in an effort for it to wither on the vine. And it to me is 
disgraceful.
  Ladies and gentlemen, does this fit the definition of loyalty and 
support of members of the United States Armed Forces serving bravely in 
Iraq?
  Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
  Mrs. DAVIS of California. Mr. Speaker, I yield 5 minutes to the 
gentlewoman from Arizona (Ms. Giffords).
  Ms. GIFFORDS. Mr. Speaker, as Members of the 110th Congress we are 
about to cast one of our most important votes yet. Americans in my 
district of southern Arizona and across the country want their 
Representatives to bring closure to the United States' involvement in 
Iraq. This vote is the first step towards doing precisely that.
  A few weeks ago President Bush gave a nationally televised speech to 
the American people to announce his new way forward for Iraq. But it 
sounded strangely familiar. The President acknowledged that his 
policies and plans in Iraq had failed to yield the promised results, 
and yet his only suggestion was to do more of the same.
  During my first few weeks in Congress serving on the House Armed 
Services Committee, the Foreign Affairs Committee, I have been 
listening, learning, asking tough questions. I have participated in 
many hours of hearings and briefings with top administration officials.
  Those people include Secretary of Defense Robert Gates, Chairman of 
the Joint Chiefs of Staff, General Peter Pace, Secretary of the Army 
Francis Harvey, Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice, former Congressman 
Lee Hamilton, co-chairman of the bipartisan Iraq Study Group 
commissioned by the President.
  Since being sworn into Congress, I have also been reading dozens of 
letters sent to me by my constituents, flying home to my district 
almost every single weekend to meet with concerned citizens.
  Recently I attended a returning warrior event in Arizona for 
Reservists coming back from combat. And last week I visited Walter Reed 
Hospital here in Washington, D.C. to speak with wounded soldiers and 
their families.
  These collective experiences have made me more confident than ever 
that the global war on terror and the situation in Iraq are more 
complicated than President Bush seems to realize. Common sense dictates 
that in order for any plan to succeed it must require the Iraqi people 
to calm the sectarian violence and unify behind a workable political 
structure.
  The President's plan fails to acknowledge the lack of willingness and 
capacity by the Iraqi political and religious leaders to achieve these 
necessary goals. Sectarian factions are divided more than ever. Without 
the serious involvement and motivation of the Iraqi people, the 
President's proposals to send more American troops into harm's way 
amounts to little more than having 21,000 more soldiers stay the 
course.
  This I cannot support. The President should consider the views of 
many active and retired military generals who advised him to change his 
strategy in Iraq. Instead of adding more soldiers, he should instead 
focus on some of the best recommendations set forward by the bipartisan 
Iraq Study Group that he commissioned.
  These recommendations include keeping Iraq rapid reaction and special 
operation forces in Iraq to strike al Qaeda militias, setting 
performance benchmarks for the Iraqi Government and holding them 
accountable, providing economic assistance to Iraq that will help 
create jobs, strengthen infrastructure, and improve the Iraqi capacity 
to be independent and stable.
  Last but not least, beginning a new dialogue with Iraq's neighbors 
because they need to be part of the solution. The basic message of the 
Iraq Study Group and other credible experts and strategists is that the 
situation in Iraq is a political not just a military crisis.
  The President's military escalation plan without a political 
component is bound to fail. Along with all other patriotic Americans, I 
strongly support our men and women in uniform who are risking their 
lives to protect and defend our Nation.
  Our Armed Forces must have the tools, the training and the support 
that they need to be successful in any mission. I have serious 
concerns, Mr. Speaker, that our Army, Marine Corps, along with Guard 
and Reserve forces are being stretched too thin.

                              {time}  0000

  Instead of sending 21,000 more young American soldiers to Iraq as 
part of

[[Page 4346]]

that same failed strategy, the President should focus on the Global War 
on Terror. Failure is not an option. America must prevail against many 
serious threats around the world, whether in the Middle East or 
elsewhere.
  Mr. Speaker, I will vote to support the resolution before this body 
because our brave men and women in uniform deserve a strategy that 
honors their sacrifices. The President's plan does not do that.
  Mrs. DAVIS of California. Mr. Speaker, I am now happy to yield 5 
minutes to the gentlelady from Minnesota (Ms. McCollum).
  Ms. McCOLLUM of Minnesota. Mr. Speaker, there is no more important 
issue facing our Nation today than the prolonged, painful, deadly war 
in Iraq. Next month America's courageous and determined troops start 
year 5 of combat operations inside Iraq.
  As Iraq continues to deteriorate into a failed state of endless 
killing, President Bush has decided not only to stay the course but to 
escalate America's combat presence.
  The resolution we debate tonight puts Congress in step with the 
American people in rejecting the President's escalation of the war. 
This resolution supports our troops and sends a clear message to 
President Bush that he is increasingly isolated in believing that 
Iraq's future can only be salvaged by sending more Americans into their 
civil war.
  Let us remember that year 5 in Iraq will start with over 150,000 U.S. 
troops in the midst of an Iraq civil war. Year 5 in Iraq will start 
with 2,600 Minnesota National Guardsmen and -women who have already 
served and sacrificed for a year, being ordered to serve an additional 
4 months of duty. Year 5 in Iraq starts with over 3,100 American troops 
having sacrificed their lives and nearly 24,000 troops having 
sacrificed their bodies.
  To all of our veterans and their families, I offer my prayers, and I 
pledge my support in the difficult months and years ahead. With a true 
sense of humility and respect and admiration for their service and 
sacrifices, I thank you, I thank your families for what you have 
endured.
  Our troops have always done their jobs with skill, with determination 
and courage. And now it is time for the elected leaders of this Nation 
to respond with courage and skill and forethought to the challenges 
presented in Iraq. It is time for the people of Iraq, the diverse 
ethnic groups, the religious sects, their tribal leaders, to decide for 
themselves whether their future is to be one of ongoing murder, 
revenge, civil war, or reconciliation, peaceful cooperation and 
security. It is time to end Iraq's dependence on U.S. troops and to 
fully transfer the responsibility for security and governance to the 
Iraqis. It is time to start the process of bringing American troops 
home safe, soon. It is time to bring this war in Iraq to an end. 
Achieving peace in Iraq will require an Iraqi political solution.
  Peace requires a robust, active, tireless diplomacy from the United 
States, in partnership with Iraq's neighbors and the entire world 
community. This Congress has the opportunity and the obligation to 
advance a foreign policy vision rooted in the belief that Iraq's future 
requires shared global commitment.
  Tomorrow Congress will pass this bipartisan resolution. This 
resolution is important because it is the second step in putting the 
White House on notice. The first notice was delivered to President Bush 
by the American people last November when they elected a new majority 
to Congress. The American people elected this majority because they 
wanted this very debate to take place, because they reject the ``stay 
the course'' status quo in Iraq.
  Instead of hearing the American people, instead of acting on the 
recommendations of the Iraq Study Group, instead of learning from his 
past mistakes in Iraq, President Bush decided to escalate the war.
  Rather than take the counsel and the advice of experienced statesmen 
and trusted military leaders, President Bush acted alone and decided to 
escalate the war.
  Now our President calls himself ``The Decider.'' In America, the 
people, not the President, are the ultimate deciders in our democracy, 
and the people and this Congress have decided that the escalation of 
combat troops into Iraq is misguided. This Congress has the authority 
and the obligation to hold the President accountable, and this House is 
ready to exercise its constitutional powers.
  The American people are demanding action to end this war in Iraq. Let 
us listen to the American people. Tomorrow let us pass this important 
resolution and begin the process of working together as Americans to 
end the war in Iraq.
  Mrs. DAVIS of California. Mr. Speaker, I am now happy to yield 5 
minutes to the gentleman from Ohio (Mr. Ryan).
  Mr. RYAN of Ohio. Mr. Speaker, as we approach the final day of the 
debate on this resolution, I have enjoyed the debate thoroughly. I have 
found it humorous at times. Our friends on the other side have tried 
every argument they could possibly muster. They have talked about 
President Clinton, they have talked about Vietnam, they are trying to 
bring up Israel, and my friend from Indiana also mentioned the issue of 
consistency. And I find it funny that the pro-life, self-proclaimed 
pro-life party is the party that wants to keep extending the war. I 
find it ironic that all of the great budget hawks in the Republican 
Party want to throw $8 billion a month to keep going and going and 
going as we borrow the money from China.
  But I have also found the debate, at times, disappointing, where 
Members of the other side have questioned our side and they have said, 
whose side are we on? And how can we say that we support the troops, 
and that we are, somehow, unpatriotic.
  And I would just like to say that when the Republican Party and this 
President didn't send enough troops, we didn't call you unpatriotic. 
And when you sent our young soldiers over there without the body armor, 
we never called you unpatriotic.


                Announcement by the Speaker Pro Tempore

  The SPEAKER pro tempore (Mr. Hodes). The Chair must remind the 
Members to address the Chair when speaking in debate.
  Mr. RYAN of Ohio. Mr. Speaker, we never called the other side 
unpatriotic when they sent our soldiers over without enough body armor. 
And when they didn't send enough up-armored Humvees, we never called 
anybody unpatriotic. And now, when the next batch goes over without the 
proper jammers or up-armored kits, we don't call you unpatriotic.
  Now we have called you incompetent. We said you are incapable, and we 
said you are derelict of your oversight responsibility. But never, Mr. 
Speaker, have we called anyone in this House unpatriotic.
  Now let me speak to the resolution. This is very simple. It says two 
things: We support our troops and we do not support the escalation. It 
is very simple and here is why. We have already done this, Mr. Speaker. 
We have already done this. We have already tried the escalation and it 
has not worked. From November to January of 2005, we escalated by 
18,000 troops, boots on the ground, and the number of daily attacks 
increased by 17 percent. From June to October of 2005, we increased by 
21,000 boots on the ground, and the number of daily attacks increased 
by 29 percent. And from May to November of 2006, 17,000 more boots on 
the ground, and the number of daily attacks increased by 80 percent.
  This escalation has not worked and it will not work. The number of 
insurgents have increased from 5,000 in 2003 to between 20,000 and 
30,000 to October of 2006. So this is very simple.
  And I want to make just a few more points, Mr. Speaker. One is this. 
With the last vote for the war, regardless of what party you were in or 
how you voted, we assumed that the President and the Secretary of 
Defense would send our troops over there with the proper equipment. But 
with this escalation, Mr. Speaker, we know that the 21,500 troops that 
are going to go over there will not have the proper Humvee kits, the 
up-armor for their HUMVEES. They won't have the proper jamming devices 
or enough of them,

[[Page 4347]]

and they won't have the number of trucks that they need.

                              {time}  0010

  You now know it. So if you vote against this resolution, you are 
voting to send our troops over there without the proper equipment 
before it could be excused because we trusted the President, assumed, 
but now we know.
  And, finally, Mr. Speaker, we have heard a lot over the last couple 
of days about the American Revolution and the Civil War and World War 
II. Well, Mr. Speaker, our President today is not Washington, he is not 
Lincoln, and he is not Roosevelt. So I think our Republican colleagues 
should take the advice of the Secretary of Defense, and that is you go 
to war with the President you have. You don't go to war with the 
President you wish you had.


                Announcement by the Speaker Pro Tempore

  The SPEAKER pro tempore. The Chair must remind the Members to address 
their remarks in debate to the Chair and not to others in the second 
person.
  Mr. BUYER. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
  Sometimes in the middle of debate when one gentleman refuses to yield 
to another gentleman, it can be for a variety of reasons perhaps, but 
sometimes it is because the argument is pretty weak.
  So I have listened to this debate. I have not heard anybody on this 
side of the aisle call any of my Democratic colleagues unpatriotic. So 
the gentleman who just spoke protests too much. Maybe he has some deep 
feeling inside, has some guilt inside perhaps. I don't know. I can't 
speak to that. Only he can. I would be more than pleased to yield to 
him. I would extend the courtesy to him. But I just don't recall that 
at all.
  As a matter of fact, I had to turn here to some staff that is with me 
because they are just as sensitive about this as I am and the 
seriousness of this debate.
  The gentleman to my left is an Air Force Academy grad and he is the 
Air Force Reserves, and he flies C-5As right into Baghdad. He knows 
what that is like.
  The two gentlemen right behind me, this gentleman right here, Jeff 
Phillips, served in the first gulf war, in the second gulf war, and has 
two Bronze Stars. This other gentleman over here, Jim Lariviere, served 
in Afghanistan and wears the Bronze Star.
  So I turned to all three of these guys and I asked them, Have you 
heard anybody say or make someone feel as though they were unpatriotic? 
And the answer was ``no'' from these three men.
  So please don't come and pollute the debate because it only makes you 
look silly.


                Announcement by the Speaker Pro Tempore

  The SPEAKER pro tempore. The Chair must remind Members to address 
remarks to the Chair.
  Mr. BUYER. Mr. Speaker, it only makes Members look silly if they 
pollute the debate.
  One thing about war is that you have to improvise, adapt, and 
overcome. Right? You hear that a lot. We do it and our enemies do it, 
and it is extremely important.
  Mr. Speaker, I yield 10\1/2\ minutes to the former veteran of the 
Arizona National Guard, Mr. Shadegg.
  Mr. SHADEGG. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman for yielding.
  And just to follow up, I was going to actually begin my remarks 
tonight by noting the tremendous speech I thought that was given by my 
colleague Mr. McHugh, I believe it was the night before last, in the 
midst of this important debate. And I think this is an extremely 
important debate. Indeed, I think this is the most important debate in 
my 12 years in the United States Congress and I would assert the most 
important debate this Congress may, indeed, ever have.
  But with regard to being unpatriotic, I want to make my position 
clear and I want to reference what Mr. McHugh said.
  First, I respect every Member on the other side of the aisle, and I 
respect their right to express their views. And, quite frankly, the 
other evening when I spoke in this debate, I said I respect and share 
their frustration, both at where we are in this war and how we got 
there.
  But the gentleman pointed out that he hadn't heard anybody labeled 
unpatriotic. I think Mr. McHugh's comments were quite in tone with what 
I have heard in the portion of this debate that I have watched, and I 
have watched a lot. And he said, ``I have listened today with great 
interest, and I have enormous respect for Members on both sides of the 
aisle.'' I have that respect. I have the respect for the sincerity of 
my colleagues on both sides of this aisle. We have, however, an 
important disagreement which deserves to be aired.
  I think there is an important question that needs to be asked. That 
question is, if we do not defeat radical jihadists in Iraq, the radical 
Islamists with whom we are at war there now, if we do not defeat them 
in Iraq, then where? And if we do not defeat them now, then when?
  Let me first start by making a few points about the record and 
setting the record straight. My colleague from Texas pointed out a few 
moments ago that we are each entitled to our own opinion, but not to 
our own facts. I would suggest that there is a fact across this Nation, 
an accepted fact, which is flat untrue. And it was referred to in the 
debate here just a few moments ago. And that is the notion that Shia 
and Sunni have been at war with each other for hundreds of years and 
killing each other for hundreds of years.
  Today, the bipartisan Antiterrorism Caucus met, and we heard from an 
expert from Brookings, and he said that is simply not true. The notion 
that we are in the midst of a civil war that has gone on for hundreds 
of years simply is not true. It is not a fact.
  What is a fact is that we face an extraordinary enemy, an enemy that 
hates us, an enemy that has been taught a set of beliefs that requires 
them to kill us; that requires them to kill all Americans, all 
Westerners, all unbelievers; indeed, a radical jihadist sect that calls 
for them to kill many Muslims and to do so without excuse. To break all 
law in doing so. To ignore international law in doing so.
  I would call my colleagues to read this book, ``Knowing the Enemy'' 
by Mary Habeck. I read it after she spoke to the bipartisan 
Antiterrorism Caucus. I want to read a few paragraphs out of this book 
because I believe it is important to understand: ``Jihadist ideologues 
use this generally accepted belief to argue that their interpretation 
of Islam is also intended for the entire world, which must be brought 
to recognize this fact peacefully if possible and through violence if 
not.''
  We have been told over and over and over and over again that these 
jihadists, the radical jihadists, hate us. In the debate earlier on 
this floor I asked my colleagues, I asked anyone on either side of the 
aisle, if you can name for me a single radical jihadi leader who has 
said that if America leaves Iraq, if America will pull back from Iraq, 
the war will end? I have asked that question on this floor at least 
twice, maybe three times, and nobody has taken it up. And the answer is 
because that is not what they want.
  I listened to the debate here tonight and I respect it. As I said, I 
share the frustration over where we are in this war. But if you listen 
carefully to this debate, what you hear is: well, if we will stop, the 
war will end. I am afraid it is not that true. I am afraid it is not 
that easy. I am afraid it is not that simple. If we were to stop, the 
war would not end.
  Listen to the words of al Qaeda, the words of Osama bin Laden, the 
words of Ayman al Zawahiri. Over and over and over again, they have 
told us that that would not be the end of the war. Indeed, it would not 
end their war against us.
  Let me talk first about Ayman al Zawahiri. Here is his quote: ``It is 
jihad for the sake of God and will last until our religion prevails . . 
. The entire world is an open battlefield for us. We will attack 
everywhere until Islam reigns.''
  Osama bin Laden: ``The whole world is watching this war and the two 
adversaries; the Islamic Nation on the one hand and the United States 
and its allies on the other. It is either victory and glory or misery 
and humiliation.''

[[Page 4348]]



                              {time}  0020

  Ayman al-Zawahiri again: ``The jihad in Iraq requires several 
incremental goals; expel the Americans from Iraq, establish an Islamic 
authority or amarat, extend the jihad to secular countries neighboring 
Iraq, and then the clash with Israel.''
  And last, Osama bin Laden: ``Hostility toward America is a religious 
duty. We hope to be rewarded by God for it. I am confident that Muslims 
will be able to end the legend of the so-called superpower that is 
America.''
  There is no end to this war simply because we choose to stop 
fighting. It will not go away.
  Let me refer again to Mary Habeck and ``Knowing the Enemy,'' which, 
Mr. Speaker, I hope you have read and all others who participate in 
this debate will read.
  ``The three main jihadist ideologues make clear a central point of 
the ongoing war with falsehood: That it will continue until Islam has 
liberated the entire world from darkness, tyranny and servitude. 
Jihadists thus neither recognize national boundaries within the Islamic 
lands, nor do they believe that the coming Islamic state when it is 
created should have permanent borders with unbelievers. The recognition 
of such boundaries would end the expansion of Islam and stop offensive 
jihad, both of which are transgressions against the laws of God that 
command jihad to last until judgment day or until the entire Earth is 
under the rule of Islamic law.''
  It would be nice if we could ask this war to go away, but it won't. 
So I ask again, if you do not want to confront radical jihadists in 
Iraq, then where? And if not now, then when?
  This war did not begin in 2003. It began not in 2001 with the attack 
on the World Trade Center. No. We have been at war with these radical 
jihadists for decades. In 1979, radical jihadists seized the American 
embassy in Tehran and held American hostages for 444 days. In 1983, 
radical jihadists attacked the Marine barracks in Beirut; 241 were 
murdered. In 1988, they brought down Pan Am Flight 103, known as the 
Lockerbie bombing; 270 were murdered. In 1993, Islamic terrorists 
attacked the World Trade Center for the first time; six were murdered. 
In 1996, they attacked the Khobar Towers. I have been to Khobar Towers 
before it was brought down. I saw where they killed 19 U.S. servicemen. 
1998, al Qaeda attacked the U.S. embassies in Tanzania and Kenya. They 
killed 212 in Tanzania and 11 were murdered in Kenya. In 2000, the 
Islamic terrorists attacked the USS Cole and 17 are murdered there. 
2001, they attacked New York, Washington and Pennsylvania and they 
killed 3,000.
  This war is the heart of the war on terror, and if we do not confront 
them now, then when? If we do not confront them in Iraq, then where?
  There have been parallels to prior wars. I would suggest that this 
debate is similar, very similar, to the debate that led up to our 
involvement both in the World War I and World War II. Men of goodwill 
do like not to engage in war. It would be nice to have been able to 
believe that Hitler would go away, and well-meaning Americans argued 
that we should stay out of that war. But ultimately we couldn't, 
because ultimately the Japanese empire attacked us at Pearl Harbor and 
we recognized that we had to be involved in that war.
  I would suggest to you that that is where we are now, and I would 
suggest to you that there is no such thing when you are at war as a 
nonbinding resolution, and there is no such thing as a resolution that 
does not do damage to the morale our troops.
  Let me conclude, if I might, just by pointing out that this 
resolution may send a message to the White House, and I understand and 
sympathize with the desire to do that. But the more important message 
it will send is to our allies around the world that America cannot be 
trusted, that America cannot be relied upon, that America is an ally 
that will leave.
  Osama bin Laden has said it over and over and over again: Attack 
them, fight them. Ultimately they will grow weak and they will back 
down.
  Mrs. DAVIS of California. Mr. Speaker, I yield 6 minutes to the 
gentleman from Florida (Mr. Meek).
  Mr. MEEK of Florida. Mr. Speaker, I am excited about being here. I 
want to thank the gentlelady for yielding. But I am going to put my 
prepared notes to the side here, because I don't think that is needed 
at this point, because we are well into debate now, Mr. Speaker, on 
this very issue of Iraq.
  I would like to disclose to the House that I am not a member of the 
armed services. I have never served in a forward area. I wasn't even a 
member of the ROTC. But I am a Member of the U.S. Congress, and I have 
been federalized to come here to represent my constituents and the 
people of this great country.
  I know sometimes we say some things on the floor that we don't really 
mean, and then there are some things we do really mean.
  I had the opportunity to go to the White House today to speak to the 
President on this very issue, and I shared with him, delivered the 
message from the majority of the Members of this House of 
Representatives on a bipartisan basis, Republicans and Democrats that 
have come to this floor and said they are going to vote in the 
affirmative on this resolution because they don't believe in the 
escalation of troops.
  A supermajority of the Members of the House have not served in the 
military. Now, do we respect and honor those that allow us still to 
salute one flag? You are 110 percent right as it relates to my feelings 
towards that. And I respect those Members who have been in the ROTC and 
came up through college and what have you and joined the Reserves and 
active duty. I trust their judgment. They have the right to say what 
they want to say when they want to say it.
  But I shared with the President that this will pass. And he shook his 
head and said, ``I believe it will pass too, Kendrick.''
  I said, ``Mr. President, here is something else that we have to be 
together on, and there has to be some level of compromise.''
  Yes, this is a nonbinding resolution, but this is the first time that 
the President has ever had any, any, any pressure from the Congress on 
his original thoughts and what he says military commanders call for.
  Now, since folks have been talking about who they are here on this 
floor and what they have done and chest beating and all, I have been a 
member of the Armed Services Committee. I am a member of the Ways and 
Means Committee now and still on Armed Services on a waiver.
  I said I wanted to go back to Armed Services because we are at war 
and we have to make sense here in this House. We just can't say we are 
there and we got to stay there as long as we got to stay there, until 
the last insurgent says that they give up. Well, guess what? They are 
not going to give up. They are not going to give up, and they are not 
going to say, well, we are leaving. They are not going to say that.
  So if our mission is to stay there as long as the last insurgent is 
there, so someone would not be looking at troops leaving on the plane 
saying we won, if that is the issue, then we have to readjust our 
thinking here.
  Let me just share something with you. I said to the President, ``Yes, 
this is nonbinding, but it means a lot. It sends a message to the 
country that we heard them last November.''
  You know the reason why this House is in the majority for the 
Democrats this time? You know why? Because the rubber stamp Republican 
Congress rubber stamped everything that the President sent to this 
House and to the Senate. And if this was about politics, I would just 
go home and sit and watch this debate on television and talk to my wife 
and tell my wife, guess what, sweetheart? The Democrats are about to 
gain a greater majority, because the American people are going to 
continue on a bipartisan way, not just Democrats, Republicans, 
independents, those that never voted before, will start voting because 
they think that we are not listening.
  Now, I am going to share this also with you, what is very, very 
important. I said, ``Mr. President, it is nonbinding, but you are going 
to have a supplemental that is going to come through,

[[Page 4349]]

and there has to be language in there that speaks to the point of 
readiness, speaks to the point of the fact that if you say we are going 
to send 20,000 combat troops and 3,000 support personnel, that they 
have what they need to carry out the mission.''
  The President heard what I had to say and came right back and said, 
``Kendrick, do you believe for a minute that I would put troops in 
harm's way if the military commanders did not tell us what we had?''
  Respectfully I told the President, ``It has happened before.'' I have 
sat next to Mr. Ryan in the Armed Services Committee and watched four 
star generals answer the question, ``Do you have what you need?'' 
``Yes, we have it.''
  Then we went to Iraq twice. Not once. Not when somebody told me that 
got off the plane that came back from Iraq and said, ``Kendrick, guess 
what.'' In Mosul, in Baghdad, folks getting ready to go out on patrol 
did not have up-armored vehicles. And I am a Member of Congress. You 
would think someone would bring up-armored vehicles out because they 
have Members of Congress there. And people are there saying, and the 
troops are there saying, soldiers, in the field, 18 months on the 
second deployment, saying, ``Congressman, I know what you think, but 
let me tell you something: We don't have what we need.''

                              {time}  0030

  They still do not have what they need. So I come to this floor, yes, 
with great passion. I was not a member of the military, but doggone it, 
I am a Member of Congress. I am not going to let any Member of Congress 
make me believe or any other Member believe that they are less of a 
Member because they do not have the credentials that the next person 
has.
  What I do know is that someone woke up early Tuesday morning at 7:00 
a.m. to vote for representation in this U.S. House of Representatives, 
and doggone it, they are going to get, and those troops are going to 
get it.
  So tomorrow it is going to be judgment time. Either you are with 
going in the old direction or in the new direction.
  And the only reason that I have comfort, Mr. Speaker, tonight is the 
fact that I know that there is going to be a bipartisan vote on that 
board, just like it was on the minimum wage, just like it was as it 
relates to prescription drugs, just like it was in cutting back 
interest rates on student loans. All these bipartisan votes, and this 
is going to follow the number of those bipartisan votes. I know that we 
are going to start having the kind of oversight we have to have on this 
war.
  I do not believe that it would be a full pull out of troops, and I am 
not even looking for that, but I am looking for management of this war 
in Iraq, and I am glad that we are having this debate.
  Mrs. DAVIS of California. Mr. Speaker, I yield 6 minutes to the 
gentlewoman from Florida (Ms. Wasserman Schultz).
  Ms. WASSERMAN SCHULTZ. Mr. Speaker, I am going to bring it back down 
a notch for a minute.
  On Tuesday, I had the privilege to spend time with some of our 
Nation's finest. I traveled to Walter Reed Army Medical Center and 
talked with some of our soldiers who dedicated their lives to protect 
our Nation and gave their hearts, souls and bodies to the cause of 
freedom.
  As I was driving out to the hospital, I reflected upon the changes in 
Iraq in the year-and-a-half since my first visit to Walter Reed. During 
that visit, IED was not a regular part of the American vocabulary, Mr. 
Speaker. Fatalities were shocking. The mounting death toll was 
disturbing.
  Today, there are insurgent attacks almost every day. Iraq has 
descended into a deadly civil war, and almost every American has become 
familiar with the term IED and the deadly impact they have on the young 
men and women that we send to fight for us in this war.
  The terms of war that my good friend from Indiana so well knows, the 
casualties, death, kidnappings, injuries, helicopter crashes, bombs, 
amputations, good-byes, sorrow and pain have all become commonplace.
  We hear that another helicopter was shot down or that three more 
soldiers died today in Iraq, and soon enough we become numb to the true 
impact that this war is having on our troops and their families.
  These young men and women represent true honor, courage and 
selflessness. They also represent the incalculable cost of the war, the 
price tag that is not mentioned, the lives, limbs, hopes and dreams.
  They are soldiers like a young man I met Tuesday who was travelling 
on foot with his convey when an IED exploded, and as he put it, blew 
him up. He had served in Iraq twice before, and on his third tour of 
duty, Mr. Speaker, he became a double amputee, lost his arm and leg. 
Clearly, his total experience will change him completely.
  Another young soldier was spending time with his family when I 
visited. He has a 6-year-old little boy who talked to me excitedly 
about how his daddy was finally going to come home forever after 
August. He, too, had two previous tours and fell severely ill this 
third time. Amazingly, this soldier hopes to go over and finish his 
tour with his company when he is better.
  As a mom of 7-year-old twins, my first thought when meeting this 
delightful little boy was that his dad had missed half his life so far, 
half his life. I could not help but worry that if we do not get it 
right soon in Iraq it will not be long before this little boy and my 
twins will be part of this conflict.
  And finally, there are soldiers like the young man who shared so much 
with me and who sincerely explained to me that he was actually glad 
that he was badly injured, as opposed to his gunner, because his gunner 
had a wife and kids and he did not want his buddy's family to have to 
look into his eyes like that. He told me he wants to run for office one 
day, and our Nation will be better for it.
  America's future depends upon this generation of Americans, but while 
they fight to protect our country, they are depending on us to protect 
them. They are counting on us, the United States Congress and this 
President, to have a plan, a strategy that gets us somewhere and to 
help get them home and not endlessly commit their lives and their 
families' lives to this war.
  So, Mr. Speaker, today I join an overwhelming majority of the 
American people, a bipartisan majority of Congress and some of the 
President's own military leaders to raise my voice and to be the voice 
of the constituents, the thousands of people who I represent in the 
20th district of Florida, against escalating this war in Iraq.
  But more importantly, I raise my voice for my generation and for all 
the little boys and girls in America whose mommies and daddies are in 
Iraq and Afghanistan fighting for this country and for freedom.
  This President owes the American people, but more importantly, these 
brave troops, a strategy that makes sense, that will do the job and 
that will help get them home. The President's policy fails that 6-year-
old little boy with a heart of gold and a smile that lights up the room 
who only wants his daddy to come home forever.
  I support this resolution because the explanation the President has 
given the American people is not good enough. I cannot help but think 
about the way this war is affecting not only my generation, Mr. 
Speaker, but the generations following mine. They, too, recognize the 
sacrifices that our men and women in uniform are facing.
  Students from two schools in my district, Nob Hill Elementary and 
Silver Ridge Elementary, made Valentine's Day cards for the soldiers, 
and I got a chance to deliver them Tuesday during my visit to Walter 
Reed. One of these cards reads, the one right here: ``Thank you for 
protecting our country and me. You're the best. I would never have had 
the guts to fight with guns anyways. You are my hero. Forever and ever. 
Get well very, very soon.''
  These young children recognize the service and sacrifice that these 
warriors are making. As Members of Congress, we owe them no less.
  It is our responsibility to provide for the common defense, and that 
includes

[[Page 4350]]

vigorous debate, informed discussion and responsible public policy.
  I support this resolution because it does just that, and Mr. Speaker, 
I support this resolution because the gentleman from Indiana knows 
better.
  It does not require words to question patriotism. We have had plenty 
of implication throughout this debate on this floor on the other side 
of the aisle, and death by a thousand cuts is the same as direct words. 
It is irresponsible and unconscionable that the other side of the aisle 
has questioned the patriotism of the Members who disagree.
  It is Congress' job to disagree. It is our role in the system of 
checks and balances, as our Founding Fathers envisioned them, 
unfortunately a role that was absent for the last 12 years.
  Mr. BUYER. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
  I would like to, on my time, yield to the gentlewoman. I would like 
to yield to the gentlewoman on my time, since she would not yield on 
her time. Would the gentlewoman please identify by name a Republican 
who has called a Democrat in this debate unpatriotic?
  Ms. WASSERMAN SCHULTZ. Mr. Speaker, will the gentleman yield?
  Mr. BUYER. I yield to the gentlewoman from Florida.
  Ms. WASSERMAN SCHULTZ. I thank you for yielding.
  I was just taking my opportunity. You have had more than 45 minutes 
to an hour of your own time to discuss your own view, and each us would 
like that same opportunity. It is 12:40 in the morning. So I appreciate 
you yielding.
  I can tell you, as I just mentioned in my remarks, that it does not 
require express words. By implication, there are many Members on your 
side of the aisle who have questioned the patriotism of any of us who 
disagree with the President's policy. The President's policy is 
inappropriate, and it is Congress' role to question to engage in 
vigorous oversight. That is a role that was absent for the last 12 
years, and that is why the American people elected Democrats to lead 
this chamber on November 7 and move this country in a new direction, 
which unfortunately you have neglected to do.
  Mr. BUYER. Mr. Speaker, reclaiming my time, I have neglected to do?
  Ms. WASSERMAN SCHULTZ. You collectively.
  Mr. BUYER. Mr. Speaker, are you questioning my motives


                         Parliamentary Inquiry

  Mr. BUYER. Mr. Speaker, parliamentary inquiry. Is it proper for one 
Member to try to question the motive of another Member?

                              {time}  0040


                Announcement by the Speaker Pro Tempore

  The SPEAKER pro tempore. Even in heated debate, the Members should be 
more orderly in the process of yielding and reclaiming time.
  Mr. BUYER. I thank the Speaker. I am thankful that the gentlewoman 
gave the answer to her question, and the answer was that it was 
implicit.
  It is very easy in debate to come down and to create a straw person 
and then attack the straw person. If the gentlewoman has felt that way, 
that is completely unfortunate. But please don't say you have been 
called unpatriotic. That is the exchange I had with an earlier speaker. 
Don't accuse Republicans of such things. I am disturbed by that and 
very bothered.
  Ms. WASSERMAN SCHULTZ. Would the gentlewoman yield?
  Mr. BUYER. I am more than pleased to yield to the gentlewoman.
  Ms. WASSERMAN SCHULTZ. Does the gentleman not understand that when 
words are used, that they don't actually have to be exact words to 
suggest a particular opinion on the part of the Member? And do you 
really think that it is beyond question that any of the Members on your 
side of the aisle as they engaged in this discussion and debate did not 
question the patriotism of our Members? I mean, me thinks thou dost 
protest too much, as the gentleman stated earlier. I yield to the 
gentleman.
  Mr. BUYER. I thank the gentlewoman for her remarks.
  Mr. RYAN of Ohio. Would the gentleman yield?
  Mr. BUYER. I am more than pleased to yield to the gentleman from 
Ohio.
  Mr. RYAN of Ohio. As I was watching the debate prior to my speech, I 
wrote down a quote that was stated by the gentleman from Indiana 
looking at the Democrats saying, How can we say we support the troops? 
Question mark.
  Now, if that is not questioning the patriotism of our side, I don't 
know what is.
  Mr. BUYER. Now I seek to reclaim my time, because that is a 
legitimate question.
  As the commander in the field, if you say to the commander, ``I 
support you.'' All right? What is the commander going to say? The 
commander says, ``All right, I have a mission, and you say I support 
you.'' That means, I suppose, that I support you by making sure that 
you have been properly trained, that you have your uniform, that you 
have your ammunition, you have your helmet, you have your body Kevlar. 
You have what is necessary to accomplish your mission. But do you? If 
the commander says, ``I need more troops to accomplish that mission,'' 
you say, ``But you can't have those.'' Is that then supporting the 
commander?
  That is why I pointed out the contradiction in that the Senate says 
to General Petraeus, ``We agree, you are our best commander to go over 
there.'' And before they took that vote, he said, ``I need those five 
brigades.'' So they passed the vote and they sent General Petraeus 
over.
  Now we are faced with a vote that says I support the troops, I 
support the members of the Armed Forces.
  How can we say, ``I support you, but, Mr. Commander, we are not going 
to give you the troops''? That is the point of the question.
  So please don't try to spin it into something that says, oh, you are 
calling me unpatriotic. That is what I think is rather peculiar.
  Mr. Speaker, does the gentlewoman have any other speakers?
  Mrs. DAVIS of California. Yes. Mr. Speaker, we have one additional 
speaker.
  Mr. BUYER. Mr. Speaker, I yield 30 seconds to the gentleman from 
Texas (Mr. Gohmert).
  Mr. GOHMERT. Mr. Speaker, when people on the other side of the aisle 
wonder how we can ask, Do you really support the troops? How about this 
quote that was contributed to Mr. Murtha? ``They won't be able to 
continue. They won't be able to do the deployment. They won't have the 
equipment. They don't have the training. They won't be able to do the 
work.'' There is no question in my mind.
  On his Web site that has now been taken down, it says, ``Chairman 
Murtha will describe his strategy for not only limiting the deployment 
of troops to Iraq, but undermining other aspects of the President's 
foreign and national security policy.''
  He is the Commander in Chief. That is undermining the President.
  Mrs. DAVIS of California. Mr. Speaker, I just want to inquire of our 
remaining time.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. The gentlewoman from California has 18 
minutes. The gentleman from Indiana has 16 minutes.
  Mrs. DAVIS of California. Mr. Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the 
gentleman from Ohio (Mr. Ryan).
  Mr. RYAN of Ohio. Mr. Speaker, it is entirely possible and welcomed 
under the Constitution of the United States to have disagreements about 
how we need to handle troops deployments, how we need to handle our 
situation in different wars. And it is not to be said that because one 
party or one group of people have a different philosophy and a 
different strategy, that somehow they are not supporting the troops.
  Now, your party and your President, the Republican Party, Mr. 
Speaker, and the Republican President are the ones who sent our kids to 
battle without armor, without body armor. And it took Jack Murtha 
months to uncover it, and then to finally get it paid for and 
distributed. It was the Republican Party, Mr. Speaker, who sent kids 
into battle without up-armored Humvees.
  Now, nobody questioned the Republican Party's patriotism, and nobody 
asked them if they supported the troops. Again, we called you 
incompetent, we said you were incapable, we

[[Page 4351]]

said you were derelict in your duty, we said you should have provided 
oversight and you didn't. But we never called you unpatriotic.
  Mrs. DAVIS of California. Mr. Speaker, I now recognize Mr. Chris 
Murphy of Connecticut for 5 minutes. He will be our last speaker, and, 
as we all know, he is a veteran of the Iraq war.
  Mr. MURPHY of Connecticut. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentlewoman for 
yielding. I often get confused with my good friend from Pennsylvania.
  Let's just touch for one minute, before I address the resolution on 
the question that our friends from the other aisle brought to us today 
and that Mr. Ryan was so good enough to talk about as well, that is 
this notion that in order to support the troops, you have to support 
the commander of the troops.
  Well, having spent the last 2 years walking around talking to every 
sector of the constituents of the Fifth District of Connecticut, having 
a sense of where the American people came down in November on this 
question, the American people seem to agree with folks on this side of 
the aisle, which says this: There is a difference between supporting 
the troops and supporting the commander.
  It is not an issue of patriotism necessarily, it is an issue of 
differentiating between the brave men and women who are over there 
fighting and dying for this country, and the man who sends them into 
battle. You can disagree with him and you can support the troops. You 
can do that out in the public as a matter of your private advocacy, and 
you can do that here on this floor.
  That is where the American public came down on election day. They 
said loud and clear that day, ``We support the troops.'' They go every 
day to celebrations of those troops when they leave and when they come 
home. They go to much more somber ceremonies when they don't return 
home. And then on election day they come out and they say this: ``I 
support those troops. I don't support the man who put them into harm's 
way in the manner that he did that.''
  Mr. Speaker, I would like to thank Speaker Pelosi and Leader Hoyer 
for allowing us to be here this morning. It is late at night, and I 
will be brief in my remarks on the resolution before us.
  Amidst the embarrassing overabundance of thorny foreign policy 
questions before this House currently, the question before this Chamber 
tonight is a fairly simple one: Do we agree with the Nation's military 
establishment, with the country's foreign policy community, with 
popular opinion, and reject this President's very wrongheaded plan to 
send 21,000 more troops into Iraq? Or do we remain silent in homage to 
Congress' past and allow this potentially disastrous escalation to move 
forward?
  I think the question answers itself. And I am proud today to stand 
here in support of this resolution, and register my strong support of 
our troops and my strong opposition to escalating this war.
  As we finish the debate tonight, I have been joined in these final 
remarks by some of the younger colleagues in the House of 
Representatives. And I think our unity is significant. I should remind 
other Members of this House that we are discussing the fates of many 
young men and women, my classmates, my friends, that are this hour 
fighting and dying in a country halfway around the world.

                              {time}  0050

  As younger Members we also serve as reminders that our duty here is 
not just to set policies to secure the safety of our country in terms 
of months or years but also in terms of decades.
  Mr. Speaker, I have never fought in a war. I haven't shot another man 
on the battlefield nor have I been wounded myself. But I have been 
allowed the privilege to represent my constituents in this body because 
of the selfless bravery of those men and women around this country that 
made a different choice than I did, those that volunteered to go 
overseas and fight and defend this country. It is my duty to stand here 
today and thank them for their service, thank their families for their 
service, but also to be their advocate here tonight. Because the 
President is asking a cadre of our bravest young men and women to go 
house to house in Baghdad to root out an insurgency while he does 
virtually nothing to address the systematic causes of that insurgency. 
One hundred thousand troops may not be able to do the job that the 
President is asking 21,000 to do. Escalating the number of troops in 
Baghdad hasn't worked in the past and it most likely won't work here. 
Through his actions, the President is putting our soldiers' lives at 
unnecessary and unconscionable risk. There is a resolution in Iraq but 
it's a political solution. It's not a military resolution. And we owe 
it to our soldiers who have done everything that we have asked them to 
do to stand up to a President who would ask them to do a job that they 
cannot and should not do. And beyond our duty to our current generation 
of troops on the ground, our responsibility, quite frankly, also lies 
with the generations to come. I decided to seek a seat in this House at 
a relatively young age because I was fearful that the decisions that 
were being made here today would have dramatic consequences for the 
world that my future children and grandchildren will grow up in. And I 
came here to begin a conversation that acknowledges that what will make 
this Nation safe for generations is not a Nation built on bullying, not 
a strategy based on scattershot military intervention but a 
comprehensive foreign policy that combines American might with American 
diplomacy. In order to secure this Nation for the next generation, we 
need to acknowledge that the most important question we must ask is not 
who do we attack next, but instead how do we reset our place in this 
world in a way that would prevent the forces who would do America harm 
from becoming stronger?
  Mr. Speaker, we need to come to grips with the fact that we live in a 
world in which our own supposed allies create societies that foster 
extremism and violence amongst their most marginalized members. At the 
same time our Nation often strangely views cultural and political 
global detachment as a virtue rather than a weakness. This combination 
causes those that speak different tongues and those that worship 
different gods to look upon our great Nation with undeserved derision. 
This must change.
  For my mind, we do that in three parts. First, we must pass this 
resolution in order to pivot to a much broader conversation. And in 
that conversation in the coming days and months, we must redeploy our 
troops both to home and to fights that are central to the war on 
terror, such as in Afghanistan. The gentlemen from the other side of 
the aisle are right. This battle with terrorists who may do harm to 
this country does not end no matter what happens on the ground in Iraq. 
But we must focus on our energies there. Lastly, we need to begin, 
going forward from today, to renew that multilateral spirit that once 
made this country great by proving ourselves in the future to be both a 
strong America and a humble America.
  Mr. Speaker, I stand here today in support of this resolution.
  Mr. BUYER. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
  There was a peculiar comment a bit ago from the gentleman from Ohio 
when he said, well, I didn't call you unpatriotic when you sent troops 
into battle and they didn't have their up-armored Humvees. What a weird 
statement to say.
  You see, we prepare our force. So, for example, when myself and 
Colonel Phillips in the first Gulf War, those Hummers that we took in, 
they didn't even have doors on them. We didn't have doors on the side 
of those. We didn't go in with all the side plates and front plates, 
groin plates, neck plates, shoulder plates. We didn't do all that. Most 
of that, the body armor, was reserved for special ops. When you move in 
to counterinsurgency and then the enemy begins to use roadside bombs to 
attack our Hummers, what do we have to do? We respond. That is why I 
made the comment of what does our military

[[Page 4352]]

do? They improvise, they adapt and they overcome, and that is exactly 
the same thing which our enemies do. So it was a very peculiar comment 
to say, well, we didn't attack you because. I don't know. It's so 
peculiar, I don't even want to comment anymore on it.
  What I would like to comment on is the nature of the enemy and the 
significance of Iraq and the global war against militant Islamists.
  Mr. Speaker, at this time I would like to turn our attention to the 
nature of the enemy we face and the significance of Iraq in the global 
war against militant Islam. We often use the term ``global war on 
terrorism'' to describe our efforts since the September 11 attacks. I 
believe this is a misnomer. In reality, we are engaged in a campaign to 
counter a global, radical Islamist insurgency, a global jihad. This 
global insurgency is, in fact, a diverse confederation of Islamic 
movements that uses terrorism as only one of its many tactics in their 
war against the West.
  On February 23, 1998, Osama bin Laden, leader of al Qaeda, declared 
war on the United States, Israel and the West in his statement ``World 
Islamic Front Declaration of War against Jews and Crusaders.'' 
Subsequently, bin Laden's deputy, Ayman al-Zawahiri, issued a statement 
after September 11 announcing a two-phase strategy for al Qaeda's war. 
First, reestablish the Islamic Caliphate, the historical and temporal 
authority of all Muslims that existed from 632 A.D. until 1924 A.D, 
and, second, use the Caliphate as a launch pad for a jihad against the 
West.
  No one believes that Osama bin Laden directly controls this worldwide 
insurgency. Rather than a single monolithic movement, al Qaeda is but 
one movement that symbolizes a broad and diverse confederation of 
militant Islamic movements that operate around the world. This 
insurgency includes such wide-ranging organizations as the Egyptian 
Islamic Jihad, the Libyan Islamic Fighting Group, the Islamic Army of 
Aden, al Qaeda in Iraq, the Islamic Movement of Uzbekistan, the Abu 
Sayyaf Group in Malaysia and the Philippines. In addition, Iran, a 
majority Shia country, backs numerous radical Islamic groups, including 
Hezbollah and Palestine rejectionist groups such as Hamas and the 
Palestinian Islamic Jihad. These wide-ranging and disparate groups are 
loosely linked ideologically, linguistically and culturally. They use 
family ties, personal relationships and financial links to coordinate 
their efforts. Thus, the global jihad plays out in a variety of 
theaters around the world. These include:
  The Americas, where in North America we saw the September 11 attacks 
and as a House Permanent Select Committee on Intelligence report 
stated, Federal authorities have shut down at least 25 charities 
contributing to terrorist activities since September 11. That is here 
in our own country.
  In South America there is a strong al Qaeda presence in the tri-
border area of Argentina, Paragiau and Brazil.
  In Western Europe, where there have been recently uncovered plans for 
attacks against Great Britain and the United States and where insurgent 
financial networks and planning cells flourish throughout Europe 
supporting insurgent activities.
  In the Southern Pacific, where the Bali bombings in October 2002 were 
attributed to an al Qaeda-linked cell.
  In the Ibernian Peninsula and North Africa where North Africans were 
blamed for the May 2004 Madrid bombings and where there have been 
bombings in Casablanca, Morocco and Tunisia.
  In the greater Middle East, where there are ongoing Islamic 
insurgencies in Iraq, Jordan, Egypt, Saudi Arabia, Yemen, Turkey, 
Lebanon and Israel/Palestine.
  In East Africa, where simultaneous bombings in October 1998 in Kenya 
and Tanzania were coordinated from the Sudan.
  The Caucuses and European Russia, where nationalist insurgencies in 
Chechnya, Georgia, and Azerbaijan have been co-opted by Islamic 
militants.
  South and Central Asia, where the Taliban and al Qaeda continue to 
operate in Afghanistan and in Pakistan's federally administered tribal 
areas.
  And in Southeast Asia, where Islamic insurgencies continue in 
Indonesa, the Philippines and southern Thailand.
  These Islamic insurgencies share a common goal. They are oriented 
toward the overthrow of the current world order and its replacement 
with a pan-Islamic Caliphate. They wish to change the status quo using 
violence and subversion in order to initiate a clash between Islam and 
the West. They use terrorism, subversion and propaganda to further 
their goals and initiate open warfare.
  It will come as no surprise that most of the active Islamic 
insurgencies take place either within the historical bounds of the 
Caliphate, meaning North Africa, Spain, Turkey and the Middle East, or 
in areas claimed by the new broader pan-Islamic Caliphate, South Asia, 
Southeast Asia and Indonesia. These insurgencies contribute to what is 
called an arc of instability that reaches from Indonesia across South 
Asia and the Middle East to North Africa.
  Where does Iraq fit into this global jihad? Iraq has become the front 
line in the open warfare of the global insurgency. In many ways, Iraq 
is a microcosm of the complex worldwide Islamic insurgency. The 
centrality of Iraq to the insurgency became clear in a July 2005 letter 
to the late Abu Musab al-Zarqawi from al Qaeda's deputy Ayman al-
Zawahiri. In discussing Iraq, Zawahiri stated:
  ``I want to be the first to congratulate you for what God has blessed 
you with in terms of fighting battle in the heart of the Islamic world, 
which was formerly the field for major battles in Islam's history, and 
what is now the place for the greatest battle of Islam in this era.''
  Zawahiri went on to outline the larger strategy for Iraq. First, 
expel the Americans from Iraq. Second, establish an Islamic authority 
and reestablish the Caliphate. Third, extend the jihad neighboring 
secular Islamic countries. Fourth, eliminate Israel. Thus we see a 
clear statement from the number two man in al Qaeda that Iraq is 
centrally important to the global jihad.
  Al Qaeda is not alone in operating in Iraq. There have been extensive 
Iranian involvement that has been alleged recently. On March 14, 2006, 
General John Abizaid told the Senate Armed Services Committee that 
``Iran is pursuing a multitrack policy in Iraq, consisting of covertly 
supporting the formation of a stable, Shia Islamist-led central 
government while covertly working to diminish popular and military 
support for U.S. and Coalition operations there.''
  While the full extent of Iranian support is unknown, it appears that 
at a minimum Iran is supporting the 20,000-man Badr Brigade as well as 
the 2,000-man Wolf Brigade which is an offshoot. Just this week, 
administration officials announced that Iran was the source of deadly 
explosive form projectiles being used in Iraq.
  Iraqis also grasp that Iraq is central in this global struggle. Iraqi 
Prime Minister Maliki told us here in a joint session of Congress, ``I 
know that some of you here question whether Iraq is part of that war on 
terror, but let me be very clear. This is a battle between true Islam, 
for which a person's liberty and rights constitute essential 
cornerstones, and that of terrorism, which wraps itself in a fake 
Islamic cloak.''
  The centrality of Iraq in the larger global Islamic insurgency cannot 
be disputed. Our enemies and our friends in the region grasp its 
significance. To fail in Iraq is to fail in the larger struggle. And 
our enemies are watching. They remember what America did not grasp the 
scope of the threat posed by radical Islam. Yet the signals were there:
  In 1979, 66 American diplomats taken hostage, held in Iran for 444 
days.
  In 1983, a truck bomb kills 241 Marines at their barracks in Beirut.
  In 1988, Pan Am flight 103 bombing kills 270, including 189 
Americans, over Lockerbie, Scotland.
  In 1993, six killed at the first World Trade Center bombing by 
militant Islamic terrorists.
  In 1996, 19 U.S. servicemembers were killed at Khobar Towers.

[[Page 4353]]

  In 1998, 225 people killed in bombings at our U.S. embassies in 
Tanzania and Kenya.
  In 2000, al Qaeda's attack on the destroyer USS Cole kills 17 
American sailors.
  In 2001, September 11, killed 2,973.
  Until 2001, we failed to properly react to this threat. The enemy 
perceived us as weak and believed that we lacked the will to fight.
  This resolution before us, if approved, will signal our lack of 
resolve and I am troubled. It will be interpreted, I believe, by the 
forces of the global jihad that the United States lacks the will to 
persevere against the forces of radical Islam. It will give comfort to 
their thoughts, for they will know that we in Congress are uncertain 
and irresolute. In a war where information and willpower are more 
important than firepower, we must continue to send the signal that we 
cannot and will not cease to fight the enemy's vision of the world. You 
see, even if you have your way and you say we are going to withdraw the 
troops, whether they come back to the United States or whether they go 
to an over-the-horizon position and this new infancy government fails, 
we cannot cower to the security of America. This front continues.
  The Bible states, ``If the trumpet gives an uncertain sound, who 
shall prepare himself to the battle?'' If the trumpet is uncertain, who 
will follow? This resolution, I think, sends the wrong signal to our 
friends and to our enemies and I urge my colleagues to support those 
troops, sound the certain trumpet, and defeat the resolution.
  Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
  Mrs. DAVIS of California. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself as much time as 
I may consume.
  Mr. Speaker, I want to thank my colleague on the other side of the 
aisle, because in many ways he has really made the case for us. The 
argument on his side has been that we can't just use our military, the 
tools that they bring us, the great treasure that we have in them. We 
cannot solely look to them. And I think our great consternation over 
this war has been that we have not used our political, our economic and 
our diplomatic tools to represent the great Nation that we are.
  I have to tell my colleague that I was really saddened when the 
veterans of my community asked me, and I have asked our generals and I 
have asked the President, are we in fact a military at war and not a 
Nation at war? The generals told me that we are a military at war. I 
think the President disagreed with that. But the reality is that we 
have not brought our Nation to this effort in the way that I think is 
appropriate to have done. And so when we talk about the strategic risks 
that are there, when we talk about the fact that we need to understand 
those risks, we are doing it in a context that we know that when we 
went to this war, we didn't properly assess those risks.

                              {time}  0110

  We failed to do that, and we can't fail to do that any longer.
  So what we bring to the table and what we bring to this discussion 
and this debate, and I think it has been a good debate, Mr. Speaker, is 
I think it is important, as a lot of my colleagues have said on both 
sides of the aisle, that we represent the people of our community.
  I often go into schools and talk to students about what 
representation means and tell them that it would be really impossible 
to take their entire class to Washington and have everybody there to 
speak on the floor of the House. Well, we are honored, and I know that 
my colleague is too, to be in the House, to be able to make those 
presentations, and we do it for people who actually sometimes disagree 
with us as well as agree with us. But it is important that we do that.
  I think what we bring to this debate is to try and understand what 
these strategic risks are today. You made my case, and I appreciate 
that, because there are many conflicts, and we need to understand them. 
That is why only focusing on a troop escalation, which isn't 20,000 
troops, Mr. Speaker, we know there are probably another 15,000 in 
support troops, and those 15,000 troops, which are there for support of 
combat troops, sometimes get in the way. We know that, and we know we 
have had many deaths from our support troops as well. So we need to 
think about this as a much larger troop escalation.
  But the reality is we need to utilize all of our other tools, and we 
want to put the pressure on our country, on this administration, on the 
Iraqi people and its government and all of our friends around the world 
to help us and step up to the plate; not to just rely on our military, 
not to just rely on our treasure. We believe that is essential to make 
the statement.
  So I want to close, Mr. Speaker, by saying that this has been a good 
debate. It will continue. It will continue into tomorrow. Then Members 
will have an opportunity to vote and to let their constituents know how 
and why they chose to do that.
  Mr. BUYER. Mr. Speaker, if the gentlewoman will yield, I just want to 
compliment her for her civility and the way she led the debate. It was 
a good discussion, and it is exactly what the American people are 
looking for from this body. I congratulate the gentlewoman.
  Mr. WALSH of New York. Mr. Speaker, I rise today in support of this 
resolution formalizing this body's resolve to support and protect the 
men and women in the United States Armed Forces in Iraq and 
disapproving of President Bush's decision to deploy 20,000+ additional 
combat troops to Iraq.
  Like the overwhelming majority of my colleagues in the House and 
Senate, in 2002 I voted to authorize the use of force in Iraq should 
the President deem such force necessary.
  Since then, the men and women of our Armed Services have carried out 
their mission with great courage and bravery, and they successfully 
achieved every military objective we set forth.
  They removed a tyrannical, oppressive dictator who brutally 
slaughtered his own people, including innocent women and children.
  They rebuilt schools and replaced a crumbling infrastructure.
  And they provided security for the Iraqi people to successfully 
conduct interim elections, to write a new constitution, and to 
democratically elect and install new national leadership.
  The remaining objectives articulated at the outset--conflict 
resolution between Sunnis and Shiites and national peace and 
stabilization--can only be achieved for the Iraqis, by the Iraqis. 
Their success will take personal will and political compromise from all 
domestic parties involved.
  Mr. Speaker, success in Iraq today requires a political solution, not 
a military one. Twenty thousand more armed American men and women on 
the ground in Iraq will not change the determination or alter the 
strategy of the warring factions and militants our troops now face.
  The addition of more American forces will certainly not encourage the 
Iraqi Forces to take responsibility for their nation's security. This 
premise never became clearer than when GEN. John Abizaid told the 
Senate Armed Services Committee, ``I believe that more American forces 
prevent the Iraqis from doing more and from taking more responsibility 
for their own future.''
  He continued, ``I've met with every divisional commander--General 
Casey, the corps commander, General Dempsey--we all talked together. 
And I said, `in your professional opinion, if we were to bring in more 
American troops now, does it add considerably to our ability to achieve 
success in Iraq?' And they all said no.''
  Today's U.S. military role in Iraq should be to assist in support and 
training initiatives, not to lead the charge. We must remember that 
this democracy does not belong to us, but to the Iraqi people who are 
responsible for protecting and enhancing it.
  If an increase of troops is needed to stabilize specific regions, 
those troops ought to be Iraqi troops. At last count there were 325,000 
trained, equipped and fielded Iraqi Security Forces. At some point in 
time, these Iraqi Forces have to lead security efforts.
  What better time than now? What better opportunity could there be for 
the Iraqis to manifest their national pride and commitment to democracy 
by concrete actions? The Iraqis are ready and the U.S. needs to stop 
enabling their dependence.
  Recently, the 174th Fighter Wing of the New York Air National Guard 
based in my hometown of Syracuse returned from a support tour in Iraq, 
and I'm proud that a young member of

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my staff deployed with them. Dozens of other young men and women from 
New York's 25th Congressional District have fought in Iraq and 
Afghanistan. I am deeply proud of them and their remarkable service to 
our country.
  Mr. Speaker, I stand before you as a member of the greatest 
deliberative body in the greatest representative democracy in the 
world. We are the people's House. We are all elected--chosen--every two 
years by citizens across this land to converge here in Washington to 
represent them, to vote on their behalf, and to ensure that their 
voices are heard in every national debate. And as Members of Congress 
we do so with a unique balance of personal belief and public will.
  The President is the Commander in Chief. That is a fact. But he is 
not the sole decider. We--the other elected leaders of our government--
have a responsibility to express the will of the American people as we 
perceive it.
  The people of my New York district overwhelmingly supported this 
mission at its start, as did I. We still support its goals. We will 
always support our troops. But we do not support the continued build up 
of U.S. troops in Iraq.
  This resolution states the House's disagreement with the President on 
this strategy, and I support this 97-word resolution before us. But I 
also say today clearly and without equivocation that I will not support 
any proposal to cut funding to our troops while they are in harm's way.
  America has kept her promises to the people of Iraq. Over 3,000 
American soldiers have given their lives to ensure those promises were 
kept, and their families now go forward with a constant reminder of the 
price of their sacrifice.
  This resolution confronts the reality that there are defined military 
objectives, defined diplomatic objectives, and defined political 
objectives that can only be achieved by a sovereign and selfsustaining 
people.
  This resolution, ultimately, is about the role and the responsibility 
of the Iraqi people. This resolution does not call for us to step out--
American troops there need to remain and take on a different role. 
Rather, this resolution calls for Iraq to step up.
  For that reason, it has my support.
  Mr. STARK. Mr. Speaker, I voted against the original resolution 
authorizing President Bush to take military action against Iraq. As a 
Member of the Out of Iraq and Progressive caucuses, I have and will 
continue to call for the immediate withdrawal of American troops.
  I rise today in strong opposition to the President's proposal to send 
more than 20,000 additional United States combat troops to Iraq. 
Today's non-binding resolution is an important first step. After its 
passage, I will encourage my colleagues in Congress to take further 
steps to end the War in Iraq.
  When a scientist uncovers facts that contradict a theory, he or she 
throws out that theory. But when President Bush learns of facts that 
contradict his theories, he throws out the facts. As a member of the 
reality-based community, I continue to be amazed by this President's 
disregard for objective truths.
  The President, however, isn't just a scientist experimenting with 
chemicals in a laboratory. He is an executive whose decision to take us 
to war under false pretenses has adversely affected the lives of 
millions of Americans and Iraqis. The costs of the nearly four-year old 
conflict are grave.
  More than 3,100 brave American servicemen and women, including at 
least 325 from my home state of California, have already died in the 
war. An additional 23,000 plus have been wounded. Estimates of the 
number of Iraqi civilians killed since the invasion run even higher, 
from 47,000 to 70,000. All at a cost of $379 billion to the American 
people. That's more than $1250 for every man, woman, and child 
currently living in the U.S.
  But these are facts. President Bush is more interested in cockamamy 
theories.
  In the run-up to the war, Bush speculated that Iraq possessed nuclear 
weapons. When intelligence officers suggested that might not be the 
case, he ignored them. To date, no weapons of mass destruction have 
been found.
  Bush also hypothesized that the attack would turn Iraq into a liberal 
democracy. When academic scholars wrote that Iraq's history and culture 
didn't suggest such an outcome was likely, he dismissed them. Today, 
despite the election of an Iraqi Assembly and formation of an Iraqi 
government, the country is in a full-fledged civil war.
  During the past four years, the President has repeatedly theorized 
that America was making progress in Iraq, and that ``success'' was just 
around the corner. I remember, in particular, Bush's summer 2003 
statement that ``major combat operations in Iraq have ended,'' his 
summer 2004 claim that we were ``turning the corner'' abroad, and 
Cheney's summer 2005 reference to an insurgency in its ``last throes.'' 
Despite these promises, the situation in Iraq has gotten worse every 
year, not better.
  My favorite declaration came this past summer, when the President 
said that the formation of a new Iraqi government represented a 
``turning point.''
  Unfortunately, the body count in Iraq continues to grow. This past 
July, an average of 110 Iraqi adults died each day, the deadliest month 
of the war for Iraq. In October, militia attacks spiked 22 percent. In 
December, more than 100 American troops were killed, the third 
deadliest month of the war for the United States.
  But the November elections did represent a turning point--in the 
United States. The Bush administration no longer has a Republican 
Congress to lick its boots. What's more, voting on this resolution will 
soon suggest President Bush doesn't even have the support of his own 
party.
  When the President in January suggested sending additional troops to 
Iraq, Members of Congress from both sides of the aisle criticized his 
foolhardy proposal. Senator Chuck Hagel, Republican from Nebraska, 
termed it ``Alice in Wonderland'' thinking that would ``represent the 
most dangerous foreign policy blunder since Vietnam.''
  Retired military personnel weren't much more enthusiastic. Former 
General Barry McCaffrey called the surge ``a fool's errand.'' Retired 
Colonel Paul Hughes said ``sending more troops to Baghdad is like 
pouring more water in the sands of Al-Anbar. It's just going to 
disappear without accomplishing anything.''
  I couldn't agree more. The President's proposal to escalate the war 
in Iraq in the naive hope of winning a lasting peace is another 
cockamamy theory that contradicts all available facts.
  I strongly urge my colleagues to vote ``yes'' and take this important 
first step to end the War in Iraq and bring all of our troops home.
  Mr. BAIRD. Mr. Speaker, every member of this Congress, every member, 
regardless of political party, and regardless of their position on this 
war, or the resolution before us now, is equally committed to the 
security of this nation, our communities, and our families. And I 
believe every member of this Congress supports our troops and their 
families while they are deployed. We must all support our veterans and 
their families when they return home.
  Since this war began, I have attended, as many of my colleagues have, 
deployment ceremonies as we send the troops off to fight. I have been 
on the tarmac in the cold and dark mornings when they've come home to 
their families. I have been many times to Walter Reed to visit the 
wounded. I have been to funerals for the fallen and held the hands of 
loved ones left behind.
  Over the past weeks, months, and in the years since this conflict 
began, I have heard from constituents on all sides of this issue, 
including members of our armed forces who have served or are now 
serving in Iraq. Some of our troops support the war in Iraq, others 
oppose it, some support an increase, others don't. To suggest that 
opposing the President's planned escalation means not supporting the 
troops would imply that many of the troops themselves and many of their 
loved ones back home don't support the troops. That suggestion simply 
makes no sense and we should put it to rest for good.
  The real question today is not whether or not we are committed to 
security, or whether or not we support the troops. The real question is 
how we believe protecting security is best achieved. On that, there is 
legitimate disagreement, which is, or should be, what this debate is 
about. To have that debate is not only a right, but a responsibility of 
the elected representatives in a republic such as ours. Indeed, it is 
to defend that very right that our troops are being asked to serve and 
sacrifice not just in Iraq, but around the world.
  I saw the Pentagon explode from my office window on September 11th. 
We all knew that thousands of our fellow citizens were dying before our 
eyes and I was worried about the safety of my own family. None of us 
need to be reminded through floor speeches or Presidential homilies 
about the threat of terrorism. But let us also not forget that the 
terrorists of that day did not come from Iraq. And let no one forget 
that, with only one exception, the entire House of Representatives, 
Democrats and Republicans alike, all voted to authorize the use of 
force to destroy the Al Qaeda bases and the Taliban who harbored them 
in Afghanistan. That is where the terrorists of September 11th were 
based, that is where the central focus of the fight against terrorists 
was focused, and we were united, along with virtually the entire world, 
in that fight.
  Iraq is different, and the focus on Iraq has distracted and detracted 
from the mission in

[[Page 4355]]

Afghanistan and the real battle against terrorists. Administration 
suggestions aside, none of the terrorists of September 11th came from, 
or were trained in Iraq, and there were no weapons of mass destruction.
  President Bush and the rest of the administration took this Nation 
into an unnecessary and ill conceived war based on false threats and 
with a deeply flawed plan. Our soldiers, their families, our economy, 
our overall military readiness, the Iraqi people, friends in the 
region, and our coalition partners, have all suffered as a result of 
the administration's misinformation and miscalculations.
  Before this war, I, and many others, asked the administration to 
answer fundamental questions. How many troops will this take? How many 
lives will be sacrificed? How long will we be there? What will it cost 
financially? How will we pay for it? How will you manage internal 
conflicts among the Iraqi's themselves? What will be the impact on our 
overall security elsewhere in the world?
  The fact is this administration has never answered any of those 
fundamental questions honestly or fully. Never. Either they knew the 
answers and refused to give them, or they did not know and went ahead 
anyway. If the first is true, they were being dishonest. If the second 
is true, they were incompetent. Sadly, it appears likely that both 
incompetence and duplicity were at work.
  Unfortunately, very little has changed since this war began. As we 
consider the proposed escalation of the occupation in Iraq, none of the 
most important questions has been answered.
  I voted against this war from the outset and believe to this day that 
was the right vote. But once we were committed and engaged, I believed, 
as most of my colleagues and most Americans, that we had a 
responsibility to support the troops and try our best to help the 
Iraqis rebuild their nation, establish a democratic republic, and try 
to restore stability. I, along with most members of this Congress, 
voted repeatedly to provide our troops the needed resources to succeed, 
and I fervently hoped the mission would be successful. To a degree, 
there have been successes. We determined there were no weapons of mass 
destruction. Saddam Hussein has been removed from power, and is now 
dead as a result of a public and open judicial process. There have been 
free and open elections, and Iraq has a constitution and elected 
government.
  Those are good things. But the costs have been horrific and the key 
questions still have never been, perhaps cannot be, answered by this 
Administration. As we consider the President's latest proposal we must 
ask again: How many more lives? How much more will this cost? How will 
we pay for this? What will it do to the rest of our security 
internationally and at home?
  Because these questions are at the core of whether or not this policy 
will enhance or jeopardize our troops and our security, and because the 
administration to this day is unwilling or incapable of answering these 
basic questions honestly, I must vote in favor of this resolution, and 
oppose further troop increases.
  It is irresponsible to allow a commander in chief, who has not been 
honest or accurate from the outset, to continue sacrificing the lives, 
bodies and families of our troops to a mission that lacks a clear 
objective or any foreseeable endpoint.
  It is recklessly dangerous to permit a commander in chief to 
jeopardize our nation's security by letting our military equipment, 
readiness and troop morale continue to decline. It is shortsighted and 
unwise to leave our National Guard and Reserve unprepared and under-
equipped to respond to other challenges or crises abroad or within our 
own borders. It is wasteful and foolhardy to build the largest embassy 
in the world in this very small nation. It is dangerous and 
strategically unsound to concentrate more of our intelligence assets in 
this one city, leaving the rest of the world and other dangerous 
threats less covered. It is unsustainable for our economy to keep 
pouring out money, forgoing needed investments at home, and piling debt 
onto our children with no real plan to pay for it, and no real end in 
sight. It is a breach of trust to not provide the needed services for 
our veterans and their families when they return home. It is irrational 
and inaccurate to believe that securing Iraq is the real key to keeping 
our nation safe from terror, or that if we withdraw from Iraq the only 
possible outcome is for our nation to be more vulnerable. It is immoral 
to leave our soldiers dying and bleeding in the middle of a centuries 
old religious conflict that is not of our creation and is not within 
our power or responsibility to resolve.
  For far too long we have given this President far too much 
credibility, far too much power, far too many lives and far too much 
money. It is time to stop.
  Having said how I will vote, the sad but simple truth is this, 
neither moving forward with the President's proposed troop increase, 
nor voting for this resolution of disapproval, will really do what is 
needed to secure our own nation, solve the problems in Iraq or bring 
real stability to the region. There are, in fact, better alternatives 
to the administration proposal and those of us who oppose the 
President's plan should spell out what we think is the better course.
  This is where I believe that better course should take us:
  1. We must renew our focus on securing and rebuilding Afghanistan and 
increase both troop strength and financial investment in that nation 
along with our allied partners. The fight in Afghanistan was the real 
and most important fight against the terrorists of September 11th. It 
was justified from the beginning and remains just today, and it has the 
support of the world. We cannot let the Taliban regroup and reinstate 
their reign of terror and extremism there and we still have a chance, 
though it is slipping fast, to help the Afghanis establish a 
successful, tolerant and secure nation.
  2. In Iraq, the administration should meet confidentially with the 
Iraqi leaders and give them a timeline with key benchmarks by which our 
forces will withdraw. The timeline and benchmarks should be sufficient 
to ensure the safety or our forces and give the elected Iraqi 
government a reasonable time to train their forces and strengthen their 
political processes, but there must be a timeline so there is real 
pressure for real progress. The process of conveying this information 
and the timeline itself should be confidential. The elected Iraqi 
government should then announce that it is they who are asking us to 
begin withdrawal, thereby strengthening their credibility and 
leadership while giving our nation a graceful way to exit at their 
request. Frankly, this should have been done by the administration 
before the Iraq Study Group report and before this debate in Congress, 
but it is still not too late.
  3. While beginning a measured and strategic redeployment of our 
forces from Iraq, we should increase our support for infrastructure 
repair and shift increasing responsibility for that effort to Iraqi 
companies and workers and away from foreign contractors.
  We should, however, maintain close oversight of the spending to 
ensure the resources are being used as intended and we should link 
continued financial support to real political and security progress on 
the part of the Iraqis. Further, we should prevail upon wealthy 
neighbors in the region, notably the Saudi Arabians and others, to 
expend some of their own vast funds to enhance the infrastructure 
effort. We should also dramatically reduce the size of the embassy 
complex that is now under construction in Baghdad and we should pledge 
to no permanent U.S. bases in Iraq.
  4. To help fund the infrastructure and security activities within 
Iraq, and to give every Iraqi a stake in the success of their political 
process. An equitable means of distributing oil revenues should be 
created that ensures all Iraqis will benefit from the oil resources 
and, simultaneously, that all Iraqis will lose economically if 
insurgents damage those resources.
  5. We should encourage the Iraqis to work more closely with moderate 
Arab neighbors, notably Jordan, Egypt and others in the region to help 
with the training of the security forces and with the reconstruction 
effort. This assistance has been offered since the beginning of the 
conflict but the Iraqis have not taken advantage of that offer to any 
real degree as of yet.
  6. Because the Iraq conflict has had a devastating and destabilizing 
economic, political and social impact on friendly and moderate nations 
such as Jordan, Egypt and others, we should provide additional 
financial aid to those nations, particularly to help them deal with the 
influx of refugees, the high costs of energy, reductions in trade and 
tourism, and other adverse impacts. We cannot leave our friends to 
suffer from this conflict, and we dare not let the instability spread 
to nations that have been models of change and moderation.
  7. We must also reach out once again to our traditional allies in 
Europe, Asia and elsewhere in the world, openly acknowledge past 
mistakes, spell out this new direction, and ask for their financial, 
diplomatic, and, if necessary, military help in making it succeed.
  8. While supporting and working with friendly and moderate nations in 
the region and elsewhere, we should engage in direct discussions and 
negotiations with other nations in the region, notably Iran and Syria. 
We disagree profoundly with these nations on many issues, and we must 
not be naive or overly optimistic, but it is in our best interests to 
at least engage in a dialogue and search for areas where we may find 
common ground. The administration's refusal to do this, even

[[Page 4356]]

through back channels, is misguided and counterproductive.
  9. It is dishonest to not include the full costs of this war and the 
associated increases in defense spending as part of the annual budget 
and deficit projections. We must at last fully account for the costs of 
this war and fully fund our commitment to veterans when they return.
  10. Our focus on the Iraq situation should not cause us to lose 
sight, as it has for too long, of the real goal, which is promoting 
broad security, stability and moderation in the region for the sake of 
that region itself and in the interest of our own security. Even if we 
could fully secure Iraq with this surge of troops, which is highly 
doubtful, if we do not improve our overall image and relationships in 
the region and the world, and if we do not do more to support moderate 
and friendly nations, we will see continued and worsening threats from 
extremist groups and rogue nations.
  A key part of this effort will be playing a constructive role in 
working to resolve the conflict between the Israelis and Palestinians. 
We also have important and necessary work to do to improve our image 
and relationships within our own hemisphere and we must not ignore or 
neglect that work.
  11. Finally, but importantly, for far too long our energy policy and 
dependence on petroleum has distorted our foreign policy and thereby 
endangered our national security, our economy, and our environment. We 
must recognize that energy policy is coupled with national security and 
we must change both policies or we will never have real and lasting 
security.
  I urge my colleagues to consider this course, but before I conclude, 
I must respond to those who suggest that if we do not give 
unquestioning support to this administration regardless of what they 
ask for, regardless of history, and regardless of the evidence on the 
ground, we are somehow empowering the terrorists or undermining our 
troops. The President himself has implied that any questioning of his 
policies is ``politically motivated'' and anything short of further 
escalation is sending a message that our Nation will ``cut and run'' 
when things get tough.
  I believe the evidence suggests the opposite. The evidence from this 
war is clear, while there may be differences of opinion about policy, 
this Congress, and the American people have, and will continue to 
support our troops to the fullest. The evidence is also clear that our 
troops will serve valiantly and effectively whenever and wherever they 
are called.
  For the elected representatives of the people of this great nation to 
exercise their constitutional responsibility and demand change is not a 
sign of weakness, it is a sign of the strength of our own republic. 
Perhaps more importantly, it is a sign of the strength of our very form 
of government itself, which is, after all, what we are hoping to 
promote in Iraq and elsewhere in the world. The rest of the world, our 
allies and adversaries alike, understand this and understand that the 
strength, character, courage and commitment of this Nation, its people, 
and the Congress are separate from, and stronger than the flaws, and 
mistakes of any one President or administration.
  We are not turning away from the fight against terrorists or 
terrorism by changing course in Iraq. We are changing the course of a 
strategy that has been wrong from the beginning and has not gotten 
better. Our Nation, our Armed Forces, and our Congress are fully 
willing to sustain a tough fight when the fight is right and the 
strategy is sound. But our republic, our people, and this Congress are 
also strong enough, wise enough and courageous enough, to recognize the 
truth and change direction when the time comes. That time is now.
  Mr. McKEON. Mr. Speaker, I rise today to speak against the motion 
under consideration. As the House debates this so called non-binding 
resolution concerning the recently implemented troop surge in Iraq, I 
think it is important to remind my colleagues exactly what is being 
sought by this resolution and what is to be accomplished with its 
passage.
  This ill-conceived resolution seeks to do two incompatible and indeed 
conflicting things; it attempts to speak for this chamber in 
disapproving the proposed troop increase. And it simultaneously claims 
to support those troops, whose devotion to duty is essential, in 
prosecuting a mission which is, in part, renounced by this very same 
resolution.
  Mr. Speaker, I do not question that the members who serve in this 
chamber do so with integrity and with a high regard for the men and 
women who serve in uniform. I do, however, question the wisdom of 
considering a resolution which will have no practical effect, but will 
have serious and inevitable consequences for the men and women who have 
been asked to serve.
  While we consider this resolution, our enemies, in prosecuting their 
side of this war--will little note its allegedly non-binding character. 
In that sense, Mr. Speaker, this is very much a binding resolution. It 
binds this House irreversibly to a statement of disapproval. But it 
will do nothing to change the situation to which it is nominally 
addressed, because it does not bind our words to any actions.
  General Peter Pace, in his testimony before the Armed Services 
Committee displayed confidence in our armed forces. He said that he 
believes our men and women in uniform understand the intricacies of our 
democracy and the nature of our vibrant debate in this Congress. Mr. 
Speaker, I would add that while they may understand our prerogatives, 
they will seek to decipher our intent and the resolve of this Chamber 
to support them in this fight. I also believe that they will rightfully 
see this resolution for what it is--mere contradiction.
  Without our continued commitment to the young democracy in Iraq, the 
political and security situation in that country will suffer tremendous 
setbacks. Without support from American troops and our allies, there is 
a greater chance of failure in Iraq. General Petraeus, Commanding 
Officer of Multi-National Force-Iraq, last month described what failure 
in Iraq would look like when he said that ``Sectarian groups would 
obviously begin to stake out their turf, try to expand their turf. They 
would do that by greatly increased ethnic cleansing.''
  Defense Secretary Robert Gates in a press conference last month said 
that if we fail, ``One would see an emboldened and strengthened Iran, a 
safe haven and base of operations for jihadist networks in the heart of 
the Middle East, a humiliating defeat in the overall campaign against 
violent extremism worldwide, and an undermining of the credibility of 
the United States.'' Mr. Speaker, these results are not acceptable to 
Americans because they are not in America's interest and because more 
turmoil in Iraq or the Middle East will unacceptably threaten our 
national security.
  Mr. Speaker, we know that among the strengths that our men and women 
in uniform possess is the courage to carry on. They are armed with the 
notion that no matter what inspires our enemies, we fight in defense of 
human dignity and natural rights. This chamber, which would say that it 
supports our troops, should not do anything that would lead those 
troops to question the meaning or sincerity of our support.
  I therefore encourage my colleagues to join me in opposing this 
dangerous resolution, which in two short paragraphs declares principles 
while avoiding the actions those principles seemingly require.
  Mr. BILBRAY. Mr. Speaker, in the 230-year history of our country, the 
United States has fought in conflicts both at home and abroad that have 
tested the resolve and unity of the American people. During that time, 
the purview of the Commander in Chief has justly been scrutinized and 
questioned. These debates are a part of our past and will be a part of 
our future as long as we send our men and women into battlefields to 
fight for our country.
  Today's debate is no exception. The question we must answer for 
ourselves is a fundamental one that speaks not to our approval of the 
War in Iraq but rather to our commitment to the men and women fighting 
this war. It is a commitment we must reaffirm without question or 
doubt. With commitment and unity.
  Now it seems to me that we have two courses of action we can take 
regarding the War in Iraq. We can pull our troops out immediately and 
leave the stability of the region up to an increasingly violent 
insurgency, thereby admitting defeat, or we can send in further 
reinforcements to work with Iraqi Security Forces to seize control of 
their country.
  We can all agree that a change in the status quo must be made. With 
an increased level of violence between Sunni and Shia insurgent groups, 
an escalating cost, and the loss of American lives, it is imperative 
that we have a legitimate and substantive debate on the direction of 
this war.
  However, if we are to succeed in Iraq and complete the mission, then 
the United States House of Representatives should not waste its time 
debating a nonbinding resolution criticizing the Commander in Chief. 
This resolution offers no real policy alternatives for Iraq and does 
not bring our men and women home any sooner. It is a political shot 
aimed at the President, but it is really our troops who suffer most 
from these grandstanding tactics.
  I recently visited Walter Reed Hospital to hear from the wounded who 
have been to Iraq and sacrificed so much for their country. I talked to 
a wounded soldier who had a bone infection that prohibited him from 
returning to Iraq. He was not concerned about his physical well-being 
but instead he was upset that he could not go to finish the job that he 
had started. His feelings reflected the thoughts of many of the 
soldiers that I had the privilege to sit and talk with that day.

[[Page 4357]]

  The fact is we face a moment of unparalleled opportunity to, in 
voice, in one vote, fulfill our promise to our troops--the promise that 
we will give them the resources, the armor, the manpower and 
reinforcements they need so that they may safely and effectively win 
the War on Terror and come back home.
  Ms. CLARKE. Mr. Speaker, I rise today because I am very supportive of 
our troops around the globe and in particular those who are in harms 
way in Iraq. I wholeheartedly support H. Con. Res. 63.
  Mr. Speaker, in the President's January 29, 2002, State of the Union 
address, in regards to protecting America, responding to the terrorist 
threat and capturing Osama bin Laden, he said (meaning Iraq): . . . 
This is a regime that agreed to international inspections--then kicked 
out the inspectors. This is a regime that has something to hide from 
the civilized world.
  States like these, and their terrorist allies, constitute an axis of 
evil, arming to threaten the peace of the world. By seeking weapons of 
mass destruction, these regimes pose a grave and growing danger. They 
provide these arms to terrorists, giving them the means to match their 
hatred. They could attack our allies or attempt to blackmail the United 
States. In any of these cases, the price of indifference would be 
Catastrophic.
  Secretary Rice, after being named Secretary of State to succeed Colin 
Powell, Secretary Rice warned six months before the invasion of Iraq 
that Saddam Hussein could deploy a nuclear weapon, saying that the 
administration did not ``want the smoking gun to be a mushroom cloud.'' 
according to the Washington Post. We now know that these assertions 
were a fiction created by this administration to justify the 
unjustifiable.
  U.S. Central Command Gen. Tommy Franks, the war's operational 
commander misjudged the interests of our Afghan allies. He ran the war 
from Tampa with no commander on the scene above the rank of lieutenant 
colonel. According to another Washington Post April 17, 2002, article; 
The first Americans did not arrive until 3 days into the fighting.
  As a representative from NY whose constituents resent the lies and 
deception thrust upon us to justify this war and creating a distraction 
away from the homeland security we all desire the question is: When 
will Osama bin Laden be brought to justice.
  The article continues by identifying that Osama bin Laden slipped 
through the cordon ostensibly placed around Tora Bora as U.S. aircraft 
began bombing on Nov. 30. More precisely, bin Laden was in Tora Bora on 
Nov. 26, spoke to his fighters about ``holy war'' then, as quickly as 
he had come, bin Laden vanished into the pine forests with four of his 
loyalists walking in the direction of Pakistan. bin Laden escaped 
according to the Christian Science Monitor, somewhere between Nov. 28 
to Nov. 30 as confirmed by Arabs and Afghans in eastern Afghanistan.
  Mr. Speaker, I support our troops and that is why we must commence 
the redeployment of our troops today. Thus far:
  There are 135,544 troops in Iraq today. 3127 or 2.3 percent of U.S. 
soldiers have been killed in service to our country.
  Seventeen percent or 23,279 U.S. soldiers have been seriously wounded 
in service to our country.
  Twenty percent of the troops wounded have received serious brain or 
spinal injuries; 30 percent of U.S. troops develop serious mental 
health problems within 3 to 4 months of returning home.
  During the President's tenure, he has requested a cumulative total of 
more than $700 billion to pay for the war effort in Iraq; $9 billion of 
U.S. taxpayers money is unaccounted for.
  The State of New York has lost 143 soldiers, 16 from Brooklyn. U.S. 
troops continue to die from improvised explosive devices (IEDs) have 
been sent to Iraq with poorly constructed and poorly armored equipment. 
Pentagon war planners have created a high level task force that has 
spent $6.7 billion on how to combat IEDs.
  Thousands of Americans are dead, thousand more will die if we don't 
get our troops home and get them redeployed today. I oppose the 
President's call for 21,000 more troops to go to Iraq. I support our 
troops and that's why I want them home where they belong.
  Mrs. DAVIS of California. Mr. Speaker, I thank my colleague for that, 
I thank the entire body, and I thank you.
  Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. Pursuant to section 3 of House Resolution 
157, further proceedings on the concurrent resolution will be 
postponed.

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