[Congressional Record (Bound Edition), Volume 153 (2007), Part 22]
[Senate]
[Page 30541]
[From the U.S. Government Publishing Office, www.gpo.gov]




                                  IRAN

  Mr. FEINGOLD. Mr. President, the President of the United States is 
pursuing a strategy towards Iran that is badly flawed, dangerous, and 
likely doomed to failure. I am deeply concerned about Iran's nuclear 
program and its support for terrorism, and by indications that it is 
aiding groups in Iraq that are killing American troops, but the 
administration has so far failed to come up with an effective way to 
address these very serious matters.
  For instance, less than 2 weeks ago the administration designated the 
Quds Force of the Islamic Revolutionary Guards Corps as a material 
supporter of terrorism, and the IRGC for proliferation activities. I 
support sanctions that target proliferators and have introduced 
legislation that would strengthen our sanctions regime, but the 
designation of Iranian government entities raises new policy questions 
that do not seem to have been fully explored, and it may very well be 
counterproductive.
  Moreover, this poorly timed action undermines efforts to win support 
for multilateral initiatives. Instead of acting alone, we should 
maintain and strengthen the international community's collective 
ability to counter Iranian ambitions, including with regard to its 
nuclear program.
  Iran's actions pose serious threats to our national security. But 
aggressive saber-rattling is not an appropriate or effective response. 
The administration has shown repeatedly that it is too quick to turn to 
military power, and its threat, to address problems overseas. It has 
also shown time and again an inability to see the big picture. And it 
still seems to prefer unilateral over multilateral approaches. All of 
these are mistakes we cannot afford to have repeated.
  We can't focus on Iran in isolation, the way the administration has 
focused for so long on Iraq without considering a broader context or 
taking a more comprehensive approach.
  Instead of repeating the myopia of Iraq, the administration should 
approach the problem of Iran through a more strategic lens one that 
incorporates a broader and more integrated vision, that takes into 
account regional concerns, and that is consistent with our top national 
security priority, which is the fight against al-Qaida and its 
affiliates. We need a national security strategy that addresses al-
Qaida, Iran, Iraq, and the many other problems we face. Instead, the 
administration prefers to focus on Iraq, and now Iran, as if we had the 
luxury of addressing these challenges in isolation.
  We must vigorously oppose any efforts by Iran to acquire nuclear 
weapons and its support to terrorist organizations that goes almost 
without saying. But we must curb these actions by seeing the whole 
board and by using more of the tools at our disposal. And that is not 
happening. Instead, the administration is taking an unnecessarily 
belligerent approach that runs the risk of increasing our 
vulnerability, both at home and abroad.
  The United States should be working in unison with the international 
community, which shares our concern over Iran's nuclear program. At the 
same time as the new sanctions were announced, the European Union's 
foreign policy chief, Javier Solana, was meeting in Rome with Iran's 
negotiators to discuss Tehran's nuclear program and discussions among 
the EU+ 3 comprised of France, Germany and the UK plus China, Russia 
and U.S.--are likely to continue at the end of November following the 
completion of another IAEA report.
  In the past, Secretary Rice and others at State have publicly 
supported these talks and expressed confidence in the negotiations. But 
the administration's hard line position is unlikely to win over Russia 
and China, without whom there can be little progress.
  The administration should be trying to persuade our friends and 
allies to increase their economic pressure on Iran, ideally through the 
U.N. Rather than imposing unilateral sanctions, we should be pressing 
the EU to announce multilateral sanctions, which would have a much 
greater impact given that we have not traded or invested in Iran for 
nearly 30 years. Instead, our bellicose rhetoric and hard-line approach 
could be undermining our ability to gain support from--Russia, China 
and even from some EU countries--to implement multilateral sanctions 
that Iran cannot ignore.
  Trying to unilaterally isolate Iran further is unlikely to curb its 
nuclear program. And it won't make sure that Iran does not aid the 
proliferation of and access to weapons in Iraq. Veiled, and not-so-
veiled, threats of military action aren't likely to work either. They 
are, however, likely to embolden Iran's hardliners as they seek to 
thwart moderates in that country who might otherwise encourage dialogue 
or political reform.
  Instead of using the Iraq focused bilateral talks that have occurred 
in Baghdad as a platform from which to build, we are launching 
ourselves on to a collision course that may further endanger U.S. 
troops in Iraq in the near term. And that might only be the beginning. 
Our massive presence in Iraq undermines our ability to deal with Iran. 
It is draining our resources, exhausting our troops, exposing them to 
potential Iranian attacks, and undermining our credibility.
  We should redeploy our troops from Iraq so that we can deal with Iran 
from a position of greater strength. Instead, the President is leading 
us deeper into the quagmire that his misguided policies in Iraq 
created.
  It is essential that those of us here in Congress condemn the violent 
and defiant statements coming out of Iran. But we also have a 
responsibility as a co-equal branch of government to respond to this 
administration's aggressive words, ill-considered decisions and ad hoc 
policies, particularly when they may undermine our own national 
security. Dealing with Iran is a daunting task. But we are only making 
it more difficult with our counterproductive policies of isolation and 
war-mongering. We cannot again succumb to the shortsightedness that 
keeps us fixated on Iraq and drains the attention and resources needed 
to combat threats to our national security around the world.

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