[Congressional Record (Bound Edition), Volume 153 (2007), Part 3]
[House]
[Page 3597]
[From the U.S. Government Publishing Office, www.gpo.gov]




                                  IRAN

  The SPEAKER pro tempore. Under a previous order of the House, the 
gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Andrews) is recognized for 5 minutes.
  Mr. ANDREWS. Madam Speaker, I would like to begin my remarks with 
words of appreciation for Mr. Robert Knotts, who served with 
distinction as my legislative director and who will be leaving our 
office next week to further advance his career. I want to express my 
appreciation to Robert, Madam Speaker, for the service he has given to 
our constituents and the fine work he has done as a member of this 
institution.
  He has helped me prepare these remarks tonight, and I mean them in a 
heartfelt way to say thank you.
  For the last 25 years, the regime in Iran has secretly and unlawfully 
commenced the process of acquiring a nuclear weapon. This is a grave 
threat to peaceful and freedom-loving people around the world. This is 
a regime headed by a president who just recently has said that one 
Holocaust was not enough, that we need another one; a regime headed by 
a president who said that Israel should be wiped off the face of the 
Earth; a regime that has flagrantly and blatantly disregarded 
international law in pursuing this weapon of mass death.
  I believe that it should be a policy not only of our country but of 
freedom-loving nations around the world that this regime in Iran must 
never have a nuclear weapon that it could use against its neighbors or 
other peace-loving people around the world. It is truly a grave threat. 
In my view, Madam Speaker, it is a grave threat that calls for 
diplomacy, strategy, and cooperation, and not for a reckless rush into 
armed conflict. That is the purpose, Madam Speaker, of my remarks here 
this evening.
  I am troubled by recent signs that I have seen from our 
administration with respect to the issue of Iran. Placement of naval 
assets in that area of the world is justified as a defensive measure, 
but I worry that it may be a provocative measure. The words of our 
President are words which can be taken, and I hope they are meant in 
the spirit of warning and cooperation, but they could also be taken in 
the spirit of provocation, and I hope and pray that they are not meant 
in that regard.
  My principal message though this evening is not one about answering 
the question as to what we should do about the threat of a nuclear 
weapon in Iran. My principal message is to find who the ``we'' in that 
sentence is, what ``we'' should do about the question of nuclear 
proliferation in Iran.
  The Constitution of this country vests the sole authority to declare 
war in the Congress of the United States of America. Our Presidents as 
commanders in chief have inherent authority to protect our country in 
time of emergency and to act in self-defense, but it is a clear 
principle of this Constitution that the power to initiate hostilities, 
the power to declare war, rests in this body and the other body.
  I think it is imperative in the days and weeks ahead that in whatever 
forum, in whatever way, this House go on record as reaffirming that 
constitutional prerogative with specific reference to the issue of what 
we should do about Iran.
  If there is to be consideration of military action involving Iran, in 
my judgment, such consideration would be reckless and premature at this 
time and under these facts. But if there is to be consideration of 
military action, it should be careful, deliberate, thoughtful 
consideration done under the auspices of this Constitution.
  America's greatest resource in the area of national defense is the 
men and women who step forward voluntarily to serve this country and 
wear the uniform of this country. They step forward because of their 
faith that we are a country that follows the rule of law, and not the 
edict or desire of any one man or woman irrespective of what office he 
or she is elected to. It is my concern that that faith would be eroded 
and indeed misplaced if we do not follow the rule of law in this 
crucial instance.
  This House needs to affirm our constitutional prerogative in this 
matter. There should be no consideration of the initiation of any 
preemptive hostilities against Iran or anyone else without the careful, 
thorough, constitutional consideration that such a question mandates 
and demands.

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