[Congressional Record (Bound Edition), Volume 153 (2007), Part 25]
[Senate]
[Pages 33773-33774]
[From the U.S. Government Publishing Office, www.gpo.gov]




                       OBSTRUCTION BY FILIBUSTER

  Mr. DURBIN. Isn't this perfect? The minority leader on the Republican 
side comes to the floor, lamenting the fact that we aren't moving to 
the farm bill immediately. I think there is something in the water in 
the U.S. Capitol that leads to political amnesia. The Senator from 
Kentucky has obviously forgotten that we sat on the floor and 
languished for more than 2 weeks because the Republicans presented us 
with 200 amendments to the farm bill and wouldn't narrow them down to a 
reasonable number we could consider. We sat here for 2 straight weeks 
and did nothing. Now the Senator from Kentucky has great angst over the 
thought that we might even talk about anything else before we return to 
the farm bill at noon.
  Trust me, we will return at noon. We should have finished it weeks 
ago. We could have finished it weeks ago if the Senator from Kentucky 
had gathered his Republican conference together and said: Please, once 
every 5 years we consider a farm bill. We don't consider amendments of 
everything under the sun--the Tax Code, medical malpractice. We focus 
on the farm bill, on nutrition and rural development and agricultural 
programs. If he had done that, if he had gathered his Republicans 
together and asked for a modicum of cooperation, we would have finished 
the farm bill weeks ago.
  Now he comes to the Senate floor with a heavy heart that we might 
spend the next 2\1/2\ hours talking about something other than the farm 
bill. He has forgotten, obviously, what has transpired. But the 
Congressional Record tells the story. The record is there for America 
to see.
  This Republican minority has taken us to a new place in the Senate. 
They have broken a record. I don't think another Congress will be able 
to match what they have been able to do, at least I hope not. There is 
something in the Senate called a filibuster. A filibuster is a time-
honored tradition where an individual Senator can virtually stop debate 
on a measure by standing and speaking. Most people are familiar with it 
because of the popular movie of 50 or 60 years ago, ``Mr. Smith Goes to 
Washington.'' Jimmy Stewart stood at his desk, this brandnew Senator, 
fighting against the odds and against the establishment until he 
crumbled in exhaustion. His filibuster ended as he was physically 
spent. That was an image emblazoned on the minds of many across America 
of a Senate where one person can stand and fight to the bitter end.
  There is some truth to that movie. In a filibuster, any Senator can 
take the floor on an amendable measure and hold the floor as long as 
they are physically able to do so. The record may be held by Senator 
Thurmond of South Carolina. If I am not mistaken, he spent some 24 
hours once in the midst of one of these filibusters.
  I remember reading an account, incidentally. The first man I ever 
worked for in the Senate was a Senator from Illinois named Paul 
Douglas. They knew Strom Thurmond was going to initiate this 
filibuster. They also knew they might be able to end the filibuster 
early if he had to take a break for a trip to the restroom. They knew 
Senator Thurmond was partial to orange juice, and they brought a 
pitcher of orange juice on the Senate floor next to his desk, hoping he 
would drink it and it would end the filibuster. It did not work. He 
went on for 24 hours.
  You can do it, and the only way to stop it is to file a motion to 
close off that debate called a cloture motion. So in the history of the 
Senate, the record is, in the course of 2 years, 61 filibusters--
roughly 30 filibusters a year. That is the record. Rarely have we 
reached that number--until this year. The Republican minority has now 
broken the all-time record for filibusters in the Senate. I believe the 
number is 58--58--filibusters. So 58 times they have stopped the 
Senate, sometimes for the required 30 hours, but sometimes for weeks at 
a time. They have taken the role of the Senate--a deliberative body--
and turned it into an obstacle course where they toss filibusters in 
front of every suggestion we make.
  Well, I respect this place. I respect this institution. I am honored 
to serve here. But I think the Republican minority has abused the 
tradition of the Senate. Fifty-eight filibusters in 1 year--and we are 
not even finished. This is an indication of their fear--their fear of 
change, their fear of new legislation, their fear that perhaps we would 
put together a bipartisan answer to some of the challenges facing 
America, their fear we will write a record of accomplishment that they 
failed to write when they were in charge. That is what drives this--
fear, fear of the future, fear of change. They are a party without an 
identity. It is the party of the past using the tactics of the past, 
and America can see it.
  I listened to Senator Reid of Nevada, our majority leader. He came to 
the Senate floor to talk about one piece of legislation which he asked 
to bring up for a vote. It is not a radical idea. It is not a big 
government program. It is not an increase in taxes or anything like it. 
Simply put, it is a registry for those afflicted with ALS, Lou Gehrig's 
disease, in the hopes that gathering that information about the 
victims--where they live, how old they are, and their circumstances--
will help us not only provide medication for them but learn about this 
disease.
  Can you think of anything more bipartisan than that? The first victim 
I ever personally saw with Lou Gehrig's disease was a man who served in 
this Chamber. He was a man who was a Senator from the State of New 
York. I mentioned Paul Douglas earlier, who I thought was one of the 
best who ever served in our State. I once asked him, as a college 
student: Who were the greatest U.S. Senators?
  He said: I think Wayne Morse is one of the greatest. And he said: Of 
course, Jacob Javits--a Republican Senator from New York, who was 
honored and respected by my mentor and hero, Paul Douglas, a Democrat 
from Illinois.
  Well, when I came to the House of Representatives, Jacob Javits had 
retired and was a victim of ALS. I would see him in this heroic role, 
coming to Washington, lobbying Members of the House and the Senate for 
research funds on Lou Gehrig's disease. He was in a wheelchair. He had 
lost the use of his arms and legs but for just a minor amount of 
function he had in one hand, and he was on a respirator. He was moving 
around in a motorized wheelchair, on a respirator, begging for funds 
for research for Lou Gehrig's disease.
  How could you ever forget that image? I cannot.
  I think of my neighbor in Springfield, IL, Mary Winning. She lives a 
block away. Her husband Jim was my law partner for years. Mary came to 
me one day half in anger and half in tears over a diagnosis in her 
family of ALS and the fact that she did not think our Government was 
doing enough for research on Lou Gehrig's disease. I know how much it 
meant to her and her family.
  I think of going through the Springfield airport last year and seeing 
a young man who had been a volunteer in one of my early campaigns. I 
said hello to him. He was not there the next week, and I asked what 
happened. He said, well, he had to quit. He has a history of Lou 
Gehrig's disease in his family, and he has been diagnosed. Senator Reid 
said he has, perhaps, 18 months to live.
  So Senator Reid comes to the floor and asks the Republicans to take 
off the hold on the bill for Lou Gehrig's disease. He asked them to 
stop the obstruction, to give the bill a chance--not to just guarantee 
it is going to pass. He would have accepted a rollcall, I am sure. Just 
give us a chance to bring that up on the Senate floor. How much time 
would it take? Thirty minutes? Of course, there was an objection. The 
Senator from Texas, Mr. Cornyn, objected to bringing up the bill on the 
Lou Gehrig's disease registry in America--objected to bringing up the 
bill.

[[Page 33774]]

His reason? He will not let us bring up that bill until we are 
prepared----
  The ACTING PRESIDENT pro tempore. The Senator's time has expired.
  Mr. DURBIN. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to extend my 
remarks under morning business for an additional 10 minutes.
  The ACTING PRESIDENT pro tempore. Is there objection?
  The Chair hears none, and it is so ordered.
  Mr. DURBIN. He, of course, wants us to only allow a registry for Lou 
Gehrig's patients if we will allow a debate on providing $50 billion, 
$60 billion, $70 billion more for the war in Iraq--not paid for--and 
that it happen immediately, even though we have been told by the 
military they have enough funds to continue this war until at least the 
end of February, the first of March.
  Well, that is the price we would have to pay under the Republican 
agenda to bring up a bill for the Lou Gehrig's registry. That is sad, 
and it shows you the extremes they will go to to stop even the most 
benign and bipartisan bill we can think of.

                          ____________________